Revolutionaries - A Queensland TL

Legal weed, gay marriage and reparations to the Stolen Generation?

Sounds great. :D :cool:

yes but the economy would be fucked because of animal rights.

anyway great tl, and some of the best writing ive seen on the site, its a hell of a lot more readable than some of the crap that gets written up, i'd even call it several steps up from turtledove.

and thank god she never got anywhere and im a bit sad bracksy didnt win, i dont think victoria could survive 4 more years of Kennet
 
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and thank god she never got anywhere and im a bit sad bracksy didnt win, i dont think victoria could survive 4 more years of Kennet

Well, as we say in these parts -- don't you worry about that...

Short post, again, but I'm building up to the big climactic finale of Part 1. (Part 2 will have to wait a while until I've readjusted to uni -- I can't stop writing this, which is unfortunate given all the other things I'm meant to be doing.)

Day 431...

They emerged, bleary-eyed, into the bar at breakfast. It was already full with men, farm labourers mostly, who believed that a breakfast was properly consumed in tinnies.

Alanson and Mark took up places at the bar as the conversation turned, inevitably, to politics. Jeff Kennett had announced that he would move to Canberra and challenge Reith for the leadership, even though he didn’t even have a seat yet. That didn’t matter: insatiable ambition would not be denied. Those at the bar who knew of Kennett loathed him, as a Hanson-bashing farm-hating big-city small-l liberal; those who didn’t know of Kennett simply didn’t care.

They let Mark and Alanson into the conversation easily. Mark, never good with names or faces, knew that the three closest to him were named Terry, Sam and a hulking, singlet-bound mechanic known only as ‘Price’. It emerged, over casual drinks, that Mark was a One Nation staffer – second, he commented offhandedly, only to Hanson herself.

‘Pauline, huh,’ said Terry. He paused, less for significance than for want of something to say.
‘She’s been awesome, I reckon,’ said Sam, swigging for emphasis. ‘Like Sir Joh come back. Country people have been ignored for a long time – she’s the first one in years to know how we think.’
‘You really think so?’ asked Alanson. He was smiling, slightly.
Sam raised his hands. ‘Hey, she may have been hell for you, pal, but I’m talkin’ about Australians here.’
‘You think I’m not Australian?’
‘You know what I mean, mate. White Australians. I’ve got two sons who were never going to get jobs before her – now, one’s training to be a carpenter and the other’s a plumber.’ He claps Mark on the back, causing him to cough foul-smelling, thick and salty beer through his nose. ‘Keep up the good work, mate.’
‘I don’t like her,’ Price rumbled. They turned towards him. He spoke in a deep Aussie drawl; barely comprehensible to someone from down south, with a strong Irish overlay. ‘The blacks up north never bothered me. They kept to themselves on their land. Don’t see why it bothers me where they live or how they say they own it. But she meddles. She bullies.
‘If they’d stayed they would have just sucked up the whole state,’ Sam drawled. ‘See, native title means that wherever they live, they get to keep, right? Do you get to do something like that? Nah, because all the politicians feel sorry for them. My kids were gonna be unemployed their whole lives, we didn’t even sewage in Longreach until Hanson arrived, but I’m white, so they ignore me.’
‘That’s not the way it works,’ said Alanson, a native title lawyer by day.
‘Wasn’t asking you, mate,’ snapped Sam. ‘Look, I got no problem with black people. I’m sitting here drinking with you, ain’t I? But you’ve got to join the rest of the community. You want jobs? Then you gotta learn English, hitch up your pants and live where the rest of the state does. That’s just life, mate.’
‘Don’t like her,’ Price repeated. ‘And I won’t vote for her again.’
‘Who will you vote for, then?’ asked Terry, rejoining the conversation after a while lost in thought.
‘Dunno. We need a new party.’
‘We’ve got four.’
‘Another one, then. Keep making them until we get one right.’
‘What do you think of her, Terry?’ asked Mark, seizing the advantage for some impromptu polling. Terry shrugged. ‘Dunno. I like that she’s always talking Australia up, you know? Instead of bastards like Keating, always knocking the place, ‘arse end of the world’ and all that. I like the ‘nation-building’ stuff she does – the little stuff, like the new park in Hughenden, or the roads. She sticks up for Queensland – when all the southerners talk about us like we’re just a bunch of hicks, she sticks up for us. I like that.’
‘Thought you said you didn’t know, though,’ said Alanson. He glanced briefly at Mark, to make sure he was paying attention.
‘Yeah...’ said Terry, hesitantly. ‘I agree with Price – the Aborigines weren’t hurting anyone, except themselves. I mean, I know a bunch of your mob – they’re good blokes, mostly, and Hanson’s just kicking them around. And it’s the Asians, too. Sure, we can’t let ‘em all into the country, but they’re hard workers, and smart, too. Making life hell for them...that’s kinda racist.’
‘Multiculturalism was surrender,’ said Sam, staunchly. He thumped his glass on the bar, for emphasis – it sloshed onto the coaster, and an elderly waitress (hair in a tight bun, wrinkles etched across her face like squiggles) mopped it up. ‘We’re Australia. We know the stuff we believe. We know who we are and who we aren’t. You come here, you love it or leave it. That’s the way it works.’
‘Yeah, I know that, mate,’ said Terry uneasily. ‘But she goes too far, maybe. I dunno. Like I said, I dunno.’
Alanson gulped down the last of his glass, paid for the beer and the upstairs room. ‘Thanks, mates. See you round.’

They were deep inland now. Any city worth the name was hundreds of kilometres beyond the horizon. Towns passed intermittently, appearing as a petrol station, turning to houses and a boarded-up main street, and finally disappearing. The wheels of the car were by now caked with dust. They swapped drivers more frequently than they needed to, simply for something to do.

At eleven am, they sat in an abandoned roadside shelter. Every surface – the corrugated iron roof, the scorching dunny, the road sign showing how far they were from anywhere – was covered in dense, scrawling, incoherent graffiti. The spray-paint was peeling off. No one had been here for weeks, months even.

Mark chewed into his cold, slimy ham sandwich, bought from the pub in the morning. Finally, he said, ‘If you change the government, you change the country.’
Alanson, lost in his own thoughts, looked up. ‘Hm?’
‘It’s what you said yesterday. About Whitlam, and shaping how people think. Back in the pub: you think any of them would have thought of themselves as English? Or Irish? Or little Americans?’
Through a mouthful of gristle, Alanson asked, ‘No; what are you getting at?’
‘They were proud. Proud of being Australian. Proud of their government, proud of their nation’s achievements, proud of how we punch above our weight in the world. It seems to me,’ Mark swallowed a reluctant piece of chicken, perched in his molars, ‘it seems to me we haven’t had a government like that before. It’s either been about acknowledging past failure or present inferiority. Hanson’s the first leader who’s been able to say: OK. I feel good about my country.
Alanson snorted, spraying fine fragments of bread. ‘Feel good? When my people are dispossessed? When racism is acceptable in political discourse? You saw those people on the streets, Mark. Are you just theorising or do you actually believe this?’
‘Maybe Hanson’s what we need,’ said Mark. ‘Harsh medicine. She can make patriotism acceptable again. She’s the cure to the cultural cringe. Any Australian socialism has to be rooted in a sense of national unity. Of solidarity, compassion for your fellows. We’ve forgotten that; we’ve lost that sense of ‘mateship’, I guess, the sense we’re all in this common enterprise together. Maybe she can reclaim that. She’ll do more for the left than any other politician.’
‘She’s cutting the country to bits. Taking her bit and leaving the rest to fall apart.’
‘Social services are universal. If we can encourage people to believe in their responsibility to their whole country, and the importance of a just and fair community...well, that’ll help all of us. Whoever we are. The best way to help your people is to build that sense of national pride and unity. And only Hanson does that.’
Alanson put away his sandwich. He raised a hand, as if to rebut, then lowered it. ‘I’m not going to try and talk you out of it,’ he said quietly. ‘I’m just going to let you see.’

They returned to the endless driving. When they entered Charters Towers, it was astonishing – even a town of 9000 people astonished those who had been on the road for far too long. They ate takeaway chicken, battered to perfection and deep-fried until it was less bird than gristle, in a new city park. The grass was unnaturally green; Alanson touched it, tentatively, and grinned. ‘It’s fake.’
‘Doesn’t matter,’ said Mark, not smiling. ‘And don’t laugh. Cities need parks. Cities need town halls. Cities need lighting and sewage and libraries. Every other government has ignored these things, but we haven’t.’
Alanson rolled his eyes. ‘I know, mate, I know. But still...fake grass? It’s gonna look great for a year and then it’s going to be ruined. You might as well put paper down and scribble on it with green textas.’

They drove east, into Townsville, a real city, a sprawling suburban paradise in the tropics. That was the idea, anyway. It was night by the time they arrived. Streets were lined with shanty towns, for a dispossessed population. Beggars lined the streets, huddling under streetlights and outside shop windows for warmth. City shoppers pushed past them or ignored them. They were everywhere and yet invisible.

‘My people,’ said Alanson, sitting in the passenger seat. He watched the shacks of paper and fibro on street corners and pavements, in parking spaces and vacant lots. ‘The people of the northern cape. We have a culture that lasts before your people had even colonised Europe. We have dozens of languages, sophisticated and beautiful, and a cosmology more akin to quantum physics than religion. We survived the harshest land on Earth for millennia and yet retained its beauty. And we are reduced to this.

‘There are tens of thousands of us in Townsville. Exiles. You drove us out of far north Queensland. There were thirty thousand of us there – surely you should have considered what this would wreak? To destroy entire communities, to drag us from our homes and give us – what? Wage subsidies? Easy to say when there are no employers who would hire us, when we don’t even have homes or schools.’

‘The peoples of the north came down here. To Townsville. Do you want to meet them?’

Mark couldn’t say no.

The Aboriginal Legal Aid Centre had lost its funding in the first days of the Hanson government. It was kept alive by donations, small fees (too much, though, for some of those who sought its assistance), and the goodwill of those who worked there. Paul Alanson was greeted with cheers and hugs when he walked in; this was his office, after all. Those who recognised Mark shouted curses and epithets. He curled up inside his jacket.

Clients lined the walls of the waiting room. They looked emaciated, cold, and desperately poor. They called out to Alanson as he walked past.

‘Bro, they’re gonna lock me up! I didn’t do it, bro!’
‘Third strike – for Tim Tams, man! I’m gonna lose my kids for Tim Tams!’
‘He kicked me out! Just because I’m black, mate, just because I’m black! Can’t you do something?’
‘Bro, I need help. Some money, a place to lie down, I don’t care, just...’

Paul pulled Mark through the shouting into his office. On one wall was a picture of Hanson with a Hitler moustache scratched on. Mark blanched when he saw it. Paul grinned. ‘Trust me, mate, I wouldn’t have put it up if I didn’t know you were coming.’
Mark sat down on a plastic chair. ‘How many clients do you have?’
Paul spread his hands wide. ‘Everyone, mate. Discretionary Powers Act allows police to charge us for just being on the streets. And the thing about being homeless, mate, the thing about having your house bulldozed and your family exiled, is that you don’t have many places to live, except the street. So they get ‘detained’, and if you get ‘detained’ enough times it becomes grounds for a charge. And under Hanson you get one charge, and the law comes down on you like the fist of God. These people are getting sent to jail for being homeless. How’s that fair?’

An awkward pause.

‘Well...’ said Mark, uncertainly, ‘at least they won’t be homeless anymore, then?’
Paul slammed the table with his fist. A crack opened up in the plastic. ‘Goddamn it, Mark!’ he roared. ‘Jesus Christ, what the hell is wrong with you?’

Seething, he said, ‘Tomorrow. I’m not waiting to drive you up into the north. We take a light plane and you see what your girlfriend has done to my people.’
 
Sounds great, BlackMage! Unfortunately now, I'm starting to get the chills, as it sounds unnaturally close to home. :eek:
 
And...the end of Part 1. (Part 2 is the downfall, of course.) I can finally get around to slowing the pace of updates, as we build up to uni exams. But this should be enough to keep you satiated for a while.

Day 432...

They descended into Cooktown early; a distance that had taken hours to cover before took a matter of minutes. They were, by now, very far from home. The town (barely even a village, or a hamlet) was surrounded by jungle; the heat, even in August, was stifling. The man at the rent-a-car desk looked to the skies, doubtfully.

‘Looks like there’s gonna be a storm,’ he said. ‘Where you fellas driving?’
‘We want to see where the settlements were,’ Alanson said. ‘Is that gonna be a problem?’
The man snorted. ‘Mate, you can go wherever you want. But there ain’t much left to see.’
‘Precisely.’

They drove a heavy four-wheel-drive onto rugged paths and down mountain slopes. The forest was thick on either side; birds chattered and sang in shrieking voices, and Mark thought he could see possums, leaping from branch to branch.

‘This is Kokowarra country,’ said Alanson. ‘My father’s lands. There’s a tiny little village, Laura, a few miles ahead. Or at least, there used to be.’

Laura was nothing. A few houses, a crossroads between the highway and a dirt track. Every house was abandoned. They climbed out of the car; Alanson checked the sign on the only shop’s window. ‘Town Vacated By Order of the Minister for Lands.’

Rubbish blew through abandoned streets. Gardens were overgrowing. Garbage bins, never collected, had been spilled over by winds and rain; fruit rotted in compost heaps. Birds had taken to nesting in abandoned houses.

‘This was a centre for Aboriginal art,’ said Alanson, oddly hushed. ‘A lot of it, I’ll admit, was rubbish; just taking advantage of white guilt to sell sub-par plagiarised patterns. But some of it was beautiful...’

Mark, with bureaucratic eyes, saw the broken windows, the pitted roads, the collapsing infrastructure. Even before the evacuation, Laura had been poor. Now, it felt like some glimpse into a time after mankind.

They returned to the road. Every hour or so, they would enter another of the abandoned settlements. They were tiny places, once home to fifty people or less, too small to destroy, too small, really, to survive without human maintenance for long. The rainforest had already begun to encroach. In the afternoon, they found a town that they could not even identify. Strangler figs had gotten into the pub; they crawled over every surface, ripping up the bar, shattering the windows, and slowly – it could take years – pulling the entire structure back to Earth. They watched the broken building in silence. They had still not seen anyone in the entire trip. Some communities with significant white populations, like Weipa, had been preserved; but in the deep interior of Cape York, no town had been spared.

‘It’s...affecting,’ said Mark, of the pub. ‘I wish I’d seen this earlier.’
‘Damn right,’ said Alanson, sounding reassured. ‘Come on. We’ve got a hell of a long way to go on a road that’s barely there. I want to reach Aurukun by nightfall.’

They turned off the main road near Archer River (a silent community; although not evacuated, the removal of the surrounding population had gutted its economy, and led to its abandonment), and sank into wilderness. Sunlight was blocked by the canopy of trees; broken and rusted cars lay by the side of the road, evidence of past travellers trapped here. Even their cursory and repetitive conversations, which had sustained them on the long road to Townsville, fell silent. Soon, even the birds fell quiet.

The first raindrops hit the windscreen at three pm. Alanson swore violently and repeatedly.

‘What’s wrong?’ asked Mark. ‘This car can handle a bit of rain, can’t it?’
‘This isn’t Brisbane, Mark,’ Alanson snapped. ‘It starts to rain here, we could get washed off the road. We’re barely even on a road, here. If this gets worse, we’ll have to stop for the night.’

But the rain eased, somewhat, turning instead to a fine drizzle that merely intensified the humidity. Sweat poured down Mark’s face, and pooled in his armpits. Every surface in the car seemed to glisten. They grew short-tempered, snapping at each other if the car bumped or swerved. They had reached, it seemed, the end of their tether.

It was sunset by the time they reached Aurukun. With heavy clouds on the horizon, the sunset was magnificent; the whole world seemed to glow red in the light of it. Puddles, raindrops, and glass surfaces reflected the sunset, giving the sense of pooling fires.

Aurukun had been ‘the worst town in Queensland’. Mark had visited before, when working for Goss, and had been appalled: by the low education standards, by abominable health care, by the poverty and desperation of the local population. It was his frustration that Labor didn’t seem to notice rampant poverty that had driven him out of the party, and into One Nation. He felt that he alone could see the effects of economic rationalism, and that every existing party was tainted by it. Aurukun was, to him, evidence of the total failure of government compassion, charity, and their role to guide and protect the community.

Aurukun was silent.

Aurukun was gone.

The government men had arrived in May, with planners and bulldozers and government authority. They had ordered startled families out of their homes. They had paid for evacuation, even for accommodation of removed families for a few weeks, but their compassion extended no further.

They had set dynamite around the bases of buildings and brought them down in great explosions. They had ripped up the roads and let mud seep into the cracks. They had smashed the houses and sorted the rubble, creating great pyramids on every block. They had placed signs of ‘Extreme Danger’ around the town, forbidding access. They had fought legal battles with those who attempted to stay, that even now showed no sign of abating, but a cowed judiciary (kept in check by the People’s Tribunals, overturning any verdict unfavourable to the government) had been unable to stem the tide.

Aurukun, as they entered, resembled the aftermath of a war zone. Every house was a crater. There had been no attempt to remove the rubble from the remains, or to impose some order on the ruins. Instead, a town that had once been home to a thousand people was left simply to moulder. It was enough that it was uninhabitable.

They saw signs of humanity in the ruins. Furniture which could not be removed by evacuated residents was simply left in the buildings as they were detonated. Chair legs lay on streets and in gutters. Garbage was strewn everywhere; a foul stench perforated every surface as it rotted. Paper was blown about on the breeze. Newspapers, books, even photo albums: all had been disturbed into constant activity by the explosions and the rain.

They left their car near the centre of town. Trees had begun to converge. Birds had set up nests and colonies in the remains of structures. What had once been a town hall was now home to thousands of parrots, of every colour, shrieking and squabbling for position inside.

Mark staggered out. He slipped on the broken road and fell to his feet amongst the rubbish. Mud stained his jeans and his hands. He looked up, and saw a street of smashed and broken houses. His hands, scrabbling for position as he tried to pull himself to his feet, disturbed a newspaper, lying trodden in the dirt. It was the Courier-Mail, from March 21, 1999. A Hanson Landslide, said the headline.

He pulled himself back up. The hastily-erected signs warned him about the dangers of the town. Vast regions had been ‘quarantined’ from human habitation, all across the north; corresponding precisely to areas of Indigenous habitation, and areas where land rights had been established.

Mark and Alanson stood together as the sun set over the ‘town’.
‘Not even Joh did this,’ said Alanson. ‘Even the most despicable racists had never imagined a project such as this. Even the most heated opponent of land rights, the most demented newsletter-scribbler, had never planned the evacuation of the north. Do you know why she did this, Mark?’
Mark shook his head, numbly.
‘My people are tied to the land, in a manner completely alien to European sensibilities. It is our religion. It is our inheritance. It is the source of our identity. We gain our identity as Aborigines from our lands – from the continuity of that tradition. When I stand on my people’s land, I stand in the footsteps of my ancestors, back tens of thousands of years. I know who I am.’

‘Hanson cannot bear that we have a distinct identity. One Nation’s entire ideology is about oneness. All decent Australians are essentially the same. The existence of such an independent culture in her country is more than she can bear. She cannot stand that we flaunt our difference. That we are proud of our difference.’

‘So she tried to destroy the source of our identity. She severed us from our lands, as much as she was able. Now we are marked out from you only by skin. She has not gone so far as past assimilationists – she has not tried to ‘breed out the colour’, to sever children from families and to cut our next generation off from its history.’

‘But do you really think, Mark, that if she had the power – that she would not?

All this washed over Mark. He took staggered steps in each direction. He felt rubble squelch and break beneath his feet. He looked down – some plastic toy, made unrecognisable by mud, was stuck to his foot.

‘Renounce her, Mark,’ said Alanson. ‘Admit you were wrong. Only if you admit it can you try and redeem the atrocities you’ve helped create.’

Silence. Even the birds seem to wait.

Mark spoke haltingly. Every word was forced. ‘It’s all a question of numbers.’
What?
‘Two hundred thousand new jobs created. $274 million worth of Trust grants. Hundreds of millions more for schools. Hundreds of millions more for hospitals. Apprenticeship rates up 57%. Unemployment down to 4.5%. School retention rates up 20% from two years ago.’
‘Mark, please...’
‘$500 million for school infrastructure over three years,’ said Mark, with increasing confidence. ‘$10 billion on education next year. $10 billion on health. And then there’s your people.

There was a new derisory tone in his voice.

‘125 000 in Queensland. 3% of the state population. The quarantined areas are less than 10% of the state. Immigrants: 700 000 in the state. Less than 15% of the population.’

Mark seemed to pause, briefly. He realised the significance of his thoughts: that his life seemed to hinge on this.
‘This isn’t important.’
Alanson was stunned. He stuttered, stammered for words, gestured. ‘But this—
‘Is a tragedy, yes. It’s horrible. It’s...awful, racist, sickening, all that. But my work is more important.’
‘More important,’ Alanson hissed. ‘This is genocide, Mark. Ethnic cleansing in Australia. In 1999, for f***’s sake!’
‘Funding for health and education up 40%,’ said Mark serenely. ‘Capital spending of $15 billion. The lowest unemployment rates in the nation. That’s more important – a fair and equitable society.’
‘You’re damned, Mark,’ Alanson said viciously. ‘You cannot accept this. This is not some compromise. You cannot excuse this!’
‘This is the price I pay,’ Mark said softly. ‘A bit of moral comfort for the future of Queensland. I’m willing to accept that.’

Alanson stared at him. His mouth moved, occasionally, as he tried to grasp this, but failed.

Mark spread his arms. ‘One Nation’s given me everything. I’ve been able to help people, in a way I’ve never managed before. I’ve got power, money, even a bit of fame – and I’m in love, Paul. I’ve never been in love before – never even had a friend before. All I have to do is overlook this. That’s a reasonable trade-off, isn’t it? To increase the prosperity and happiness of millions of Queenslanders, to be happy in a way I’ve never been before – and all I have to accept is this? All I have to ignore is this?’
Alanson closed his eyes.
‘You’re a monster, Mark,’ he said softly.
Mark tried to rebut this, then fell silent.

‘Yeah,’ he said. ‘But it’s worth it.’

Postscript: that scene really could have gone either way. If you want to see what happens if it does go the other way, read Advance Australia, linked to in my sig. But as I scaled up One Nation's schemes and policies, going from 'disagreeable' to 'unconscionable', I decided I wanted to drag Mark down with them.
 

Japhy

Banned
Fantastic read! I expected Mark to back off and denounce One Nation, it was shocking to see his damnation being so easily accepted by him

But looking back at it, the man is a fanatic about his precious economic plan, add in the fact that he's fallen in love with an utterly dispicable person, its not at all hard to see him damn the Aborigines and Immigrants of Australia, after even seeing the horror he has created. And that makes the read even better.

Since this is the end of part one, I cant wait to see the damnation of Mark and One Nation, in part two.
 

Seldrin

Banned
Probably the best addition so far, I personally am a little torn on how to react to Mark since he's disgusted with the whole racism thing but he still wants to help the rest of the peope.
 
Breathtaking.

The sad thing is, if you put me in his shoes I would probably have done the same thing.

A really interesting and thought-provoking work
 
As an American, I stand in utter shock at how One Nation was able to enjoy even the brief success that it had in OTL. There are literally no words to describe it. It would be like the Constitution Party getting elected in several western states, and proceeding to trample upon the rights of everyone who isn't white and native-born. And seeing Mark's descent, his willingness to blind himself to Hanson's heinous crimes for the sake of his economic vision, just blew my mind.

BlackMage, this deserves to be published.
 
As an American, I stand in utter shock at how One Nation was able to enjoy even the brief success that it had in OTL. There are literally no words to describe it. It would be like the Constitution Party getting elected in several western states, and proceeding to trample upon the rights of everyone who isn't white and native-born. And seeing Mark's descent, his willingness to blind himself to Hanson's heinous crimes for the sake of his economic vision, just blew my mind.

BlackMage, this deserves to be published.


Along with his other works such as but not limited to: The Lunar Dream, Advance Australia and Well May We Say
 
Well, thank you all so much. It's astonishing to have so many people read and enjoy this -- it's highly damaging to my social skills (example: Whaddaya mean, no service? People read my work, you fool! They PRAISE me, mortal! Now get me a table! A BIGGER table!) but really nice. Thank you.


Fantastic read! I expected Mark to back off and denounce One Nation, it was shocking to see his damnation being so easily accepted by him

But looking back at it, the man is a fanatic about his precious economic plan, add in the fact that he's fallen in love with an utterly dispicable person, its not at all hard to see him damn the Aborigines and Immigrants of Australia, after even seeing the horror he has created. And that makes the read even better.

Since this is the end of part one, I cant wait to see the damnation of Mark and One Nation, in part two.

Thank you very much; I will enjoy writing the damnation of One Nation and Mark, in that order. I think it'll be entirely satisfying for the same impulses that have led him to this point to become ultimately self-destructive (without giving too much away...)

Probably the best addition so far, I personally am a little torn on how to react to Mark since he's disgusted with the whole racism thing but he still wants to help the rest of the peope.

Well...yes, he says he wants to help the rest of the people, but my personal impression of him is that he's a fanatical ideologue much more than an altruist. He wants to establish a socialist (or at least social democratic) society. He wants to achieve a certain political program. To get there he's prepared to sacrifice friends, political allegiances, political expediency and ultimately his morality. I write a lot of despicable characters (because they're fun to write), but I find it hard to write Mark, simply because his philosophy is ultimately so amoral and single-minded. I imagine that he goes well beyond Aspergers' syndrome into autism.

Breathtaking.

The sad thing is, if you put me in his shoes I would probably have done the same thing.

A really interesting and thought-provoking work

Thank you, again; your comments have always lifted my spirits after a hard day. (Same goes to all of you.)

As an American, I stand in utter shock at how One Nation was able to enjoy even the brief success that it had in OTL. There are literally no words to describe it. It would be like the Constitution Party getting elected in several western states, and proceeding to trample upon the rights of everyone who isn't white and native-born. And seeing Mark's descent, his willingness to blind himself to Hanson's heinous crimes for the sake of his economic vision, just blew my mind.

BlackMage, this deserves to be published.

Ah. The 'publication' thing. Well:

  • Publishing something you've posted for free on the internet is, I imagine, really difficult.
  • It's not a novel and it's not a 'fake history'; I can't imagine any publishing house would be interested in this sort of stuff.
  • It'll end up being around 50 000 words, which is too short for a novel but too long for a novella -- in the neutral zone inbetween.
  • It doesn't really have a plot -- 'bad guy gets worse' is not a plot, and neither is 'conservative state gets more conservative'.
  • I'm only 18, very busy, and don't really have much discretionary cash to send my stuff off to manuscript reviewers and editing houses.
But I really appreciate the compliment. Trouble is, and this is the main point, it really probably isn't. I've been working on a few stories so far (I'd like to add to CCA's plug The Fifth Hamlin, my favourite), all extensive and all following rather similar themes and plots, and with each one I develop towards something publishable. But I'm not there yet.

Once again: thank you all very much.
 
There were a lot of Germans who rationalised Nazism. It is a human trait to justify any position as alright if it is for the greater good. Calvinism, the Inquisition, Stalinism, Nazism - well you get my drift.

Your portrayl of Mark (I really wish you had picked a different name) shows some insight into how the leadership of a particularly narrow minded, tunnel visioned fanactical group can naturally develop from basically decent people. Look at the recently published pictures of the staff from a German extermination camp where they are on a picnic and you could not pick them as different from any other group of the time. Ordinary people whose moral compass and common humanity are somehow deflected by a poisionous ideology whose true colours may not be immediately apparent and who are sucked into the movement incrementially by identifying with only some aspects of it but eventually identifying with all of it.

Keep up the good work you are giving me some ideas to consider.
 
Have you ever heard of Lulu.com? They can publish this for you.

Ah. The 'publication' thing. Well:

  • Publishing something you've posted for free on the internet is, I imagine, really difficult.
  • It's not a novel and it's not a 'fake history'; I can't imagine any publishing house would be interested in this sort of stuff.
  • It'll end up being around 50 000 words, which is too short for a novel but too long for a novella -- in the neutral zone inbetween.
  • It doesn't really have a plot -- 'bad guy gets worse' is not a plot, and neither is 'conservative state gets more conservative'.
  • I'm only 18, very busy, and don't really have much discretionary cash to send my stuff off to manuscript reviewers and editing houses.
But I really appreciate the compliment. Trouble is, and this is the main point, it really probably isn't. I've been working on a few stories so far (I'd like to add to CCA's plug The Fifth Hamlin, my favourite), all extensive and all following rather similar themes and plots, and with each one I develop towards something publishable. But I'm not there yet.

Once again: thank you all very much.
 
I had a few hours, so I wrote up the first part of Part 2, which, after a long and boring introduction, follows a more conventional 'narrative structure', with actual events rather than detailed explanations of policy.

Anyway, future updates won't be so frequent, because, as I never tire of explaining, I really should be doing something else.

Days of Malaise: Late 1999 and the Decline of Hanson

After the defeat of the Republic referendum, Hanson was at her zenith. She enjoyed high levels of popularity in Queensland, and across Australia. The capital works projects of her Treasurer, Wayne Robinson, had ensured a dramatic (if somewhat illusory, given the high level of state subsidy involved) cut in unemployment; the Queensland manufacturing industry, moribund during the 1980s and 90s, was showing signs of revival; and the parliamentary party was kept disciplined and in lock-step behind Hanson – anomalous for a body composed of so many ideologies, with figures from all professions and philosophical outlooks.

The decline of Hanson’s popularity in the period following the republican referendum can be attributed to four factors. The first factor may be described as ‘deprivation of political oxygen’, caused by the dramatic leadership skirmishes within the federal Liberal Party. Peter Reith ascended to the leadership accidentally, in March 1999, shortly after the Coalition’s disaster in the Queensland state election. A routine factional ballot escalated into a challenge to Peter Costello, largely premised as a staged show of support for the leader; it hence shocked everyone involved, including Reith, when Costello was toppled after only six months in the job. Reith’s ascension was owed largely to a sense that the Coalition, to survive as a viable entity, needed to win back Hanson supporters, who were repelled by Costello’s social liberalism and economic rationalism. Reith campaigned against the Beazley government, at the time enjoying high levels of popularity, on a hard-right platform, pledging to abolish multiculturalism, curb Aboriginal land rights and restore ‘traditional values’ in schooling.

The experiment failed. Reith shed small-l liberal supporters to Labor; the resulting decline in the polls gave strength to Costello supporters, who relentlessly and openly undermined Reith. The ensuing image of Coalition disunity led to increased support for One Nation. In August, Liberal Premier of Victoria Jeff Kennett, a social liberal and extreme economic conservative, announced his intention to challenge Reith for the leadership. The first challenge, launched despite Kennett lacking a seat in federal Parliament, failed; Kennett then executed what became known as ‘the Swap’, trading seats in state and federal Parliaments with MP Kevin Andrews. For the next few months, Kennett openly and in increasingly vitriolic terms attacked Reith, at one point nearly being expelled from caucus. In December 1999, Kennett finally triumphed over Reith, taking the leadership and promising ‘two years of brimstone for Kim Beazley’.

The effect of the prolonged, often comical Liberal soap opera (at one point, Alexander Downer offered himself as a compromise candidate between Costello, Kennett and Reith; he was forced to back down when his promised supporters refused to second his motion) was to deprive One Nation of media oxygen. Hanson thrived upon extensive press coverage of her actions and achievements, especially when it took the form of outrage. Her government, which took pride in its fast-paced, tumultuous nature, paled to grey compared with Canberra shenanigans.

The second factor was the limitation of her field of movement by the federal government. States, in Australia, have no defined powers; they can simply act in those fields which the federal government does not have control of. As the High Court has, as stated policy, adopted constitutional interpretations favourable to a broad view of federal powers, this means the states are restricted, in effect, to the provision of services and the creation of rhetorical controversy. Through the ‘races’ power, Beazley restricted Hanson’s anti-multicultural initiatives; through the Aboriginal affairs power, he prevented her from rolling back land rights; and through federal control over taxation, he prevented her spending and revenue programs from going far outside the bounds of normal state practice. With Kennett’s ascension to the Liberal leadership, a bipartisan ‘cordon sanitaire’ was set up around One Nation legislative activity, restricting Hanson to the implementation of policies accepted by the two major parties.

The third factor was a revived Labor opposition, under Terry Mackenroth. Mackenroth dumped many of Labor’s traditional social policies, reinventing the party as an economically populist, staunchly nationalist party – in short, One Nation only backwards and in high heels. The party declared its support for One Nation’s industrial development and employment policies; refused to protest over the anti-Asian and anti-Aboriginal rhetoric of many senior ministers; and, in a debate on further tightening Queensland’s abortion laws, took a staunchly pro-life line, refusing a conscience vote. Mackenroth, a veteran MP and unsentimental machine politician, saw the need to re-invigorate Labor’s working class base, who had heavily swung against the party towards One Nation in 1999.

The fourth factor, however, was the most important in assessing the decline and fall of the Hanson government. It was that One Nation had succeeded. One Nation, as a populist party campaigning based on Hanson’s image and a series of bland pleasantries, was never marked by particularly substantive policies. By the end of 1999, police powers had been expanded; mandatory sentencing had been introduced; spending on regional health, education and welfare had been massively increased; the apprenticeship scheme had been implemented; the school curriculum had been amended, to remove references to frontier conflict, the development of Indigenous policy, and even the introduction of multiculturalism; community introduced referenda had been introduced, although only two had been held; and the Queensland Trust had been generously, extravagantly funded. These were substantial achievements. They also constituted the entirety of One Nation’s platform.

Hence, the government entered a period of drift, without a sense of direction or purpose. The party was divided into three factions. For one, ‘the traditionalists’, One Nation existed almost entirely to reform Indigenous and immigration policies; this group saw the Queensland government as a platform, a base from which they could bide their time before seizing federal power. Hanson’s chief of staff, Samantha Calden, widely considered the second most powerful figure in government, was favourable to this faction.

A second group was broadly based around the ideas of policy adviser Mark Vass, a self-described ‘social democratic nationalist.’ They saw One Nation as a radical populist party, based on opposition to economic rationalism, corporations, and privatisation, and favoured a massive expansion of the role of the state. They arose largely from disillusioned Labor supporters, resentful of the Hawke government’s embrace of neoliberal economic policies. Vass, architect of the 1999 victory, had handpicked several candidates for industrial and traditionally Labor areas; once elected, they provided a power base in caucus.

The third faction were fostered and encouraged by economics adviser and former investment banker Steven Mann, a man with a long history of financing far-right movements. This group had grown out of fringe, extremist ‘anti-socialist’ movements in Queensland, and the ideas of Joh Bjelke-Petersen. They were in diametric opposition to Vass’ faction; they wished to implement sweeping economic change, slashing taxes, eliminating ‘wasteful’ spending and generally reducing the role of the state. Their ideas were those of the American ‘militia’ movement and the libertarian far right; they saw taxation as theft, gun control as totalitarianism and bathing as optional.

Power in the Hanson government was little advanced beyond feudalism. Hanson appointed ministers, dominated cabinet, and determined the course of government policy. Favourites vied for attention and plotted endlessly for advantage. Torn between three different factions and lacking deep convictions of her own, government was paralysed.

The effects of this paralysis, and the general sense of inertia surrounding the government after its early frenzied activity, became evident in February 2000. Kennett, after his election as Liberal leader, devoted himself to destroying his enemies. Reith, Costello, Downer, Adelaide MP Christopher Pyne, and WA MP Wilson Tuckey all resigned in close succession, forced out by unequivocal ultimatums. Hanson hoped to win Tuckey’s seat, poll well in Pyne and Reith’s seats, and did not contest the blue-ribbon, upper-class electorates of Costello and Downer. In the event, One Nation polled poorly. It gained only 22% of the vote in O’Connor (Tuckey’s seat), failing to reach the two-party preferred, and was negligible in Flinders and Boothby. [1] A significant swing towards the Liberals, energised by Kennett’s leadership, in each seat pointed to renewed danger for Beazley. It is perhaps a sign of One Nation’s declining fortunes that the consequences for their party were scarcely noted.

[1] Reith and Pyne’s seats.

Day 550...

They were curled up together on Mark’s couch, her elbows jutting awkwardly into his sternum, his hands squashed beneath her back. The Simpsons blared on TV. Mark mouthed the familiar lines beneath his breath, adopting simulacra of the voices as the situation warranted.

‘...cut taxes, and rule you like a king! That’s why I did this! To protect you from yourselves!’
He turned towards her. ‘Now, if you don’t mind, I have a city to run.’
Samantha snorted. ‘Liberal bias. I don’t know how you can watch this stuff. It’s poisoning kids’ brains.’
Mark half-shrugged, causing a small landslide of Samantha. ‘It’s funny. It’s smart. Like you.’
She rolled her eyes.

In a darkened corner of the room, outside the small circle of blue televised light, the phone rang. Samantha struggled up, instinctively brushed her hair into a more professional flow, and stumbled over to answer.

‘Samantha Calden? Yeah, I live with him now. Yeah, it’s a dump, but he’s sweet, so it works out. Uh-huh. Jesus, say that again. Coalition figures?’ She snorted. ‘Sounds about right. Some good news, at least. Got federal figures? Uh-huh. Huh. You’re right, it sucks, but what you gonna do? OK, I’ll call back. Bye. Bye.’

She slammed down the phone, and punched a wall.

‘Hey!’ called Mark, mildly. He was still trying to regain sensation across his chest. ‘They’re not thick walls, you know.’
‘Latest Newspoll figures,’ she spat. ‘Sample base of 2000. We’re at 29% -- barely what we got two years ago. Labor’s at 40%. We’re dead in the water.’
‘It’s a dip,’ conceded Mark. ‘A big dip. But it’s not real. At election time, people will recognise what we’ll done, and they’ll be grateful.’
‘No they won’t,’ snapped Samantha. ‘They’ll go with Labor, who offer the same thing except cheaper and with plastic smiles. We’ve got to offer something new. The voters are easily tricked – they’ll go with whoever tickled their chins last.’
‘Well, fantastic!’ cried Mark. ‘I’ve been talking to Hanson about Happiness Dividend for months now, and she hasn’t even blinked. This could be—‘
Happiness Dividend.’ Samantha blinked. ‘That’s Sweden with Starships again, isn’t it?’

Mark was hurt by this. Happiness Dividend was his plan for the next twenty years of One Nation government in Queensland. The government would borrow heavily, to finance industrial development in the state’s west. Government incentives would be given for the settlement of the north, where vast, Snowy River Scheme-style projects would create irrigated areas, power, and eventually perhaps even turn the northern rivers inland, to transform deserts into fertile plains. [1] Every citizen would receive a world-class education, courtesy of highly-financed public schools, and receive universal and comprehensive healthcare from birth; they would go on to be trained at internationally-acclaimed technical training institutes, before entering lifelong jobs in primary and secondary industries – to which they would travel on gleaming, high-tech train lines crisscrossing the state. Samantha had come up with the name ‘Sweden with Starships’. The name had quickly spread through government bureaucracy; Mark’s elaborately costed, meticulously detailed graphs had merely spread the merriment.

‘Mark, she’s not interested,’ said Samantha, as gently as she could manage. ‘The Premier’s a fiscal conservative. Sure, we love what you do on unemployment, and industry, and healthcare – that’s all fantastic. But this is...too big.’
Mark grimaced. With yellow cartoon children in the background, a petulant expression and wearing blue pyjamas, he appeared childish. Then he brightened. ‘Well, maybe poor polling will encourage her to make the investment.’
Samantha climbed down onto the couch, and kissed Mark on the cheek. ‘Honestly,’ she murmured, ‘I have no idea why I like you.’
Mark, pinned down beneath her, smiled gamely. ‘Well...neither do I. At this point, I’m just hoping you don’t notice.’
She laughed politely. She kissed him again, but he shifted his head around. He giggled.

‘Heh. Princeton? Grr...’

[1] These plans are effectively the Bradfield Scheme, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bradfield_Scheme, with added dams and power plants and planned, architecturally beautiful communities. For more on the scheme, read What If?, Stuart Macintyre and Sean Scalmer, MUP, 2006.

Day 542...

Mark was working in his office on budget estimates. The health program was causing particular trouble. The revenue base, given One Nation opposition to payroll tax increases, was effectively static – and yet there was a constant flow of retirees into the state, with the population under 25 actually decreasing. Political factors played a role, no doubt – One Nation came third, behind Labor and Liberal, amongst young voters, and the elderly were the party’s strongest supporters, all around Australia. But it made budgeting inconvenient.

Mark’s pen hovered over scrolling columns. Should he cut the dental program? The regional inoculations program? Fat from the workers’ compensation budget? Every project was precious. He saw, in every plotted red line through a project, a child dying of preventable illness, an injured worker wheezing his way to painful forced retirement, a former veteran dying of pneumonia on a street corner. He could agonise over healthcare policy in a way he never could over the plight of the First Australians.

His phone rang, relieving him of the reverie. He picked up the receiver:
‘Mark? It’s Wayne Robinson, here. Get down to my office right now. Run.’

Mark arrived, short of breath, and gasped against a door. Wayne clapped him on the back.

‘Mr Vass, you’re a disgrace to physical fitness. How are you, mate?’
‘Good,’ Mark gasped. ‘Working on budget estimates for you. Looking good.’
‘It was, yesterday. Then I got this steaming pile dumped on my desk.’
Wayne picked up a sheaf of pages from his desk. It was a thick, bound document. The Freedom Future in big letters on a formatted title page. ‘Steven Mann’ written below, in even bigger writing. Wayne flicked through the pages; Mark saw graphs, tables, pictures of smiling children.
‘Now, I don’t think Mann’s the Antichrist the way you do, Mark,’ said Wayne. ‘But this thing’s a nightmare. Did he bother to give you a copy?’
Mark shook his head.
‘Didn’t think so. It’s pretty obvious he wants your job. He doesn’t want to waste a copy on you. It’s his ‘economic blueprint.’ The damn thing’s a nightmare. It’s the League of Rights, H C Nicholls, Ayn Rand, all the fringe stuff rolled into one. Implementing this thing would be like pulling teeth with a string tied to your nana’s pubic hair. But that’s nothing compared to selling it.’
Wayne handed the document to Mark. ‘Now, your ideas are damn silly too. Sometimes I think I’m the only half-sane person working for this damn party. But you’re my kind of silly and he’s just effing crazy. You want to protect everything we’ve built together, you’ve gotta take the fight to Steven. Kick him off the walls and around the office and then cut him out of the party. Use scalpels, if you have to.’

In his office, Mark read The Freedom Future. He made notes, in red pen, in a notebook. Soon, he had to move to a second notebook. He scribbled out passages in the document that were so objectionable he couldn’t bear to look at them. He ripped out an entire chapter, page by page, and chewed on it. Then he spat out the pulpy mess.

Anti-socialism. That was the motivating force of the Queensland right, for decades: opposition to anything that smacked of communalism, of using the state to help the poor, of anything other than thrifty, flinty self-discipline. They could support rorted subsidies to farmers. They could support foreign corporations, spending any amount necessary to build up the state. But the idea that free enterprise was not everything, that the state could be a protector and carer for the people, that government could be the driving force behind increasing the happiness of the people...

...well, that was anathema.

The Freedom Future was based on tax cuts. It suggested a state budget of $15 billion, down from $35 billion under Vass. [1] Every state tax that they had the ability to cut would be cut, often repealed. Only the federal income taxes, which they could not rescind, would remain – the state would survive on federal largess, at least until they could seize power nationally and bring free market wisdom to the Federal Taxation Office. From this, state revenues would be ruthlessly pared back. Everything would be sold. Schools, hospitals, infrastructure, even policing would be placed in the hands of the market. The ‘Queensland government’ would be, if not killed, then at least brought close to drowning.

There was, Mark had to admit, a weird kind of beauty about it all. He was a fanatic – he’d be the first to admit that. A dreamer. An ideologue. There was an alien and foreign ideology animating this horrid document, a sense of righteous purpose (steeped in decades of newsletters and thinktanks) underlying every syllable. It envisaged Queensland as an agrarian paradise, where citizens provided for themselves and their families through good, honest labour. Where any services necessary were provided by local communities, without parties or politicians. Where corporations competed in an open market, vying to shed the most savings onto you, the consumer. Individuals would live serenely, without concern for an overbearing, foreign government, that wished to take their guns, their religion and their liberty. It was underpinned by the faith of cowboys and superheroes. [2]

Steven’s office was on the top floor of the Parliament building. Brisbane shone in the hot summer sun behind him. Skyscrapers glittered like pillars of fire. As he walked in – casually, trying to seem cool – Mark felt insecure. He was a geek, a tinkerer, a man born to backrooms. Steven, with his affected British accent, his sunglasses, and his immaculate white suits, was a showman. A dazzler.

‘Mr Vass!’ drawled Steven. ‘How can I help you? How goes the revolution?’
‘I’ve read your document, Mr Mann,’ said Mark, through gritted teeth. ‘It’s not government policy. And it never will be.’
‘Really?’ asked Steven, in mock surprise. ‘And how do you know that?
‘Because I’m Policy Director.’
Steven’s grin said everything about how he viewed Mark’s longevity in that position.
‘This government, Mr Mann,’ said Mark, ‘is a government opposed to economic rationalism. It is a government for the working poor. It is a government of industrial cities, abandoned by Labor and Liberal governments; of farmers, deserted by their supposed representatives; and of industrial development. It does not need your Montana fantasies. It does not need Atlas Shrugged in proposal form.’
‘Nice,’ smirked Steven. ‘Did Samantha come up with those zingers?’
No, Mr Mann. I did.’ He placed his knuckles on Steven’s desk, and enjoyed the anger that flickered across his rival’s face. ‘I left the Labor Party because of people like you. Spivs. Market fanatics. People too wrapped up in their own little inner-city cliques to notice the people who their policies destroy. You come crawling into my party,’ Mark began to savour the monologue, drawing out his vowels, ‘dragging your far-right friends, your militia mates, your business buddies, and you expect to slash and burn your way through our beliefs. I will fight you to the end of the earth, Mr Mann.’

Steven grinned like a shark. ‘I’m gonna get your job, Mark,’ he said, softly. ‘And your party. But it’s not your party, is it? You’re stuck to it, like a remora, because no one else will have you. Little Boy Lost, still in the days of command-and-control economies and the welfare state and the Second International. People like you are killing this country. Fattening us. Wiping our arses for us. We – me and my people – have been waiting in the wilderness for a long, long time. We’ve fought Communism. We’ve fought the gun laws. We’ve fought international capital. And we’re gonna steamroll you, mate.’

They stayed fixed there. Seconds ticked on. Sunlight glinted off a glass of water on Steven’s desk. When Mark spoke again, it was in a whisper.

‘This government,’ he said, ‘will not cut a cent from our spending or our revenues. You and your far-right fantasies will be sliced out of the party and thrown to the street. I would rather bring down this Premier and this government than let you have it. Any Minister who supports you is out of a job. I will not stop, not ever, until everything you represent is on the bonfire of history.’

He lifted his knuckles from the desk, ostentatiously took a swig of Steven’s water. ‘Your proposal’s rejected, Mr Mann. Now get back to work.’

[1] Figures extrapolated from http://www.budget.qld.gov.au/at-a-glance/2008-09/queensland-state-budget-at-a-glance-2008-09.pdf
[2] Steven’s ideas are taken from Andrew Markus, Race, and his history of far-right movements in Queensland. Mark’s ‘Labor, circa 1950’ ideal of One Nation is not characteristic of Queensland extremist politics in general. Far-right social policies are, generally, accompanied by far-right economic policies as well. One Nation was unique, at least in TTL, in that it appropriated many of the ‘agrarian socialist’ ideas traditionally associated with the National Party, with other fringe movements did not.
 
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