Restoration, Exile, Rebirth: A Counter-Factual History of the Komnenoi

Woah look, another TL about the Byzantines. We all know how we're lacking in those :rolleyes: . But hopefully, this one will at least be a good one. It's hard to stand up to masterpieces on this site like An Age of Miracles, I admit, but I'm going to give it my best shot.

The basic gist of Restoration, Exile, Rebirth is a longer and more complete Komnenid Restoration, which extends Rome's borders well beyond their pre-Manzikert lines. The PoD is one that I've never seen used before: the survival of Alexios Komnenos, son of Emperor John Komnenos. This immediately will lead to a whole nest of fun butterflies, that we'll go over very soon.

I hope you enjoy yourselves reading this at least half as much as I've enjoyed researching and writing it.

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After Manzikert, the Roman Empire was shattered. Civil War, Turkish invasions, and endless corruption run rampant, and the empire, which had once been the reigning superpower of the Eastern Mediteranean, had been reduced to a second-tier shadow of its former self.

It was in this mess that the Komnenoi dynasty first came to the forefront. The General Alexios Komnenos seized the throne in 1834 AUC. He and his descendants would then go on to reverse all of Rome's losses since Manzikert and even go farther. Indeed, near the end of the Komnenid Restoration, Roman armies marched to places not tread since the days of Justinian.

Most modern (Western) scholars agree that the early Komnenid Restoration ended in 1144 AD, when the city of Antioch fell to Roman soldiers. The first third of this timeline will deal with the second part of the Komnenid Restoration, where the star of Rome stood brightly for all to see. The next third will take on a more somber tone, depicting the period known as The Exile. Riding on the back of the Black plague and an over overextended Rome, The Exile is a tale of how for almost two centuries Rome stood divided, brother against brother, city against city. Finally, the last section will talk of the Roman Rebirth, when The Exile drew to a close and the soldiers and artisans of Rome once again dominated the mediteranean.

Restoration, Exile, Rebirth. Only a family like the Komnenos could rule over all three. When their rule as Emperors of Rome and Byzantium finally ended in the 15th century, they left a legacy that would not be forgotten, by the east or west.
 
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Part 1 of 3: The Komnenid Restoration


1143: Alexios Komnenos does not catch a fever and die, along with his brother Andronikos. Both live to meet up with their father to take the Crusader State of Antioch. However, after some sly diplomacy and a stout defense on the part of the Latins, they are forced to winter in Cilicia. He will be back the next year.

1144: Ioannes Komnenos captures Antioch, after spending some months hunting in Cilicia. The gates had been opened from the inside by the local Roman inhabitants. Raymond of Antioch is allowed to leave unharmed for Jerusalem with a few of his latin retainers. The remaining latins are quickly absorbed into the city, which will always speak Greek.

A revolt in Cilicia ("little Armenia") is put down by John, with its leader Thoros of Armenia executed. John is relatively merciful to the rest of the rebels, however, and the Armenians are quiet. With yet another member of the Armenian "royalty" defeated, the alternative to Roman rule is not looking very attractive.

John returns to Constantinople and holds one of the greatest triumphs in decades. With the richest parts of Anatolia now under Roman control, the mood in the Queen of Cities and throughout the Empire is jubilant. This is generally seen as the end of the first half of the Komnenid Restoration. Although there were still several territories lost from Manzikert, historians agree that it was at this point where their reconquest is realistically inevitable.

1146: John catches ill near the beggining of the year, with the medicos unsure of what to do. He has simply fought too many battles to hang on much longer.

Ioannes Komnenos the Beautiful dies in may. Thus ends the reign of John Komnenos and begins the reign of Alexios Komnenos, his eldest son and co-emperor.

The reign of Alexios Komnenos
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"They are kings born of kings and emperors, reformers of old customs and privileges, with whom the august throne and sceptre-bearing are a paternal acquisition, a matter of inheritance."- Theodore Prodromos, on the Emperors John and Alexios.

1146 cont.:When Alexios came to power in 1146, he inherited an Empire that was both battle-hardened and determined. The Basileus was no different; having spent most of his adult life with his father on the march, he too felt more at home on the battlefield than in the imperial palace. This only served to reinforce the growing tradition of Soldier-Emperors, generals who led the troops of the Empire to battle while others ruled at home.

Yet even with the ascension of this promising basileus, Rome still mourned for its old one. John the Beautiful was beloved by countless people, from the lowest peasant to the richest aristocrat. He had lead the people of Rhomaion for almost thirty years, during which time Rome had flourished and prospered. His policy of slow and steady conquests had been incredibly successful, though his greatest conquest did not occur until the end of his life. Most importantly, Ioannes had been renowned for his great piety throughout all of Christendom.

So as Alexios came into the purple, there was a fair bit of mourning as well. Royalty from all across Europe sent their regards, and the patriarch led Constantinople in prayer. All of this were things the Basileus considered. He was determined to follow in the line of his father and complete the reconquest of everything lost in Manikert, as well as maintain the grace of god on the side of Rome by keeping with his father's piety.

Yet above all, Alexios was a practical man. Although he sincerely mourned his father and piously believed in god, he had in a way been eagerly awaiting beginning his rule. Having been groomed for the position his whole life and built up a large network of contacts and allies, it was a relatively simple affair to assure a smooth succession. "Gifts" were given, mostly to the church, and anyone who wanted to question his authority soon found they would not be in a position to do so.

In a change from most Roman Emperors, it was not inside the empire but outside it where Alexios knew major threats would lie. Having fought the Turks of central Anatolia all of his life, he knew they stood as fierce foes. Turkish raids had not let up for his father's funeral, and they were a gaping sore to Roman control of Anatolia. Alexios immediately starts drawing up plans for an invasion of Central Anatolia, with the goal of taking Iconium and Ancyra (Konya and Ankara, respectively).
 
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Tjakari: You can expect 2-3 updates a week, with about 1 update every 2 or 3 days . I do apologize if said updates show up at one or two in the morning, however.:eek:


1147: In the east, the cruader state of Edessa successfully repelled an attack from the Zengid. They did so with major assistance from the Kingdom of Jerusalem, who had no desire to see yet another Latin Crusader State fall. Raymond of Pouitiers (once of Antioch) is said to have led an army and performed admirably.

Turkish raids have been constant since the death of John, but finally they go too far. After a particularly brutal raid that reached as far south as Attaleia, Alexios has all the support he needs to muster an army. Alexios plans to go campaigning, while Andronikos, the Sebastokrator, will rule in Constantinople with the emperor gone. He is the only family member Alexios feels he can really trust.

There had always been a certain amount of distrust between the sons of John Komnenos. Alexios, feeling he needed to be as successful as his father and lead the family, had quickly grown distant to the rest, especially the younger two. Andronikos, following in his older brother's footsteps, was much more of a follower than any of his other siblings. However, it was never easy for him to live in the shadow of both his brother and father.

Nevertheless, Andronikos and Alexios had been good friends as well as brothers, and had grown to trust each other. The same could not be said for Isaakios. The third son of Ioannes was not able to fit into the small niche that Alexios had left for his brother, and so he had instead tried to compete with Alexios. Manuel, the youngest, was in a completely different situation than the rest of his brothers, as he knew he had almost no chance to gain the throne. He sought to also be a general, though he had a strange fascination with Latin chivalry that few in Constantinople understood.

Much of the year is spent raising the armies of Rome, who are a mix of professional soldiers (mostly Roman, some mercenaries with a notable example being the Varingian Guard) , part-time farmer soldiers settled all over Anatolia (the backbone of the Roman army) and less permanent levies with a much smaller amount of training and discipline. Calling on such a large army took time, and there were other things to consider as well.

Worried of possible Norman(Naples), Latin(Jerusalem) or Hungarian attacks, most of the troops in Cilicia, Western Greece, the Northern Balkans, and Roman Syria (Antioch and the immediate area around it) are not called. Still, just pulling on the soldiers from Western and Northern Anatolia as well as Thrace, Alexios is able to assemble a force nearing 40,000 men. However, since it is large and unwieldy, the force that marches from Nicomedia is actually two armies- one led by John Axouch, famous Turko-Roman general, and the other by Alexios himself.

1148: The army of Alexios marches north through Dorylaem. His host is the larger one- 24,000 troops. Axouch's army, numbering 15,000, marches south, through Southwestern Anatolia and Cilicia. Both armies are to reach Iconium at about the same time, with the Emperor's making a stop to sack Ancyra, and Axouch reinforcing the troops on the border.

Meanwhile, Georgia moves. The smaller Kingdom has grown increasingly close to Rome, and with the current emperor married to a Georgian, relations have never been better. The Georgian army raids Turkish Eastern Anatolia, drawing off troops from the smaller eastern Danishmend brothers (in Sivas and Malatya). They do not intend to conquer, merely to burn, pillage, and distract.

Sultan Mesud, the ruler of the Iconium Sultanate, the primary power in the area, raises a modest force of 18,000 men and heads to intercept Axouch before he can reach Iconium. The force is so small because of the devastation Iconium had experienced in previous years. Although he cannot hope to win on his own, Arslan knows that a victory would bring in the Danishmends fully into the war against Rome, saving his state.

The armies meet in the summer of 1148, near the Meander river valley. Mesud originally tries to ambush the Roman army inside a mountain pass in Myriokephalon, harassing the Roman force in an attempt to bring it into the right position. However, the veteran soldier John Axouch makes maximum use of scouts and is able to due his own fair bit of manuevering and skirmishing. Realizing he must give battle now or Iconium will fall to Alexios, Mesud abandons the idea of Myriokephalon and instead opts to give battle where he can. This site, chosen by John, ends up being the plains of Philomelion, the site of a historic victory by the original Alexios Komnenos. This does much to bolster Roman morale, which was dropping due to exhaustion from the sheer number of Turkish raiding and scorched earth tactics.

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Turkish raiders and skirmishers were nothing to laugh at. A Turkish ambush was a constant fear of any Roman soldier.


After days of skirmishing, the battle begins in a relatively cool day, July 16th. Axouch is in no hurry to engage, as he has made sure his supply lines are well secured and knows that it is Mesud, not him, that is on a ticking clock. The sultan, after reminding his men they fight for their homes and families, is the first to engage, although he is worried. Despite having a small numeric superiority, Roman discipline and the career of John Axouch are well known to the Turks. The Romans, for their part, have come to grudgingly respect the rough form of Turkish raids and war, and know their opponent is no joke.

With a cry, the Turks engage the Romans. Fighting is vicious on both sides; and the battle turns bloody rather quickly. Despite this, neither side buckles under the pressure, remaining strong. Axouch and Mesud both are in the thick of it, with Isaakios performing as well. After close to ninety minutes, the armies disengage and examine the damage.

The Turkish left wing is thoroughly mauled, having been on the receiving end of a vicious assault led by Isaakios. Their center and right wings have fared better, but all in all, by the end of the day, Turkish casualties (including deserters and horribly injured) have reached 5,300.

The Roman fared no better. Their center took the brunt of the damage, and in the thick of battle numbers had begun to tell. Roman casualties by the end of the 16th are at a grand total of 4,900. But the worst part is one casualty in particular: John Axouch, who was struck by a stray arrow and knocked from his horse. He died as a soldier and was buried that day on the plains of Philomelion, among all the other men who had died with him. Even today, Axouch is remembered as a true Roman, who fought until the end. There is no debate on who should take over: It is Isaakios, brother of the Basileus, known for his ferocity in battle and trained by John Axouch.

Both sides engage again the next day, but with Turkish morale significantly weakened. Alexios has put Ancyra under siege, and it is realistically impossible for the Turkish army to reach north in time, especially in such a weakened state as it is. This causes many Turks from Ancyra to fight poorer; at least, this is one theory for how such a dynamic victory was achieved.

Isaakois Komnenos leads the vanguard, with a much more aggressive stance than Axouch. He has placed his best troops on the wings and committed to just holding in the center, with the hope of enveloping the Turkish army.

It works. Although the Roman center is shaky at first, the battle on the wings turns in Roman favor, and the Turkish center, now overly committed to breaking the vanguard, are outflanked and in trouble. Isaakios himself slays Sultan Mesud, and Turkish resistance disintegrates. It is no longer a battle, it is a rout. By the end of the day, the Turkish army is annihilated as a fighting force.

But it is not without cost. Total Roman casualties approach 6,000 men, a serious blow to the Empire's manpower. Before they make for Iconium, the Roman army takes time to burry its casualties on the field. Philomelion, which is generally known as the end for the Sultanate of Iconium, is to this day a quiet field, left that way to honor the dead.
 
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1148 (cont.): The news of the battle of Philomelion reaches all corners of the Empire. Basileus Alexios, upon hearing the news, remarked "It's nice to know someone has defeated my enemies". He is still tied up in Ancyra.

The garrison had stubbornly held out for 4 months against Alexios, but upon hearing the news of Philomelion coupled with the rumor that Isaakios Komnenos has arrived at Konya with another 50,000 men, morale plumits. Alexios is soon able to take the city.

After 4 months of siege warfare that indirectly resulted in a good portion of his army being slain (at Philomelion), Alexios is not prepared to be merciful. Any Turks unwilling to convert to Christianity are evicted or slain. After taking a good bit of plunder and leaving behind a garrison, Alexios heads for Iconium, where Isaakios has already arrived. He similarly depopulates most of the countryside, making way for Greek settlers. Many of the able bodied Turks had already went east, making his job easier.

Kilij Arslan, who enherited the Sultanate of Rum upon his father's death at Philomelion, had realized that his realm was falling apart. Calling upon all the Turks who could to follow him out of certain defeat, he fled to the court of Melik Danishmend, ruler of Sivas. When he arrived, his new Beylik host immediately had to deal with a refugee problem he did not want. In an attempt to rid himself of the problem, he told Arslan to go and conquer Malayta, the city of Melik's brother, which Melik would be more than happy to gain back.

Meanwhile, Iconium surrenders without much of a fight. It is treated similarly to Ancyra and the rest of Central Anatolia. As the campaign is drawing to a close, land grants are given out to the soldiers who participated in the Iconium campaign, in an effort to repopulate Central Anatolia. It is an age-old Roman method for doing so, tried and tested. Even so, it will take a while for the region to recover.

1149: With both armies united, Alexios also takes the time to build up the border defences against the Danishmends. Building mainly off old Turkish outposts used against each other, the forts of Ceaseria and Lykandos were rebuilt to some of their former glory. These forts are built as a defensive measure, yes, but they are also clearly a dagger pointed at the heart of the Danishmends, the very last Turkish rulers in Anatolia, with a clear message: " Your days are numbered."

The Danishmends are in little position to argue. Kilij Arslan had taken Malayta, but when Melik Danishmend requested vassalage, he refused, preferring to march on Sivas. It had been an embarassing step down from sultan to take orders from a mere beylik, and Kilij hoped to rectify this disgrace. Melik was soon holed up in Sivas, unable to handle the threat that was destroying the Danishmends. In desperation, he calls on Rome, the men who had beatan the Arslans before.

Alexios is more than happy to respond. He has spent the year in Ceaseria, overseeing the settlement of Iconium and ensuring none of the fighting spilled over the border. When he hears of Melik practically begging for help, he assembles his army and marches east, to Sivas. Kilij Arslan attempts to disengage, but is slowed down by some local Turkomen loyal to the Danishmends. He decides to make his last stand near Coloneia.

It does not last very long. His army is tired of fighting and sure of their defeat, so no one questions anything when Arslan turns up dead one morning. The army immediately defects to Melik, whonow regrets involving Rome in this whole affair.

But Alexios' terms are lenient. In exchange for the Roman help, the Danishmends must pay a small tribute to Rome, and demolish all of their forts along the Roman-Danishmend border. Part of the treaty is they must also control Turkish raiders, ensuring the safety of the people of both Rome, and indirectly of Sivas. Melik accepts, endeavoring to be more careful of refugees.

By the end of the year, Alexios has returned to Constantinople. The city hosts another triumph, with Alexios and Isaakios receiving pride of place. In an official ceremony, Isaakios becomes a Doux, on account of his skill in battle. Several Georgians, too, are commemorated, both those who distracted some Turks in Eastern Anatolia and those who served as auxilary units in the Roman army.

Despite all these ceremonies, Alexios is all too aware the battle of Philomelion could have gone the other way, which would have resulted in disaster. As it was, Roman manpower was significantly hurt, slowing down the hellenization of Central Anatolia (although this is not too bad, as with a shorter border a lot of manpower previously used to fortify against Iconium can now be used to settle). The lesson he learns is one many previous Roman Emperors had learned: Battle should be a last resort. If at all possible, a good Emperor should try and win his wars through deception, diplomacy, and sieges.


Obviously, this sort of expansion would have strained Roman manpower, but the amount of men that Manuel was able to muster before he wasted great parts of it is simply astounding when observing history. Two 20,000 man armies? Really no problem for Rome at this time period, believe it or not.

The Turkish beyliks, of course, are not very strong after this. The Danishmends and Saltukids have now gone from de-facto independent to officially independent, which is both good and bad for Rome. Raids will increase, but at least a great deal of land that can be easily hellenized is recovered and Turks will no longer be able to easily raid Western Anatolia. It's definitely a net win for Rome.

Next update will deal a lot more with the West, particularly Sicily. There's a reason I used the Italian version of the Komnenoi crest, you know!:p
 
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1150: Talks of naming Isaakios heir are quickly silenced when Empress Kata grows pregnant and gives birth to a healthy son, who is named Nikephoros, bringer of victories. It is viewed with some surprise by many, including Isaakios, as the Imperial couple had been advancing in age for years. The child's name, however, makes clear Alexios' intentions for his son. Alexios would name him Kaiser as well, but decides to wait until his sixth birthday.

Overall, it is a fairly quiet year for Rome. Central Anatolia continues to be settled; it is now mostly cleared of muslims, although there are still many Christian Turks which the Empire gladly accepts into the fold. A great source of emigrants also comes from Armenian Cilicians, who are content to be under the empire and seek much of the same things as their fellow Roman settlers. Greek Orthodox soldiers; of course, make up the largest amount of immigrants. They are mostly soldiers and their families settling the lands that had been promised to them by Alexios.

Another Komnenoi also comes into being in this year: Anna Komnenos, daughter of Manuel Komnenos and his German wife Bertha. Yet this does not even out with another death: Andronikos Komnenos, second son of John Komnenos, dies of an illness in the middle of the year. For the Basileus, it is a large blow, and he becomes a great deal more religious over the course of the last few months of the year. Andronikos' position as Sebaskrotos, which is mostly ceremonial anyway, is not given out to anyone else.

In the meantime, the Germans are mauling some Baltic Pagans. An unofficial crusade was begun by some of the northern German states, particularily the Saxony. Over the course of the next several years, the Baltic Pagans would be steadily pushed out of Pomerania, by a combination of Christians, mostly Saxons and Poles. Over the next few years, the poor slavs up in the area are soon shown the "love" of christ, along with the love of German settlers seizing their land. Several nobles from across Northern Christendom, including a few English, Danes, and Normans, participate. As always, good christians shows true religious devotion to gaining plunder on campaign.

1151: The Baltic Crusades continue, with the Welfs of Saxony in particular gaining a great amount of power; much of Western Pomerania has surrendered to them, almost up to the Oder. In contrast, the Albtretch of Brandenburg has only gained the area around the river Oder. It should be noted that this land is ravaged by the crusaders and full of pagans or recently converted Slavs, though there are plans to change that.

Of course, this concerns the people of Rome very little. Part of the army spends the year making demonstrations around Ceaseria and protecting from raids. Although the border is significantly smaller and Beylik Melik has agreed to limit raids, there is only so much he can do, and Imperial troops are also needed to guard against the Saltukids, who border both the Empire and Georgia. There are never less than 4 or 5 thousand troops in the forts on the Empire's eastern border. The biggest side effect of all this is the growth of Ceaseria. The ancient fortress-city has grown due to its strategic importance, and all of the growth is made up of Roman Orthodox soldiers and their families.

However, the Empire is not on the eastern border, because events to the west require much more of his attention. Roger II of Sicily, ever a thorn in the side of the Eastern Empire, was dead. The man had done much throughout the course of his life, suceeding in defeating much of Europe and conquering domains as far south as Africa. Throughout his life, he had made many enemies, but had somehow been able to emerge victorious.

Now these enemies were coming back for revenge. His only remaining son (he had four, but all the others had been lost to the plague or to battle), William, was crowned that year as King William III of Sicily, and immediately the Kingdom began to fall apart.

William, who is only 18, had inherited a Kingdom's worth of enemies. And these enemies immediately began to move. The pope, who had always held Roger in about as much esteem as he would a muslim, is more than willing to work with others, including Rome, to bring Naples down a notch.

The coalition is assembled: A strange comglomarate of Italian States (including the Papal States) and Rome (obviously the one based out of Constantinople), it has the goal of permanently neutering Norman Sicily. The coalition, however, is not nearly as strong as it would look, as although Pope Eugene III considers Naples to be a threat to Papal dominance, he has no desire to see such a threat merely be replaced by Rome.

1152: All sides are moving quickly. Alexios has realized that this war will be a free for all, and acts accordingly. A large Roman army lands outside Bari, and quickly takes the city by storm. Discipline is demanded in the taking of Bari and all other cities; it would not do to massacre future subjects, subjects who Alexios plans to win the hearts and minds of.

The Neapolitan army is out of position in Africa, and frantically returns to Europe, abandoning all their gains from recent years. William greets them in Palermo, trying to reorganize his army in time for the inevitable onslaught. He finds that his Norman vassals have fully thrown their support behind him, as they much prefer the status quo to whatever Alexios and Eugene are planning.

Meanwhile, Alexios moves about southern Italy, capturing castles and towns. He is slow and deliberate in his conquests. Using the now Roman Bari as a point of resupply, the imperial navy and army work in tandem in a much more measured campaign than the Iconium one. This clearly pays off, as by the end of the year most of Italy south of Salerno is in Roman hands. That city is quickly put to siege by the Romans.

A little to the north, the Italians are also very active. Having united under the papal banner, the Italians storm through Northern Sicily, placing several towns and castles under siege until they finally reach their target, Naples. A papal army of 8,000 attempts to lay siege to the city, but the Neapolitan garrison (the strongest one left in Italy) sallies forth in a brutal raid, ruining their ability to conduct a siege.

On the isle of Sicily itself, William can do nothing. As both Italy and Africa are overrun by foreigners, the Roman navy blocks his army from helping in either. His only comfort is that the makeshift alliance is already showing cracks. The Pope has been known to write letters to Hungarian King Geza II, which could be of dubious intent. Among the smaller Italian states and Romans, there is great discontent, especially among the common soldiers.

However, even with these cracks, things are not slowing down. The year ends with William friendless and mostly Kingdomless, a large amount of Sicilian cities taken, and with Roman morale very high. As would be proven in the following years, this could not last forever.
 
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Is this a reboot of a previous TL? In any case I look forward to reading more.

Yes, it is. There were a number of things I wished to correct, not the least of which is the title.

I have a question, actually. Would you prefer I move to a more narrative-driven style? From what I've heard from others, my writing is better that way.
 
Enjoying what you've written so far. If I had to answer your question I would sit with the historical overview style for most past and use the narrative style for significantly important events.
 
How far are you going with this?

Good start.

I have a very rough draft for Rome at least all the way through the Rebirth, which will be sometime in the 15th century. After that, I have a lot of ideas that last all the way up until modern day, they're just not very organized. If I am able to stay on track, I plan on going all the way. Glad to see everyone's enjoying it!
 
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Just a quick comment for now, before I say anything more detailed. I'm not sure why you're using the AUC dating system, which was used rarely enough by the classical Romans, let alone the Byzantines. The Byzantines used the Annus Mundi dating system, working from the date of Creation, popularly held to be 5509BC. The year ran from September to August: don't quote me on this, but I believe it's to do with the birth date of the Emperor Augustus.
 
Just a quick comment for now, before I say anything more detailed. I'm not sure why you're using the AUC dating system, which was used rarely enough by the classical Romans, let alone the Byzantines. The Byzantines used the Annus Mundi dating system, working from the date of Creation, popularly held to be 5509BC. The year ran from September to August: don't quote me on this, but I believe it's to do with the birth date of the Emperor Augustus.

I only used AUC in the OP, the rest of the TL will be referred to in the Gregorian calendar. The main reason I did so was I wanted an excuse to use said calendar at least once.:eek:
 

Deleted member 67076

Well done so far. Everything seems plausible, although I did raise a brow at how quickly Italy was taken.

Although, if Frederik II was able to do it, why can't the Romans?
 
1153: The Baltic Crusades draw to a close, with most of the former Pagan Baltic area burning. Several outside Kingdoms have intervened, including the Polish Kings. After the Saxons themselves, the Poles had done the most fighting of the pagans, seizing land near the Vistula and converting energetically. Despite all this, the true prize they really wanted, Gdansk, goes to an outside contender, King Knud of Denmark. The rest of Pomerania is under Brandenburgian control. The two duchies of Brandenburg and Saxony now wield an immense amount of power, especially so since they claim many of their conquests are outside the borders of the Holy Roman Empire and therefore do not owe any ties of vassalage to Emperor Conrad.

Imperial politics in general are getting more and more complicated. Although the Hohenstaufen rule as "Kings of Rome", their powerful vassals, especially the Habsburgs, Premyslids, Welfs, and Askaniens, meant that control over Germany is incredibly difficult. Friederich, Duke of Swabia and brother to Conrad, also poses as a major problem for the Hohenstaufen succession, because he wants his line elected in stead of his brother's. Conrad is really the only thing keeping the various powerhouses of the HRE away from each other's throats.

In Spain, the reconquista continues. Although several years ago the Portuguese had been unable to take Lisboa after an exhausting siege, they have now returned, this time with the help of several adventurous Castillians. After a 3 week siege, Lisboa falls, and after an aggressive sack the remaining Andalusi are deported to make room for Portuguese merchants and families.

Meanwhile, Alexios continues his war in Italy. Salerno falls to Rome, and most of the remaining army heads north to Neapolis (a decent chunk of the 18,000 Alexios brought with him have been left to garrison several key cities. Although Neapolis was already blockaded by a small papal-Italian army, they lacked the supplies and weapons to siege it for an extended period of time, and have to wait for the Romans before they can invest the city. Alexios places the extra Italian troops in auxiliary positions, making sure to maintain Roman control of the siege. This is viewed as a serious problem in Rome (the city, obviously). Whispers of dissent become increasingly loud, and Eugene decides to start doing something about it.

It starts in isolated incidents, passed off as raiders or deserters frustrated with the siege. Italian troops would raid Roman lines, burning supplies and killing troops. The attacks would then increase in rate until some sort of skirmish happened almost daily. One notable raid by some Italians burned part of the Roman baggage train, after that they took it a lot more seriously. After several nights of this most Roman soldiers could hardly sleep, having to stand alert in case of Italian raids. Some of these were actually from Neapolis, but the vast majority came from the catholic horde that always seemed to be replenishing.

The Pope does not officially condone any of this, of course. But the opportunity to bleed the Roman army is simply too good for the Catholics. As a large part of papal manpower can be gained from restless Christians looking to support the pope, the raids are ideal. In several cases, raiders are caught and tortured, admitting to working for the papal host, but upon being presented to the leaders of said host, Catholics always are able to point out how delusional such men are.

In order to respond to said raids, Alexios resorts to some unorthodox tactics. Every raider is now to be castrated (but not very cleanly- Isaakios remarks that "On the battlefield, we'll just have to make do") and then hung right outside Italian lines, which slows the rate of raids considerably. However, it does not stop them- several Roman soldiers, despite their discipline, have organized counter raids against the Papal host. In this case, they are never quite caught, but both sides know what is going on. Therefore, many Catholics are getting just as angry as the Romans were, which leads again to a new burst of raiding.

Eventually, it gets to the point where the two sides are in an undeclared skirmishing war outside of the gates of Neapolis, the siege practically forgotten as the bemused defenders are basically bystanders. However, it is unlikely to escalate more without the intervention of Alexios, who is technically allied with the pope and his smaller Italian friends.

But this attitude will quickly change. In August, papal gold and promises finally bear fruit. The Raskia, who were up until now client states of the empire, renounced this arrangement and invaded Macedonia. They have the support of the Kingdom of Hungary, who are providing them with coin, supplies and mercenaries. With most of the army in Italy or Eastern Anatolia, and most of the Italian campaign itself pulled from the Balkans, the Raskians are given free reign to set the Northern Balkans ablaze.

And others soon join them. The Duklja, another Serbian vassal of Rome, takes the opportunity to raid parts of Epirus and assert its own independence. But perhaps most importantly, a large Pecheneg horde, hailing from beyond the Danube, invades Bulgaria in a massive series of raids. They do not want to do anything but burn and steal, and their real target is Thrace.

Fortunately, the eastern frontier is strong and Anatolia does not experience an attack from any muslim powers. Also fortunate is the fact that the Bulgars do not take this opportunity to rebel either, as they now look to Rome for protection against the Pechenegs.

In Neapolis, Alexios realizes he has overstretched himself. He sends out peace feelers to William in Palermo, offering to cede many of his conquests and even offers an alliance against the Papal States. This is an offer William must think about; it calls for the loss of much of southern italy, up to (but not including) Salerno, a loss that would split his kingdom in two.

It is in September when the Normans arrive. After sailing from Palermo to the outskirts of Salerno, they had to march all the way up to Neapolis. Roman scouts, covering the area, mysteriously find nothing, and any would-be Italian scouts are kept for raiding and counter-raiding.

Thus when this army arrives, it causes something of a panic. The Italian forces are caught between besieged Neapolis, a Roman army of unknown intent, this new Norman army, and the sea. They decide to stay and fight, calling for help from their Roman armies.

The armies of Rome form up into battle stations, led by the Basileus. Once again, the Italians call for help, and in response, the army- does nothing. As the Papal-Italian army is torn to shreds, the Roman army sits impassively on a hill, watching without a sound. When the massacre is over and the remaining papal troops have either fled or surrendered, Alexios greets William and discusses the terms of peace.

Having arranged the whole treaty beforehand, of course, this is merely a formality. On September 17th, the two sovereigns agree to the treaty of Neapolis, which grants Rome mainland Italy south of Salerno, including Apulia and Bari. Also as part of the treaty, Alexios agrees to return any noble prisoners without ransom and to help the weakened Sicily if it is attacked.

In the end, this is the best either party can hope for. Although he is having problems back home, Alexios clearly has the upper hand in Italy, and William knows it. On the Roman side, Italy is not viewed as important enough to allow raiders to ravage the Balkans (indeed, the biggest reason Alexios invaded in the first place was the hope for a buffer zone to protect against future raids).

So the two part ways, Alexios east and William north. Alexios knows he must take care of the Serbs as soon as possible; the Pecheneg raiders are already withdrawing, having stolen from as far south as Adrianople and come close to the Queen of Cities itself. Raskia and Duklja have stuck around, however, and the Basileus marches forth to meet them. It is outside Epirus where the two forces clash.

Lines outside Epirus

Isaakios Komnenos was rather perturbed. It wasn't the Serbians or their Hungarian masters that unnerved him, they were just a nuisance. No, it was the snow that could be seen all over the ground. It's unnatural. I've never seen this much snow anywhere, let alone Epirus. He shivered, which annoyed him as well. One of the English mercenary officers, Henry, seemed to be laughing at his misfortune.

"It isn't supposed to be this damn cold."

The Briton grinned. "I told you, this nothing. You Greeks can't handle even a bit of frost. Maybe it's good for you if it's cold around here once in a while." His Greek was actually fairly good, although his accent was positively atrocious. Henry had been fighting in the Roman army for almost a decade, though, where knowledge in Greek is neccesary.

"It's not my fault I have don't hair over every part of my body," he retorted, surveying the battlefield. The Serbs seemed like they wanted to give them a fight, which would mean he'd have to spend even more time in this infernal cold.

He was currently waiting with several mercenary officers on the right wing, for the order to attack. Evidently, his brother was taking his sweet time in the center. Probably has purple furs. This snow is not natural.

Isaakios' relations with his brother had improved over the years. Although he had at first harbored Imperial ambitions (Along with everyone raised in The City, it seemed), Isaakios had always known it would be Alexios who gained the august throne. Isaakios was now thoroughly a soldier, not a politician, and he was fairly good at it as well. Of course, Alexios was the same way, but someone had to deal with the snakes within and without. Being a soldier prince carried most of the benefits of being Basileus, without all the responsibilities.

This was when the message finally arrived. A Greek boy, obviously a courier, ran up to the officers. "The Basileus says advance.", he panted. The boy was probably new to the battlefield, one of the many native Romans Alexios was trying to reincorporate into the army.

Isaakios grinned, he was now in his element. The battle had been planned, the stage set, and everything had been maneuvered correctly. It was time to fight. "Let's go kill some serbs. Those bastards are probably dressed warmly, too." This was greeted with a few growls of approval and a bit of muffled laughter, as the Roman army prepared to march inexorably forward once again.
______________________________________________________________________________________________

The battle outside Epirus is a grueling affair for both sides, but in the end Roman forces win out and trounce the rebellious serbs. Alexios is unable to press his advantage right away, as winter snows and scorched earth have blocked the advance into Serbia, turning a normally difficult journey into a logistical nightmare. The Roman army winters in Epirus, getting resupplied by Anatolia via the sea.

1154: Having spent the winter in Epirus, the weakened Roman army trounces the remaining Serbian resistance, annexing both states. The war had been costly to all sides involved, and cost the Romans their chance of reintegrating Southern Italy. It also served to destroy any goodwill the Catholic west and Orthodox East felt for each other, as both states view the other as treacherous. In Rome, for example, the Romans are hated more than the Sicilians, who only asked for a small tribute and the return of status quo borders, ever were. Relations between Buda and Constantinople are also fairly terrible. The only reason Hungary does not invade is they overestimate the strength of the depleted Roman army. This divide would only strengthen in the coming years, until it would finally reach its climax during the Great Invasion.

The Roman state cannot respond to all of its enemies. The Pecheneg raiders, although severely damaging to Bulgaria and Northern Greece, have by now withdrawn and the battered Roman army cannot pursue. Still, Rome does not forget their attacks.

Alexios is well aware that the army needs time to recover. Fortunately for him, there is still a massive manpower pool to draw from; the empire is not without loyal bodies. This also serves as a way to re-Hellenize the army, which had been about 3/4 foreign mercenaries prior to Apulia. the one glaring exception is Ceaseria, which hosts a permanent garrison of aprx. 6000 men and have earned the reputation "Defenders of Anatolia". In the following years, as the army recovers, Roman manpower will begin to make up roughly half of the army, although mercenaries still hold the highest positions and are generally considered more reliable.

Although relations have plummeted in the west, in the east, Rome relations have only gotten better. The Kingdom of Jerusalem, growing stronger off of French immigrants and pilgrims, is one place where relations are getting better. Manuel Komnenos, known for his admiration of Latin chivalry, had visited the Kingdom on a pilgrimage of his own while Alexios fought in the west. He makes an impression on the young ruler of Jerusalem, King Baldwin III. The Latin-Roman was also important economically; as the pilgrimage business was something the Romans in Antioch were hugely tied up in.

Along the rest of the Empire's eastern border stood vassals and allies. The Danishmends were certainly de facto independent, but they payed lip service to Rome and its prestige. Edessa also stood on the Empire's borders as the most exposed crusader state, but they too claimed vassalage under Rome, if only for protection. Along the Northeast, of course, stood the small but well put together Kingdom of Georgia, who had both an empress on the Imperial throne and a history of good relations with the empire.

But right now, what Roman needed was a period of recovery, and Alexios followed suit. One major reform he added during this time was to the Roman road network, in the hopes of improving logistics and transportation. It had the side effect of drastically improving roman trade and immigration to Central Anatolia, whose current inhabitants' loyalty is still questionable.

The biggest thing that happened this year was not in Rome, however, but in Germany. For Conrad, King of the Germans, was dead, and already the vultures had started to circle.
 
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I have to say, this is better than my TLs about Manuel Komnenos, especially concerning the Normans. In regards to Hungary, John II and Manuel harboured several claimants to the throne. I'm guessing Alexios wouldn't want that sort of trouble. And if Alexios ever decides to continue expanding east, would they try and go for Armenia or leave it for Georgia?
 
I have to say, this is better than my TLs about Manuel Komnenos, especially concerning the Normans. In regards to Hungary, John II and Manuel harboured several claimants to the throne. I'm guessing Alexios wouldn't want that sort of trouble. And if Alexios ever decides to continue expanding east, would they try and go for Armenia or leave it for Georgia?

I haven't read your TL, but thanks?:eek: I can't say I like Manuel Komnenos very much, though.

As to Hungary, and expansion in general: The Romans would love to, but it's a lot of trouble. Italy was only done because of the feeling that it is needed to protect the Balkans, as well as Alexios' ambition. Now even that has drained the Empire, which could use a period of peace, or at least nothing more than low profile border conflicts.

Now that they've taken back much of the old Byzantine Italy, Roman plans for expansion are fairly muted, especially in the east, where the frontier is stable under the guiding hand of Ceaseria and diplomacy. This doesn't mean they'd let Georgia in, however, and I doubt Georgia would want to manage all those Turks (ethnic Armenians are mostly only around in Southern and Central Anatolia, that is, inside the Roman Empire). Manpower is needed both to refill the army and resettle Central Anatolia. Remember everyone who refused to convert to Christianity was evicted, which amounted to about 60% of the populace there. And the remaining guys aren't very loyal to Rome, as most of them were becoming Turkified fairly quickly until the Romans arrived. So they may participate in further population transfers soon.

Overall, the situation is fairly good, although the number of mercenaries in the army (this is from OTL) is something a contemporary should worry about. On the other hand, for Roman Emperors, all these mercenaries are perfect: They generally follow the Emperor (as long as he's competent), they don't require using Greek bodies (gold is much cheaper than blood), and the Romans have a long tradition of integrating foreigners into Rome. The problem is there are so many foreigners there is virtually no assimilation going on as these mercenaries are only interacting with other foreigners, something Alexios wants to change.
 
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