Caesar Biden
Banned
I want you all to know this thread is in fact, not dead, and I'm going to be reviving it soon. I apologize profusely for the hiatus, but rest assured I've been working on it; in fact, some of what caused the wait was me researching far into the future, sometimes on subjects that, on the surface, have little to do with Rome at all (as a strict believer in the butterfly effect, I think a PoD changes the whole history of the rest of the world in a matter of weeks. This means the whole freaking new world has to have its history re-written alongside the Old, which, though rewarding and fun, is going to be difficult!)
To all my loyal readers, I want you to know something: I want this TL to be my Great Work, my biggest contribution to this site, one that explores a whole range of consequences and deals with issues far broader than "And then Rome conquered this place and was invaded". I may have gotten caught up in this overzealous ambition, but you should at least know I sincerely care about this TL and I hope you don't give up on it.
Here's another (shorter) update, on a rather important year (and a little more) for Rome. By the end of this week, we'll be storming right into the chaos that is the Second Crusade, which is (IMO) a whole lot more fun to talk about than it's OTL counterpart
.
The year 1158 opens promisingly for Rome. Having secured Edessa, Isaakios stays there for a while, consolidating Roman control and planning his next move against Nur ad-Din. When news of a Second Crusade reaches the ears of Alexios, he is incredibly annoyed, but as always the older Basileus shows no outward signs of frustration. If Rome was to prosper, it had to defeat one of its enemies at a time.
In March, the delegation sent to the Danishmends returns with Melik's acceptance of Alexios' terms. The Beylik had played for time all winter, but with Rome on the ascendancy and the strategic situation increasingly getting better for the Christians, he realizes he has no choice. Immediately, he must fight to secure this reluctant peace, as several disgusted Ghazis have raised his second son Mahzun Danishmend as Beylik in an attempt to circumvent him. Melik remains in control of Sivas and most of the army, but Mahzun retreats to the countryside to drum up support. It will be very difficult to root him out. This is viewed as a win-win by the Romans, as it ensures their new vassal won't jump ship at the first sign of weakness.
But later that month, the worst possible thing happens. Whilst having a discussion with his younger brother Isaakios on how best to attack the Moslems, Alexios is seemingly struck down by god, falling inexplicably to the ground. Panic strikes the Romans when they find that he has no pulse. Within half an hour the entire camp knows that Basileus Alexios Komnenos, Defender of the Romans, is dead.
The question of succession is a difficult one. Though Nikephoros, son of Alexios, is technically his heir, many doubt the ability of an 8 year old to rule in such a crisis. They would prefer the Megas Domesticos, Isaakios, over an unproven boy. However, Alexios still carries great respect among his soldiers even from beyond the grave, and because of this respect no one wishes to quite set Nikephoros aside. Instead, Isaakios Komnenos is raised on the shields of the Roman army as co-emperor of the Romans, to rule alongside Nikephoros as Senior Emperor. Upon the death of Isaakios, the throne is to pass solely to Nikephoros, not either of Isaakios' two sons.
Isaakios immediately dispatches his eldest son Theodoros, who is no more than 14 himself, to Constantinople with a small contingent of men and gold. To make the journey as quick as possible, they travel by sea through Antioch, which is firmly loyal to Isaakios due to the obvious Latin and Muslim threat. The goal is to reach Constantinople before any cries of rebellion can be heard and to at least somewhat manage the oncoming chaos of the crusaders.
The campaign in Syria continues, but Nur ad-Din refuses to give battle. He retreats to Mosul, preparing his reprisal. Christian forces are unable to attack him there; his army is still formiddable, and supplies from Antioch have a difficult enough time as it is reaching them. It doesn't help that the season is now summer, making campaigning far inland even more dangerous in the hot and dry climate. Instead, they resume the siege of Aleppo, where their supply lines are short and sustainable..
The siege faces quite a few issues. King Baldwin, shockingly, has no desire to expand Roman power in Syria. He has plans for a Duchy of Aleppo as a "neutral" crusader state, the Basileus obviously disagrees. If Jerusalem held control of Aleppo (which any crusader state would ultimately side with), Antioch would be completely exposed to future Latin attacks, which is unacceptable to Isaakios. The city of Antioch is the second largest in the empire, incredibly wealthy through its strategic location as a terminus in Eastern-Western trade. Reality had already superseded over Zealotry: Although this war had started as a religious conflict where Christians stood together, these Christians were now winning and started to care a lot more about the spoils. These issues would only compound upon themselves as the campaign wore on.
Meanwhile, Western Crusaders began pouring east. Many have been swayed by the zealous words of charismatic priests and clerics, both against the Heathen Muslims and even at times the Schismatic Greeks. The more greedy and ambitious seek the promise of wealth and glory in the rich Eastern lands, while the more pious view this as a sacred mission. Regardless of their reasons, piracy and looting in the Eastern Mediteranean skyrocket. The journey East is difficult even for richer armies, and it is, after all, much less expensive to simply take much needed food and supplies than buy them.
In Constantinople, things are getting difficult. Kata, mother to Nikephoros, has wasted no time gathering her son's supporters around her. Acting quickly, she has Nikephoros Crowned Emperor, making no mention of Isaakios. When Theodoros turns up with the body of Alexios and a mission to secure the Queen of Cities for his father, he is barred from entering the city. Rash and ambitious, Theodoros will not be denied, and instead crosses into Thrace. It is here Fredrick Barbarossa enters the equation.
Two Germans walk into a mosque. No one walks out. Ever again.
The Bavarian Duke, upset with his prospects in Germany, is one of the earliest participants of the Second Crusade. He had traveled from his homeland, briefly stopping in Italy where the ambitious young noble with flaming hair had first been given the name "Barbarossa". Charismatic and devout, Barbarossa had built up a substantial following in both Germany and Italy before traveling down the Dalmatian coast, headed for the Holy Land. In contrast to many later Western crusaders, Barbarossa refused to steal or plunder from the various Roman cities in his path, instead purchasing the supplies he needed. After a long year, he had finally made his way to Thrace and sought transportation across to Anatolia where he and his army could eventually reach the Holy Land.
Theodoros, never soundest of mind, reaches out to Fredrick. Supposedly, he offers Barbarossa "a large sum of gold, to be determined upon the capture of the city (i.e loot)" in exchange for his assistance in capturing Constantinople and defeating the traitors within its walls. Barbarossa of course refuses. Not only is he determined to only fight the muslims, but attacking the City of Men's Desire would be suicide. No Western conglomerate of Knights and Crusaders could ever take Constantinople, not even with naval superiority (which they certainly did not have)*1. Instead, he negotiates with Nikephoros (read: His mother, Empress Kata) to cross the Bosphorus into Asia. This will not be the last time we hear of Fredrick Barbarossa.
It is unclear why Theodoros made such a seemingly suicidal move right outside Thrace. Some modern historians argue he only hoped to scare Kata into opening up the gates, but is far more likely Theodoros acted out of blind rage. Regardless of his reasons, when word gets out of what might have happened, all of Rome is furious. Desperate, Theodoros flees south, out of Thrace, ending up in Thesalonika where he can cross back to the safety of Anatolia. Although he survives the ordeal, these actions will haunt his political prospects for years to come.
When news reaches Isaakios, he is furious, both at Kata and his own son, but also worried. If he does not reach the Western ends of his Empire soon, there could very well be a civil war on his hands, something he is desperate to avoid. However, to leave would be to give up Aleppo to the Latins, and knowing their track record Isaakios fears for Antioch or Edessa in the future. In the end, he makes the only logical choice and heads back West, leaving the conquest of Aleppo for another day. He makes no official peace treaty with Nur ad-Din, but he does leave significant parts of his army at Caeseria and Edessa to defend against future attacks. Leaving thusly, he concedes that Aleppo will fall under the control of the Latins.
Rushing back to the straits ahead of his army, the Basileus is eager to end the insurrection against him as quickly as possible, through diplomatic means. Kata, too, has no desire to see a war tear her family's Empire apart. In the Imperial retreat of Nicaea they meet and come to an agreement; and essentially they both agree to the solution Isaakios laid out months ago in Syria. Although the compromise names Nikephoros as co-emperor of Isaakios, all understand the real two in power are the old Basilea Kata and the new Basileus Isaakios.
Many view the aborted conflict of 1158 as a misunderstanding, an instance where paranoia and ambitious hindered clearer minds and almost ended up worse. Upon closer inspection, however, this explanation is a gross oversimplification that fails to see the deeper conflict at play. We can see a large disconnect between the army and the Eastern frontier provinces and the people of Rome in the West, particularly Constantinople. This was not a vain attempt at grabbing power by the Basilea Kata, but a clear statement that Nikephoros, and more broadly Constantinople, could not be sidelined in the matter of sucession.
All this means very little to the people of Rome at the time, though. Isaakios and Kata are welcomed into Constantinople with thunderous applause, and after six months, the funeral for Alexios can finally take place. A well respected and sometimes loved Basileus, most of the city turns up to mourn Alexios. Time will only tell if the new regime can be as sucessful at maintaining the delicate balancing act of managing the ship of state.
The historical judgement of Alexios II has always been a positive one, though it has varied to what extent. He was certainly an excellent administrator and general, capable of maintaining Rome's growing economy and expanding the military to include more native elements. On the other hand, Alexios probably had little to do with a lot of this; Roman population, wages, and general quality of life was increasing rapidly, meaning the state could afford to expand its expenses while keeping the current tax rates.
His greatest failures were twofold: One, the lack of tact in foreign policy that ultimately turned many of Rome's neighbors against it. This led to constant warfare and the need for an ever larger military sustained by even more conquests, enraging Rome's neighbors. It would take years for his sucessors to regain credibility as anything but warmongers, and the zeal with which Western Crusaders attacked Rome during the Second Crusade can be traced right back to this. Secondly, his failure to check the nobles of Rome. They would only grow in power over the reign of Alexios II, and indeed during the reigns of all the Old Komnenoi.
Perhaps it is for these failures as well as successes that Alexios II is the viewed as the archetypal Komnenoi, the perfect man to represent one of Rome's greater dynasties. He was many things, an effective general, a pious zealot, a representative of the aristocracy yet a man who cared deeply for the lives of his common people. And, as many historians have noted dryly, he must have done something write, for the instability that followed spotlighted his will and ability to keep the Empire together in life, if not in death.
*1: The famous alternate history novella 1204, while fun to think about, requires a great suspension of disbelief to accept. The likelihood of such an event actually occurring is slim to none.
To all my loyal readers, I want you to know something: I want this TL to be my Great Work, my biggest contribution to this site, one that explores a whole range of consequences and deals with issues far broader than "And then Rome conquered this place and was invaded". I may have gotten caught up in this overzealous ambition, but you should at least know I sincerely care about this TL and I hope you don't give up on it.
Here's another (shorter) update, on a rather important year (and a little more) for Rome. By the end of this week, we'll be storming right into the chaos that is the Second Crusade, which is (IMO) a whole lot more fun to talk about than it's OTL counterpart
The year 1158 opens promisingly for Rome. Having secured Edessa, Isaakios stays there for a while, consolidating Roman control and planning his next move against Nur ad-Din. When news of a Second Crusade reaches the ears of Alexios, he is incredibly annoyed, but as always the older Basileus shows no outward signs of frustration. If Rome was to prosper, it had to defeat one of its enemies at a time.
In March, the delegation sent to the Danishmends returns with Melik's acceptance of Alexios' terms. The Beylik had played for time all winter, but with Rome on the ascendancy and the strategic situation increasingly getting better for the Christians, he realizes he has no choice. Immediately, he must fight to secure this reluctant peace, as several disgusted Ghazis have raised his second son Mahzun Danishmend as Beylik in an attempt to circumvent him. Melik remains in control of Sivas and most of the army, but Mahzun retreats to the countryside to drum up support. It will be very difficult to root him out. This is viewed as a win-win by the Romans, as it ensures their new vassal won't jump ship at the first sign of weakness.
But later that month, the worst possible thing happens. Whilst having a discussion with his younger brother Isaakios on how best to attack the Moslems, Alexios is seemingly struck down by god, falling inexplicably to the ground. Panic strikes the Romans when they find that he has no pulse. Within half an hour the entire camp knows that Basileus Alexios Komnenos, Defender of the Romans, is dead.
The question of succession is a difficult one. Though Nikephoros, son of Alexios, is technically his heir, many doubt the ability of an 8 year old to rule in such a crisis. They would prefer the Megas Domesticos, Isaakios, over an unproven boy. However, Alexios still carries great respect among his soldiers even from beyond the grave, and because of this respect no one wishes to quite set Nikephoros aside. Instead, Isaakios Komnenos is raised on the shields of the Roman army as co-emperor of the Romans, to rule alongside Nikephoros as Senior Emperor. Upon the death of Isaakios, the throne is to pass solely to Nikephoros, not either of Isaakios' two sons.
Isaakios immediately dispatches his eldest son Theodoros, who is no more than 14 himself, to Constantinople with a small contingent of men and gold. To make the journey as quick as possible, they travel by sea through Antioch, which is firmly loyal to Isaakios due to the obvious Latin and Muslim threat. The goal is to reach Constantinople before any cries of rebellion can be heard and to at least somewhat manage the oncoming chaos of the crusaders.
The campaign in Syria continues, but Nur ad-Din refuses to give battle. He retreats to Mosul, preparing his reprisal. Christian forces are unable to attack him there; his army is still formiddable, and supplies from Antioch have a difficult enough time as it is reaching them. It doesn't help that the season is now summer, making campaigning far inland even more dangerous in the hot and dry climate. Instead, they resume the siege of Aleppo, where their supply lines are short and sustainable..
The siege faces quite a few issues. King Baldwin, shockingly, has no desire to expand Roman power in Syria. He has plans for a Duchy of Aleppo as a "neutral" crusader state, the Basileus obviously disagrees. If Jerusalem held control of Aleppo (which any crusader state would ultimately side with), Antioch would be completely exposed to future Latin attacks, which is unacceptable to Isaakios. The city of Antioch is the second largest in the empire, incredibly wealthy through its strategic location as a terminus in Eastern-Western trade. Reality had already superseded over Zealotry: Although this war had started as a religious conflict where Christians stood together, these Christians were now winning and started to care a lot more about the spoils. These issues would only compound upon themselves as the campaign wore on.
Meanwhile, Western Crusaders began pouring east. Many have been swayed by the zealous words of charismatic priests and clerics, both against the Heathen Muslims and even at times the Schismatic Greeks. The more greedy and ambitious seek the promise of wealth and glory in the rich Eastern lands, while the more pious view this as a sacred mission. Regardless of their reasons, piracy and looting in the Eastern Mediteranean skyrocket. The journey East is difficult even for richer armies, and it is, after all, much less expensive to simply take much needed food and supplies than buy them.
In Constantinople, things are getting difficult. Kata, mother to Nikephoros, has wasted no time gathering her son's supporters around her. Acting quickly, she has Nikephoros Crowned Emperor, making no mention of Isaakios. When Theodoros turns up with the body of Alexios and a mission to secure the Queen of Cities for his father, he is barred from entering the city. Rash and ambitious, Theodoros will not be denied, and instead crosses into Thrace. It is here Fredrick Barbarossa enters the equation.
Two Germans walk into a mosque. No one walks out. Ever again.
The Bavarian Duke, upset with his prospects in Germany, is one of the earliest participants of the Second Crusade. He had traveled from his homeland, briefly stopping in Italy where the ambitious young noble with flaming hair had first been given the name "Barbarossa". Charismatic and devout, Barbarossa had built up a substantial following in both Germany and Italy before traveling down the Dalmatian coast, headed for the Holy Land. In contrast to many later Western crusaders, Barbarossa refused to steal or plunder from the various Roman cities in his path, instead purchasing the supplies he needed. After a long year, he had finally made his way to Thrace and sought transportation across to Anatolia where he and his army could eventually reach the Holy Land.
Theodoros, never soundest of mind, reaches out to Fredrick. Supposedly, he offers Barbarossa "a large sum of gold, to be determined upon the capture of the city (i.e loot)" in exchange for his assistance in capturing Constantinople and defeating the traitors within its walls. Barbarossa of course refuses. Not only is he determined to only fight the muslims, but attacking the City of Men's Desire would be suicide. No Western conglomerate of Knights and Crusaders could ever take Constantinople, not even with naval superiority (which they certainly did not have)*1. Instead, he negotiates with Nikephoros (read: His mother, Empress Kata) to cross the Bosphorus into Asia. This will not be the last time we hear of Fredrick Barbarossa.
It is unclear why Theodoros made such a seemingly suicidal move right outside Thrace. Some modern historians argue he only hoped to scare Kata into opening up the gates, but is far more likely Theodoros acted out of blind rage. Regardless of his reasons, when word gets out of what might have happened, all of Rome is furious. Desperate, Theodoros flees south, out of Thrace, ending up in Thesalonika where he can cross back to the safety of Anatolia. Although he survives the ordeal, these actions will haunt his political prospects for years to come.
When news reaches Isaakios, he is furious, both at Kata and his own son, but also worried. If he does not reach the Western ends of his Empire soon, there could very well be a civil war on his hands, something he is desperate to avoid. However, to leave would be to give up Aleppo to the Latins, and knowing their track record Isaakios fears for Antioch or Edessa in the future. In the end, he makes the only logical choice and heads back West, leaving the conquest of Aleppo for another day. He makes no official peace treaty with Nur ad-Din, but he does leave significant parts of his army at Caeseria and Edessa to defend against future attacks. Leaving thusly, he concedes that Aleppo will fall under the control of the Latins.
Rushing back to the straits ahead of his army, the Basileus is eager to end the insurrection against him as quickly as possible, through diplomatic means. Kata, too, has no desire to see a war tear her family's Empire apart. In the Imperial retreat of Nicaea they meet and come to an agreement; and essentially they both agree to the solution Isaakios laid out months ago in Syria. Although the compromise names Nikephoros as co-emperor of Isaakios, all understand the real two in power are the old Basilea Kata and the new Basileus Isaakios.
Many view the aborted conflict of 1158 as a misunderstanding, an instance where paranoia and ambitious hindered clearer minds and almost ended up worse. Upon closer inspection, however, this explanation is a gross oversimplification that fails to see the deeper conflict at play. We can see a large disconnect between the army and the Eastern frontier provinces and the people of Rome in the West, particularly Constantinople. This was not a vain attempt at grabbing power by the Basilea Kata, but a clear statement that Nikephoros, and more broadly Constantinople, could not be sidelined in the matter of sucession.
All this means very little to the people of Rome at the time, though. Isaakios and Kata are welcomed into Constantinople with thunderous applause, and after six months, the funeral for Alexios can finally take place. A well respected and sometimes loved Basileus, most of the city turns up to mourn Alexios. Time will only tell if the new regime can be as sucessful at maintaining the delicate balancing act of managing the ship of state.
The historical judgement of Alexios II has always been a positive one, though it has varied to what extent. He was certainly an excellent administrator and general, capable of maintaining Rome's growing economy and expanding the military to include more native elements. On the other hand, Alexios probably had little to do with a lot of this; Roman population, wages, and general quality of life was increasing rapidly, meaning the state could afford to expand its expenses while keeping the current tax rates.
His greatest failures were twofold: One, the lack of tact in foreign policy that ultimately turned many of Rome's neighbors against it. This led to constant warfare and the need for an ever larger military sustained by even more conquests, enraging Rome's neighbors. It would take years for his sucessors to regain credibility as anything but warmongers, and the zeal with which Western Crusaders attacked Rome during the Second Crusade can be traced right back to this. Secondly, his failure to check the nobles of Rome. They would only grow in power over the reign of Alexios II, and indeed during the reigns of all the Old Komnenoi.
Perhaps it is for these failures as well as successes that Alexios II is the viewed as the archetypal Komnenoi, the perfect man to represent one of Rome's greater dynasties. He was many things, an effective general, a pious zealot, a representative of the aristocracy yet a man who cared deeply for the lives of his common people. And, as many historians have noted dryly, he must have done something write, for the instability that followed spotlighted his will and ability to keep the Empire together in life, if not in death.
*1: The famous alternate history novella 1204, while fun to think about, requires a great suspension of disbelief to accept. The likelihood of such an event actually occurring is slim to none.
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