Richard Drummond
Banned
ROMA AETERNA VICTRIX
An Imperial Roman Timeline
Chapter I: Prologue
Chapter II: The Equestrian Emperors
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Roma Aeterna Victrix - An Imperial Roman TL
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ROMA AETERNA VICTRIX
An Imperial Roman Timeline
Chapter I: Prologue
Chapter II: The Equestrian Emperors
Chapter I: Prologue
Richard Drummond
Banned
The Roman Millenium
The year is 247 CE, or as the Romans knew it, 1000 AUC. In its millennium of existence, Rōma had changed considerably, from a tiny village of shepherds in days long forgotten to an empire that straddled the sea once known to the Rōmānī as the Mare Internum, but would forever hence be known as Mare Nostrum, or “our sea”.
The empire stretched from the cold glens of the northern reaches of Britannia to the warm and humid banks of the ancient rivers Tigris and Euphrátēs that had hosted the very first empires of the world. At the head of the empire reigned Imperātor Caesar Mārcus Opellius Antōnīnus Diadumeniānus, commonly known by his cognōmen, Diadumeniānus. It was he who led the Secular Games (Lūdī Saeculārēs) of 1000 to celebrate this momentous occasion for three days. Previous festivals had been held following their revival by Augustus in 736 AUC (17 BCE) but the games of Diadumeniānus were the greatest held yet. To the people of the time, this was a spectacle such as they had never witnessed and never would again. Certainly, the festivities harkened back to the games of Lūcius Aemilius Paullus following his victory in the final Macedonian War. Although Diadumeniānus was emperor, another man would hold a key role in leading the festivals. Iānuārius was the eldest son of the emperor and to mark this momentous occasion, was proclaimed co-emperor with his role during the games, that being the carrying out of day-time sacrifices whereas Diadumeniānus participated alone for night-time sacrifices—the two modelling themselves off Augustus and his son-in-law Mārcus Vipsānius Agrippa. The empire seemed to have reached its peak under the Opellians—peace reigned across all the emperor surveyed and otherwise could scarcely be imagined.
Yet, the Opellians themselves lacked an imperial or even senatorial origin. Diadumeniānus himself had been born on the 14th September 961 (208) to the future emperor Macrīnus, who at the time was Praetorian Prefect. Macrīnus’ origins were as the scion of an equestrian family of Mauri (Berber) origins located in Iōl Caesarēa (Cherchell, Algeria). He had received a fine education, which allowed him to enter the Roman political class, earning a reputation as a skilled lawyer. He fared well under the Septimi Sevērī, having become an important bureaucrat under Septimius Sevērus and later appointed a prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Caracalla. His life was a comfortable one, especially when taking into account his humble origins and yet for whatever reason, he fell out of favour with Emperor Caracalla. Tradition claims that it was prophesied that he would overthrow the emperor and succeed him and thus, fearing for his safety, he plotted the murder of Caracalla before his own condemnation.
After two or three days, Macrīnus was proclaimed emperor—the first to be of equestrian class. The reign of the Septimi Sevērī had come to an end and the reign of the equestrian Opelliī had begun. Yet, the latter did not condemn the former, but rather portrayed themselves as a continuation of their predecessors with Macrīnus taking up the name Sevērus to honor the emperor he had once served, Septimius Sevērus. Therefore, to understand the reign of the Opelliī, one must first look to the year 945 (192) and the death of Emperor Mārcus Aurēlius Commodus Antonīnus.
Prelude to the Septimi Sevērī
Following an increasingly megalomaniacal reign, Commodus had alienated vast swathes of the political environment resulting in a plot to assassinate him made up of his mistress Mārcia Aurēlia Ceiōnia Dēmētriás, the prefect Quīntus Aemilius Laetus and his chamberlain Eclectus. The three were part of Commodus’ ruling cabal and yet all found themselves on a list of people the emperor intended to execute. On the 31st of December 945 (192), Commodus survived a poison attempt by Marcia and thus he had been strangled in his bath by his wrestling partner Narcissus. The final legacy of the wise Antonīnus Pius was dead, and with it died too the Pāx Rōmāna as his memory was condemned by the Senate, who declared him a public enemy. The original name of Rōma and its institutions were restored and his statues demolished.
Pertinax succeeded Commodus as emperor. His origins were rather humble, as the son of a freed slave. He had risen to become an officer in the army and his success in the Bellum Parthicus Luciī Vērī (Parthian War of Lūcius Vērus) led to promotions to higher positions, eventually seeing his way to the rank of provincial governor and urban prefect. He went on to become a Senator and at the time of Commodus’ assassination, Pertinax was serving as urban prefect and hurried to the Praetorian Camp where he was proclaimed emperor. His reign was, however, a short one lasting only 87 days. He had lost the support of the same Praetorian Guard that allowed him to become emperor and thus on 29th of Mārtius 946 (28th of March, 193), he was killed by a soldier of the guard in his palace. Now in control, the Praetorians auctioned off the imperial title—a position bought by the wealthy senator Dīdius Jūliānus.
Jūliānus had outbid Titus Flāvius Claudius Sulpiciānus, prefect of Rōma and Pertinax’s father-in-law, gaining him the Guard’s support. Fearing the military strength of the Praetorians, the Senate was cowed into proclaiming Jūliānus emperor, and he immediately reversed the monetary reforms of his predecessor. His purchase of the title however proved to be deeply unpopular not only with the people, but with the military at large, and this unpopularity resulted in three generals laying claim in his stead—Gāius Pescennius Niger in Syria, Lūcius Septimius Sevērus in Pannonia and Clōdius Albīnus in Britannia. Closest to Rōma was Sevērus who marched upon the capital and watched as the Praetorians deserted the emperor by coin. They surrendered the murderers of Pertinax and the Senate proclaimed Sevērus emperor. Meanwhile, Jūliānus was killed in his palace by a soldier following a short rule of a mere 66 days. According to the famed historian Lūcius Cassius Diō, his last words were, “But what evil have I done? Whom have I killed?” Surely, while no blood stained his hands while in office, his monetary policy had damaged the empire. His currency devaluation began a trend of devaluing the Roman currency which continued at a far larger scale under the Septimiī Sevērī, leading to rampant hyperinflation which caused widespread economic damage. But even before that, his purchase of the office had shattered the illusion of republicanism in the empire.
The Punic Emperor
Septimius Sevērus, in a sense, was a precursor to Macrīnus. Like him, he was not Roman at all, with his origin instead in Leptis Magnā where he was born on the 12th of Aprīlis 898 (11 April 145). His Punic father, one Pūblius Septimius Geta came from a distinguished equestrian family and his own mother, Fulvia Pia, was of Italian descent. Like Macrīnus, Septimius Sevērus was well educated and went on to have a prestigious career with Mārcus Aurēlius granting him entry into the senatorial ranks around 915 (162). Serving as a vīgintivir and state attorney, he would later serve as quaestor upon returning from Leptis. The thinning of the senatorial ranks by the Plague of 918-923 (Antonine Plague) allowed for his career to advance further than it would have otherwise. He later served as one of two lēgātī pro praetōre for his cousin Gāius Septimius Sevērus, the new prōcōnsul of the Province of Āfrica.
Upon serving his term, he took up office as tribūnus plēbium and later was appointed governor of Pannonia Superior by Commodus in 944 (191). It was this that would later allow him to become emperor by proclamation by the Legiō XIV Geminā at Carnuntum following the murder of Pertinax. Without opposition, Sevērus marched into Rōma as the new emperor, facing challenges from Decimus Clōdius Albīnus and Pescennius Niger. As a means of neutralization of Albīnus was granted the title of Caesar, while Pescennius Niger would be defeated at the Battle of Issus—a campaign in which he covered Hannibal Barcā’s tomb with fine marble. Yet, Sevērus had yet to crush all threats to his reign. Following his declaration of his son Caracalla as his successor, Albīnus revolted and invaded Gallia but was defeated on the 19th of Februārius in 950 (197) at the Battle of Lugdūnum. After a long and hard-fought battle, the naked body of Albīnus was brought before Emperor Sevērus who, according to Lūcius Cassius Diō, rode his horse over it. To add insult to injury, while they had initially been pardoned, the wife of Albīnus and his young sons were all beheaded, and their decapitated corpses flung into the River Rhodanus (Rhône).
Following in the footsteps of Trāiānus, Sevērus waged war against the Parthians and annexed northern Mesopotamia following a sack of Ctēsiphōn. He took on the title of Parthicus Maximus and like Trāiānus, failed to capture the fortress of Ḥaṭra. The emperor’s Parthian war would, like many other aspects of his reign, serve as inspiration for the Opelliī. However, another less fortunate commonality shared by Sevērus and the Opelliī were poor relations with the Senate. The Senate had supported Albīnus in his bid for the Principate, and Sevērus had initiated his reign with a letter mocking the Senate being read allowed on the floor that had been received alongside the head of their preferred candidate for office, which had been his opponent, Decimus Clōdius Albīnus. Thus was initiated an era of open military rule, as for more than a century the various emperors had operated under the appearance of maintaining the republic. While Sevērus would continue with the title prīnceps or “first head”, as in the first man of the Senate, he would make it painfully clear throughout his reign that he had no respect whatsoever for the government’s most ancient institution. In fact, the execution of a large number of Senators would come to be a signature of his legacy, mostly on charges of corruption or conspiracy. Although it was not just the Senate that Sevērus came into conflict with; he had the Praetorian Guard discharged and replaced with 10 new cohorts recruited from veterans of his Danubian legions. The military, being the source of power of his military dictatorship, received boons at the expense of the treasury. The number of legions was increased from 30 to 33 and some of the army was stationed in Ītalia—a first. This increase in troops further burdened the treasury due to the annual wage for a soldier being increased from 300 to 400 dēnāriī. In order to pay for this enlarged army, he had debased the Roman currency, decreasing the silver purity of the dēnārius upon his accession from 81.5% to 78.5% although the silver weight increased from 2.40 grams to 2.46 grams. The following year, it was debased further due to said military expenditures and throughout his reign he continued debasement. By the end, his debasement was the largest since the reign of Nerō Claudius Caesar Augustus Germānicus with it dropping to 54% and 1.82 grams respectively. Although beneficial in the short term, it only damaged the long-term strength of the economy.
This would come to good use, however, as the military would be engaged in an African campaign in 955 (202) against the Garamantēs with the entire southern frontier expanded and re-fortified by 956 (203). Later, in 961 (208), Sevērus arrived in Britannia with an army of over 40,000 troops with the intention of conquering once and for all the unruly northern country of Calēdonia. The wall of Emperor Hadriānus was strengthened and the lands up to the wall of Antonīnus Pius were reconquered while the latter wall itself was enhanced. He traced the route taken by Agricola two centuries earlier, where he fought a bitter guerrilla war with the natives that resulted in heavy Roman casualties. Yet, he made territorial gains and forced the Caledonians into suing for peace, even if they would revolt a few years after the fact in 963 (210). The expected campaign of reprisal was cut short when the emperor rapidly fell ill and passed away in Eborācum (York, England) where he had withdrawn to. His war in Calēdonia was ultimately seen by many, especially the inhabitants of the most holy city, as a waste of the public treasury. Lūcius Septimius Sevērus died on the 4th of Februārius 964 (211), and famously told his sons Caracalla and Geta, “Be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, scorn all others.” A grim foreshadowing of events to come.
Caracalla and Geta
Let us compare the sons of Septimius Sevērus—Caracalla and Geta. The former was born Lūcius Septimius Bassiānus but was renamed Mārcus Aurēlius Antonīnus in an attempt to unite the families of Antonīnus Pius and Mārcus Aurēlius. The name by which he is known, Caracalla, emerged due to his Gallic hooded tunic that he made fashionable. He was born in Lugdūnum on the 5th of Aprīlis 941 (4 April 188) and shared both Punic and Arab ancestry, the latter from his mother, Jūlia Domna. He was proclaimed emperor on 951 (198) by his father at the age of 10. In 955 (202) between the ages of 13-14 he served with his father as cōnsul. His second consulship would be three years later, when he would serve with his brother, Pūblius Septimius Geta, who was 15-16 at the time. Already he had shown a willingness for violent action with his fabrication of evidence that led to the head of the Praetorian Guard, Gāius Fulvius Plautiānus, being executed after which he banished his own wife Fulvia Plautilla, Plautiānus’ daughter. In 961 (208) he served again as cōnsul along with his brother. Geta, meanwhile, had a less prestigious career since he was the younger son. He shared the same mother as Caracalla, though the exact location of his birth is unknown, as it may have been in Rōma or Mediolānum (Milan, Italy). He would be made emperor by his father in 962 (209) after having served as cōnsul alongside his brother on two occasions. Despite imperial propaganda of the family being a happy one, this was not the case and the rivalry between the two brothers would only worsen when their father passed away leaving them jointly in rule of the empire.
The brothers ended their father’s unpopular war against the Caledonians and returned the border to the Wall of Hadriānus, however, upon their journey to Rōma, the two quarreled to such an extent that they considered splitting the empire at the Bosphorus, however, these ideas were brought to halt by their mother. The disputes would not last for long, however, as on the 26th December 964 (211), members of the Praetorian Guard loyal to Caracalla murdered Geta at a reconciliation meeting organized by their mother. Following his murder, Caracalla purged his supporters and ordered a damnātiō memoriae which ended in the massacre of some 20,000 supporters according to Lūcius Cassius Diō.
Now sole emperor, Caracalla left Rōma in 966 (213) to deal with the Alemannī on the frontier of Germānia. After a sound defeat of the barbarians, the fortifications of Raetia and Germānia Superior were strengthened. Following this victory, Caracalla travelled to the eastern provinces in spring of the following year, making his way through the Danubian provinces into Anatolia. In 968 (215), he left Nīcomēdīa and headed to Antiochēa and Alexandrēa, staying at the latter until 969 (216). He had the city looted for the popular mocking of his claim that he had killed Geta in self defense before returning to Antiochēa where he set out to lead the army against the Parthī by marching through Armenia—an expedition that would eventually lead to his death.
Still, the young emperor’s legacy was not entirely one of murder, mayhem and war, though it was and remains today one of controversy. The Cōnstitūtiō Antonīniānā issued in 965 (212) that granted Roman citizenship for all free men in the empire except for the dēditīciī, people who had become subject to Rōma through surrender in war, alongside freed slaves. The edict was passed in order to increase state revenue to deal with an increasingly difficult financial situation escalated by the increased amount of money being funneled into the military. Certainly, many Romans throughout the empire bemoaned the rule of the Caracalla and his father, stating that the empire had become an oriental despotism in the style of the Seleucidae or the Persae before them, with an emperor who spent the majority of his time moving about the country with his armies and spent the majority of the people’s money on enriching them and himself. However, this was not the sole purpose of the edict. Certainly, for some time it had been a question among the people of the empire what it meant to be a citizen at all, as such rights had originally only been accorded to ethnic Romans themselves, but had slowly been spreading amongst the upper echelons of foreign nobles in various cities across the empire. Still, at the time of the edict, there was a certain prestige associated with the concept, a prestige that accorded the ancient families of senatorial class a privileged status within society, a privileged status that Caracalla and his father had only enjoyed on paper. After all, they were foreign, and not even of Italian paternal blood. The edict therefore once and for all enshrined the notion that the Senate and the ancient families that made up its ranks were irrelevant. The country was to be ruled at the point of the sword, and if those of Roman blood were no longer masculine enough to be behind that sword, then those who were would take up the mantle. To Caracalla, the Senate was full of bookish, effeminate, corrupt men who could no longer measure up to the likes of his father, men who had supported a man whose naked corpse his father had trampled beneath the hooves of his horse. He would make it known that the fire behind the smoke that was their prestige had long burned out, and so he did when he gave the privilege of citizenship to all free men within the empire’s borders.
Surely, the edict also was an attempt to gain further support from the provincials who could now think of themselves as equal partners to the Romans in the empire. The periphery after all, was now becoming central to its existence. A third reason might also have been to appease the gods with a grand gesture by returning the gods’ favour in protecting Caracalla from conspiracy from the people of Rōma. Ultimately however, his reign would prove more harmful than beneficial. His increased military expenditure forced him to debase the coinage with the silver purity of the dēnārius resting at 55% at the start of his reign, dropping to 51% by its end. In 968 (215), he introduced the antonīniānus to serve as a double dēnārius with a silver purity of 51% between 968-970 (215-217) and was equal to about 1.5 dēnāriī. Due to reduced silver purity of coins, people hoarded the old coinage with higher silver content which worsened the inflation problem caused by earlier devaluations. Caracalla had raised the annual pay of an average legionary from 2000 sēstertiī/500 dēnāriī to 2700-3000 sēstertiī/675/750 dēnāriī. He gave generous pay raises and popular gestures to follow his father’s advice and give the army whatever they desired. He spent much time with the soldiers and imitated their dress and manners. His imitations did not stop at that, following his campaign against the Alemannī, he openly mimicked Alexander Magnus and arranged 16,000 men in phalanxes in preparation for his Parthian campaign. However, these phalangāriī of the Legiō II Parthica might not have been pikemen, but rather standard battle line troops or triāriī.
And thus Caracalla went to war against Arsacidae in 969 (216). He offered a marriage proposal between himself and the daughter of Artabānus V, a proposal that the King of Kings declined. The insult was all the pretext that Caracalla needed, and it was whispered among some of his men that the campaign he had launched was bound to fail, as he was walking in the footsteps of Menelāus rather than Alexander Magnus, going to war for a woman and all. Following a summer campaign, he retired to Edessa where he prepared for a new campaign in spring, though he would meet his end somewhat randomly and anticlimactically at the tip of a pūgiō wielded by a certain Justīnus Martiālis while at Carrhae (Harran, Turkey). Martiālis had been infuriated by Caracalla’s refusal to grant him the position of centuriō, and Mārcus Opellius Macrīnus had exploited his anger in light of the prophesy that would surely have led to his own execution if drastic action had not been taken. This allowed Macrīnus to distance himself from the crime of regicide, and Martiālis was necessarily killed soon after and three days later, Macrīnus was proclaimed emperor with the support of the army.
The Opellian dynasty was inaugurated on the 11th of Aprīlis 970 (217) and the Maurian equestrian would have to navigate the issues left by his predecessors. His work was cut out for him, but would he prove fitted to the task?
The year is 247 CE, or as the Romans knew it, 1000 AUC. In its millennium of existence, Rōma had changed considerably, from a tiny village of shepherds in days long forgotten to an empire that straddled the sea once known to the Rōmānī as the Mare Internum, but would forever hence be known as Mare Nostrum, or “our sea”.
The empire stretched from the cold glens of the northern reaches of Britannia to the warm and humid banks of the ancient rivers Tigris and Euphrátēs that had hosted the very first empires of the world. At the head of the empire reigned Imperātor Caesar Mārcus Opellius Antōnīnus Diadumeniānus, commonly known by his cognōmen, Diadumeniānus. It was he who led the Secular Games (Lūdī Saeculārēs) of 1000 to celebrate this momentous occasion for three days. Previous festivals had been held following their revival by Augustus in 736 AUC (17 BCE) but the games of Diadumeniānus were the greatest held yet. To the people of the time, this was a spectacle such as they had never witnessed and never would again. Certainly, the festivities harkened back to the games of Lūcius Aemilius Paullus following his victory in the final Macedonian War. Although Diadumeniānus was emperor, another man would hold a key role in leading the festivals. Iānuārius was the eldest son of the emperor and to mark this momentous occasion, was proclaimed co-emperor with his role during the games, that being the carrying out of day-time sacrifices whereas Diadumeniānus participated alone for night-time sacrifices—the two modelling themselves off Augustus and his son-in-law Mārcus Vipsānius Agrippa. The empire seemed to have reached its peak under the Opellians—peace reigned across all the emperor surveyed and otherwise could scarcely be imagined.
Yet, the Opellians themselves lacked an imperial or even senatorial origin. Diadumeniānus himself had been born on the 14th September 961 (208) to the future emperor Macrīnus, who at the time was Praetorian Prefect. Macrīnus’ origins were as the scion of an equestrian family of Mauri (Berber) origins located in Iōl Caesarēa (Cherchell, Algeria). He had received a fine education, which allowed him to enter the Roman political class, earning a reputation as a skilled lawyer. He fared well under the Septimi Sevērī, having become an important bureaucrat under Septimius Sevērus and later appointed a prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Caracalla. His life was a comfortable one, especially when taking into account his humble origins and yet for whatever reason, he fell out of favour with Emperor Caracalla. Tradition claims that it was prophesied that he would overthrow the emperor and succeed him and thus, fearing for his safety, he plotted the murder of Caracalla before his own condemnation.
After two or three days, Macrīnus was proclaimed emperor—the first to be of equestrian class. The reign of the Septimi Sevērī had come to an end and the reign of the equestrian Opelliī had begun. Yet, the latter did not condemn the former, but rather portrayed themselves as a continuation of their predecessors with Macrīnus taking up the name Sevērus to honor the emperor he had once served, Septimius Sevērus. Therefore, to understand the reign of the Opelliī, one must first look to the year 945 (192) and the death of Emperor Mārcus Aurēlius Commodus Antonīnus.
Prelude to the Septimi Sevērī
Following an increasingly megalomaniacal reign, Commodus had alienated vast swathes of the political environment resulting in a plot to assassinate him made up of his mistress Mārcia Aurēlia Ceiōnia Dēmētriás, the prefect Quīntus Aemilius Laetus and his chamberlain Eclectus. The three were part of Commodus’ ruling cabal and yet all found themselves on a list of people the emperor intended to execute. On the 31st of December 945 (192), Commodus survived a poison attempt by Marcia and thus he had been strangled in his bath by his wrestling partner Narcissus. The final legacy of the wise Antonīnus Pius was dead, and with it died too the Pāx Rōmāna as his memory was condemned by the Senate, who declared him a public enemy. The original name of Rōma and its institutions were restored and his statues demolished.
Pertinax succeeded Commodus as emperor. His origins were rather humble, as the son of a freed slave. He had risen to become an officer in the army and his success in the Bellum Parthicus Luciī Vērī (Parthian War of Lūcius Vērus) led to promotions to higher positions, eventually seeing his way to the rank of provincial governor and urban prefect. He went on to become a Senator and at the time of Commodus’ assassination, Pertinax was serving as urban prefect and hurried to the Praetorian Camp where he was proclaimed emperor. His reign was, however, a short one lasting only 87 days. He had lost the support of the same Praetorian Guard that allowed him to become emperor and thus on 29th of Mārtius 946 (28th of March, 193), he was killed by a soldier of the guard in his palace. Now in control, the Praetorians auctioned off the imperial title—a position bought by the wealthy senator Dīdius Jūliānus.
Jūliānus had outbid Titus Flāvius Claudius Sulpiciānus, prefect of Rōma and Pertinax’s father-in-law, gaining him the Guard’s support. Fearing the military strength of the Praetorians, the Senate was cowed into proclaiming Jūliānus emperor, and he immediately reversed the monetary reforms of his predecessor. His purchase of the title however proved to be deeply unpopular not only with the people, but with the military at large, and this unpopularity resulted in three generals laying claim in his stead—Gāius Pescennius Niger in Syria, Lūcius Septimius Sevērus in Pannonia and Clōdius Albīnus in Britannia. Closest to Rōma was Sevērus who marched upon the capital and watched as the Praetorians deserted the emperor by coin. They surrendered the murderers of Pertinax and the Senate proclaimed Sevērus emperor. Meanwhile, Jūliānus was killed in his palace by a soldier following a short rule of a mere 66 days. According to the famed historian Lūcius Cassius Diō, his last words were, “But what evil have I done? Whom have I killed?” Surely, while no blood stained his hands while in office, his monetary policy had damaged the empire. His currency devaluation began a trend of devaluing the Roman currency which continued at a far larger scale under the Septimiī Sevērī, leading to rampant hyperinflation which caused widespread economic damage. But even before that, his purchase of the office had shattered the illusion of republicanism in the empire.
The Punic Emperor
Septimius Sevērus, in a sense, was a precursor to Macrīnus. Like him, he was not Roman at all, with his origin instead in Leptis Magnā where he was born on the 12th of Aprīlis 898 (11 April 145). His Punic father, one Pūblius Septimius Geta came from a distinguished equestrian family and his own mother, Fulvia Pia, was of Italian descent. Like Macrīnus, Septimius Sevērus was well educated and went on to have a prestigious career with Mārcus Aurēlius granting him entry into the senatorial ranks around 915 (162). Serving as a vīgintivir and state attorney, he would later serve as quaestor upon returning from Leptis. The thinning of the senatorial ranks by the Plague of 918-923 (Antonine Plague) allowed for his career to advance further than it would have otherwise. He later served as one of two lēgātī pro praetōre for his cousin Gāius Septimius Sevērus, the new prōcōnsul of the Province of Āfrica.
Upon serving his term, he took up office as tribūnus plēbium and later was appointed governor of Pannonia Superior by Commodus in 944 (191). It was this that would later allow him to become emperor by proclamation by the Legiō XIV Geminā at Carnuntum following the murder of Pertinax. Without opposition, Sevērus marched into Rōma as the new emperor, facing challenges from Decimus Clōdius Albīnus and Pescennius Niger. As a means of neutralization of Albīnus was granted the title of Caesar, while Pescennius Niger would be defeated at the Battle of Issus—a campaign in which he covered Hannibal Barcā’s tomb with fine marble. Yet, Sevērus had yet to crush all threats to his reign. Following his declaration of his son Caracalla as his successor, Albīnus revolted and invaded Gallia but was defeated on the 19th of Februārius in 950 (197) at the Battle of Lugdūnum. After a long and hard-fought battle, the naked body of Albīnus was brought before Emperor Sevērus who, according to Lūcius Cassius Diō, rode his horse over it. To add insult to injury, while they had initially been pardoned, the wife of Albīnus and his young sons were all beheaded, and their decapitated corpses flung into the River Rhodanus (Rhône).
Following in the footsteps of Trāiānus, Sevērus waged war against the Parthians and annexed northern Mesopotamia following a sack of Ctēsiphōn. He took on the title of Parthicus Maximus and like Trāiānus, failed to capture the fortress of Ḥaṭra. The emperor’s Parthian war would, like many other aspects of his reign, serve as inspiration for the Opelliī. However, another less fortunate commonality shared by Sevērus and the Opelliī were poor relations with the Senate. The Senate had supported Albīnus in his bid for the Principate, and Sevērus had initiated his reign with a letter mocking the Senate being read allowed on the floor that had been received alongside the head of their preferred candidate for office, which had been his opponent, Decimus Clōdius Albīnus. Thus was initiated an era of open military rule, as for more than a century the various emperors had operated under the appearance of maintaining the republic. While Sevērus would continue with the title prīnceps or “first head”, as in the first man of the Senate, he would make it painfully clear throughout his reign that he had no respect whatsoever for the government’s most ancient institution. In fact, the execution of a large number of Senators would come to be a signature of his legacy, mostly on charges of corruption or conspiracy. Although it was not just the Senate that Sevērus came into conflict with; he had the Praetorian Guard discharged and replaced with 10 new cohorts recruited from veterans of his Danubian legions. The military, being the source of power of his military dictatorship, received boons at the expense of the treasury. The number of legions was increased from 30 to 33 and some of the army was stationed in Ītalia—a first. This increase in troops further burdened the treasury due to the annual wage for a soldier being increased from 300 to 400 dēnāriī. In order to pay for this enlarged army, he had debased the Roman currency, decreasing the silver purity of the dēnārius upon his accession from 81.5% to 78.5% although the silver weight increased from 2.40 grams to 2.46 grams. The following year, it was debased further due to said military expenditures and throughout his reign he continued debasement. By the end, his debasement was the largest since the reign of Nerō Claudius Caesar Augustus Germānicus with it dropping to 54% and 1.82 grams respectively. Although beneficial in the short term, it only damaged the long-term strength of the economy.
This would come to good use, however, as the military would be engaged in an African campaign in 955 (202) against the Garamantēs with the entire southern frontier expanded and re-fortified by 956 (203). Later, in 961 (208), Sevērus arrived in Britannia with an army of over 40,000 troops with the intention of conquering once and for all the unruly northern country of Calēdonia. The wall of Emperor Hadriānus was strengthened and the lands up to the wall of Antonīnus Pius were reconquered while the latter wall itself was enhanced. He traced the route taken by Agricola two centuries earlier, where he fought a bitter guerrilla war with the natives that resulted in heavy Roman casualties. Yet, he made territorial gains and forced the Caledonians into suing for peace, even if they would revolt a few years after the fact in 963 (210). The expected campaign of reprisal was cut short when the emperor rapidly fell ill and passed away in Eborācum (York, England) where he had withdrawn to. His war in Calēdonia was ultimately seen by many, especially the inhabitants of the most holy city, as a waste of the public treasury. Lūcius Septimius Sevērus died on the 4th of Februārius 964 (211), and famously told his sons Caracalla and Geta, “Be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, scorn all others.” A grim foreshadowing of events to come.
Caracalla and Geta
Let us compare the sons of Septimius Sevērus—Caracalla and Geta. The former was born Lūcius Septimius Bassiānus but was renamed Mārcus Aurēlius Antonīnus in an attempt to unite the families of Antonīnus Pius and Mārcus Aurēlius. The name by which he is known, Caracalla, emerged due to his Gallic hooded tunic that he made fashionable. He was born in Lugdūnum on the 5th of Aprīlis 941 (4 April 188) and shared both Punic and Arab ancestry, the latter from his mother, Jūlia Domna. He was proclaimed emperor on 951 (198) by his father at the age of 10. In 955 (202) between the ages of 13-14 he served with his father as cōnsul. His second consulship would be three years later, when he would serve with his brother, Pūblius Septimius Geta, who was 15-16 at the time. Already he had shown a willingness for violent action with his fabrication of evidence that led to the head of the Praetorian Guard, Gāius Fulvius Plautiānus, being executed after which he banished his own wife Fulvia Plautilla, Plautiānus’ daughter. In 961 (208) he served again as cōnsul along with his brother. Geta, meanwhile, had a less prestigious career since he was the younger son. He shared the same mother as Caracalla, though the exact location of his birth is unknown, as it may have been in Rōma or Mediolānum (Milan, Italy). He would be made emperor by his father in 962 (209) after having served as cōnsul alongside his brother on two occasions. Despite imperial propaganda of the family being a happy one, this was not the case and the rivalry between the two brothers would only worsen when their father passed away leaving them jointly in rule of the empire.
The brothers ended their father’s unpopular war against the Caledonians and returned the border to the Wall of Hadriānus, however, upon their journey to Rōma, the two quarreled to such an extent that they considered splitting the empire at the Bosphorus, however, these ideas were brought to halt by their mother. The disputes would not last for long, however, as on the 26th December 964 (211), members of the Praetorian Guard loyal to Caracalla murdered Geta at a reconciliation meeting organized by their mother. Following his murder, Caracalla purged his supporters and ordered a damnātiō memoriae which ended in the massacre of some 20,000 supporters according to Lūcius Cassius Diō.
Now sole emperor, Caracalla left Rōma in 966 (213) to deal with the Alemannī on the frontier of Germānia. After a sound defeat of the barbarians, the fortifications of Raetia and Germānia Superior were strengthened. Following this victory, Caracalla travelled to the eastern provinces in spring of the following year, making his way through the Danubian provinces into Anatolia. In 968 (215), he left Nīcomēdīa and headed to Antiochēa and Alexandrēa, staying at the latter until 969 (216). He had the city looted for the popular mocking of his claim that he had killed Geta in self defense before returning to Antiochēa where he set out to lead the army against the Parthī by marching through Armenia—an expedition that would eventually lead to his death.
Still, the young emperor’s legacy was not entirely one of murder, mayhem and war, though it was and remains today one of controversy. The Cōnstitūtiō Antonīniānā issued in 965 (212) that granted Roman citizenship for all free men in the empire except for the dēditīciī, people who had become subject to Rōma through surrender in war, alongside freed slaves. The edict was passed in order to increase state revenue to deal with an increasingly difficult financial situation escalated by the increased amount of money being funneled into the military. Certainly, many Romans throughout the empire bemoaned the rule of the Caracalla and his father, stating that the empire had become an oriental despotism in the style of the Seleucidae or the Persae before them, with an emperor who spent the majority of his time moving about the country with his armies and spent the majority of the people’s money on enriching them and himself. However, this was not the sole purpose of the edict. Certainly, for some time it had been a question among the people of the empire what it meant to be a citizen at all, as such rights had originally only been accorded to ethnic Romans themselves, but had slowly been spreading amongst the upper echelons of foreign nobles in various cities across the empire. Still, at the time of the edict, there was a certain prestige associated with the concept, a prestige that accorded the ancient families of senatorial class a privileged status within society, a privileged status that Caracalla and his father had only enjoyed on paper. After all, they were foreign, and not even of Italian paternal blood. The edict therefore once and for all enshrined the notion that the Senate and the ancient families that made up its ranks were irrelevant. The country was to be ruled at the point of the sword, and if those of Roman blood were no longer masculine enough to be behind that sword, then those who were would take up the mantle. To Caracalla, the Senate was full of bookish, effeminate, corrupt men who could no longer measure up to the likes of his father, men who had supported a man whose naked corpse his father had trampled beneath the hooves of his horse. He would make it known that the fire behind the smoke that was their prestige had long burned out, and so he did when he gave the privilege of citizenship to all free men within the empire’s borders.
Surely, the edict also was an attempt to gain further support from the provincials who could now think of themselves as equal partners to the Romans in the empire. The periphery after all, was now becoming central to its existence. A third reason might also have been to appease the gods with a grand gesture by returning the gods’ favour in protecting Caracalla from conspiracy from the people of Rōma. Ultimately however, his reign would prove more harmful than beneficial. His increased military expenditure forced him to debase the coinage with the silver purity of the dēnārius resting at 55% at the start of his reign, dropping to 51% by its end. In 968 (215), he introduced the antonīniānus to serve as a double dēnārius with a silver purity of 51% between 968-970 (215-217) and was equal to about 1.5 dēnāriī. Due to reduced silver purity of coins, people hoarded the old coinage with higher silver content which worsened the inflation problem caused by earlier devaluations. Caracalla had raised the annual pay of an average legionary from 2000 sēstertiī/500 dēnāriī to 2700-3000 sēstertiī/675/750 dēnāriī. He gave generous pay raises and popular gestures to follow his father’s advice and give the army whatever they desired. He spent much time with the soldiers and imitated their dress and manners. His imitations did not stop at that, following his campaign against the Alemannī, he openly mimicked Alexander Magnus and arranged 16,000 men in phalanxes in preparation for his Parthian campaign. However, these phalangāriī of the Legiō II Parthica might not have been pikemen, but rather standard battle line troops or triāriī.
And thus Caracalla went to war against Arsacidae in 969 (216). He offered a marriage proposal between himself and the daughter of Artabānus V, a proposal that the King of Kings declined. The insult was all the pretext that Caracalla needed, and it was whispered among some of his men that the campaign he had launched was bound to fail, as he was walking in the footsteps of Menelāus rather than Alexander Magnus, going to war for a woman and all. Following a summer campaign, he retired to Edessa where he prepared for a new campaign in spring, though he would meet his end somewhat randomly and anticlimactically at the tip of a pūgiō wielded by a certain Justīnus Martiālis while at Carrhae (Harran, Turkey). Martiālis had been infuriated by Caracalla’s refusal to grant him the position of centuriō, and Mārcus Opellius Macrīnus had exploited his anger in light of the prophesy that would surely have led to his own execution if drastic action had not been taken. This allowed Macrīnus to distance himself from the crime of regicide, and Martiālis was necessarily killed soon after and three days later, Macrīnus was proclaimed emperor with the support of the army.
The Opellian dynasty was inaugurated on the 11th of Aprīlis 970 (217) and the Maurian equestrian would have to navigate the issues left by his predecessors. His work was cut out for him, but would he prove fitted to the task?
Richard Drummond
Banned
I will not be able to give exact dates sadly. I write the chapter and then send it to a friend who handles the linguistic side of things. Unfortunately, he's a busy man and so he will be irregular at finishing his side of the project. Tomorrow I start work on Chapter II and will have it sent to him by the end of next week. When he finishes with the linguistics is anybody's guess.
Richard Drummond
Banned
Thank you, I've always been sympathetic to the Berbers and thought that the idea of a Berber dynasty would be an intriguing one hence the unorthodox POD. Plus, Macrinus seems he had much potential as a sensible emperor unlike what followed.
Interesting, Emperor Macrinus sounded near ASB at first but you do make it sound possible. Plus, let's hope he can do better...
Interesting premise. I'm interested in how the next 40-50 years of what IOTL was pretty much anarchy, is going to go.