Res Novae Romanae: A Revolution of the Third Century TL

Cont.:

A Question of Numbers

In spite of their comparative lack of organisation and overarching division of labour (all vigils were miniature armies in themselves and did not specialise too much, and the command and representation structure of the added-up confederal army made restructurings, which would group all heavy and all light cavalry, all infrantry etc. together, difficult), the war went well for the Confederacy in the Eastern theatre.

The Confederates and Mucianus` army met at Laodikeia. Mucianus was outnumbered by far: his 40,000-50,000 soldiers stood against 120,000 revolutionary soldiers. Under these auspices, the Battle of Laodikeia became the predictable slaughter. Less than an hour into the battle, Mucianus and his generals were aware that the battle would be lost. Their cavalry was dismantled and their infantry encircled. Thanks to the intense discipline of their troops - and the comparative lack of experience and coordination among the Confederates -, they nevertheless managed to break free from the encirclement, pushing with all their force Northwards. On their flight, they were harassed by the Confederate cavalry, but Mucianus managed to withdraw with more than 20,000 soldiers to Nysa.

On the Western front, things looked different. Probus and the commander of the Gallo-Roman detachment, Flavius Ingenianus, had advanced as far East as Icosium, defeating local vigils and sacking towns on their way. The Confederate vicarius Mactarius, a diligent, unzealous Neopunic- and Latin-speaking man from Leptis Magna with political and military experience of sorts, was disinclined to send his army of little over 30,000 men against the presumably stronger combined imperial forces. He insisted on additional drafts from the surrounding towns, and was backed by the Cretan commanders and tribunes. The Agonistic African commanders and tribunes, on the other hand, pressed for immediate action. It was their own towns they sought to protect - and, some murmured, their church`s treasure, gathered at Sitifis, where construction of a magnificent prayer and assembly house had begun before the war.

The protocol in such a situation was unclear, no precedent was known where a majority of military tribunes opposed the strategy of the vicarius in command. As it was, almost 15,000 Agonistic militiamen left Hippo against Mactarius` orders and confronted the imperial armies on their way inland towards Sitifis. They were able to inflict serious losses on the imperial forces in the Battle of Tamanuna, but ultimately, they were outnumbered and dispersed. They took another desperate stand at Sitifis, which withstood the siege for more than three weeks, until yet another Agonistic town fell.

In the meantime, the remaining Agonistici loyal to Mactarius had serious difficulties levying sufficient new troops. Carthage, Hippo, Oea, Leptis Magna, Cirte or Hadrumetum were large cities who had contributed very meagre contingents - but there was a reason for this. The Agonistic church and movement had originated in these cosmopolitan and open-minded African coastal towns - but they had never become a majority there. Their control over these towns was fragile and rested on the movement`s political and military monopoly. Young non-Agonistic men were not easily convinced to fight for a Confederacy in which they had no say and whose local representatives kept trying to proselytise them and had not proven overly apt at managing their large and economically complex cities with their simplistic egalitarianist policies, either.

It was only when Mactarius and his supporters took over the negotiations and conscriptions, promising to install universal comitia (instead of exclusively Agonistic ones) to rule their civitates by confederal law, that levying a force strong enough to confront Probus and Ingenianus became possible.

Probus and Ingenianus had marched on the shortest military road Eastwards, ignoring the Agonistic stronghold Theveste and sacking the weakly protected Sufetula instead, when Mactarius` Confederate army finally managed to confront them in the Battle of Septiminicia. The Confederates were marginally fewer soldiers and considerably less well-trained and organised, but they put up a great fight and held out until Probus and Ingenianus were forced to withdraw.

The imperial troops were condemned to garrison themselves in inimical towns now, attempting to recover, but unable to draw fresh forces. The Confederates had suffered heavy losses, too, but they were able to muster new recruits who`d defend their free homeland. Time was working against Probus and Ingenianus, and they knew that. It must have been soon after Septiminicia that the two leaders abandoned their plans for a march on Egypt and decided to defend their gains in Numidia.

In the meantime, Mucianus repeated Decius` mistake and extorted as many new recruits and resources for his army from among the wealthy and populous Asian civitates as he was able to in order to withstand the onslaught of the Confederacy, who had taken over the offensive in Anatolia with their victory at Laodikeia.

Predictably, Mucianus` policy was highly unpopular with the locals and antagonised countless poleis. One by one, large cities like Ephesos, Smyrna and Pergamon appealed to the Confederacy for help. One by one, they shut their gates to Mucianus` soldiers and relied on aid by the confederal navy. Smaller poleis joined them, too - and so did Athens, on the other shore of the Aegean Sea, where a group with a slightly varied philosophy of that of the Alexandrian Good Citizens had swung public opinion in favour of restoring the great city`s independence and joining the Confederacy.

Mucianus had little power and time to spare for counterinsugrency efforts.

To be continued.
 
Cont.:

Capitulations

While the tide had already turned against the Roman and Gallo-Roman Empires by September, an inofficial army of some 10,000 bucelarii from various Southern Italian estates, commanded by one Publius Valerius Laevinius, sailed for Sicily at the behest of a group of senators, many of them from the gens Valeria, who had lost huge estates and other possession in Sicily and who had promised those senators-turned-warlords and their bucelarii who now sailed for Sicily half of everything they could reconquer.

They suffered a quick defeat at the hands of the joint vigils of the Sicilian civitates. The Sicilian vigils were composed almost exclusively of former slaves from the island. Over the past few years, they had become important and respected persons in their communities, and they enjoyed a decent standard of living. They would not let a bunch of mercenaries beat them back into submission. The Battle of Tyndaris was a complete desaster for Laevinius` bucelarii, many of whom simply escaped from the battlefield once it had become clear that they would be defeated. Nobody knows where they fled to. Laevinius and other commanders were crucified by the enraged and triumphant Sicilians.

In Asia Minor, Mucianus was forced to a decision. His troops conscripted everyone they could get hold of, promising various groups from as far away as Galatia legendary loot and land ownership if they defeated the Confederate army. But none of these measures was able to save Mucianus and his army. In the final Battle of Maiandros Valley, the Confederate army lost 15,000 men, but when Mucianus was finally forced to surrender, the glorious army of the Lower Danube had been reduced to scattered bands of fugitives.

In Numidia, the Confederacy paid an even greater price for their victory. When sufficient forces had been gathered, Probus` and Ingenianus` troops were cut off from one another through the defeat of various smaller forts throughout the countryside. Ingenianus had retreated to Lambaesis, which Mactarius` Confederates besieged for nine days until Agonistici opened the city`s gates from within and let their allies in. Ingenianus stod no chance against the Confederates and surrendered. Mactarius turned the disused legionary fort at Lambaesis into a camp of prisoners, holding Ingenianus and the remnants of his army captive until Postumus himself had signed the capitulation.
When Probus had heard of the fall of Lambaesis, he hastily retreated Westwards. Pursued by Confederate cavalry from among the Numidian civitates, his armies were further decimated until they reached Sifa, where they hoped to be ferried back to Hispania, and from there to Italy, by Postumus` navy.

But Postumus` navy had already suffered a decisive defeat at the Fretum Gaditanum and retreated with what it had left into the Atlantic Ocean. Probus` army was caught in the former Tingitana province. He, too, surrendered to the Confederate navy and was dropped off on Ebesus Island together with his disarmed and dishonored men.

As delegates were chosen throughout the Confederacy for the next regular Council at Ceryneia, all invading armies had been defeated, and the surviving men of the vigils returned to their civitates as proud, triumphant victors and defenders of their home, their freedom, their new republic.
Many of them had fought for the second time against the imperial threat from the North now. This time, a tribunal and public games would not do. The atmosphere in the many comitia throughout the Confederacy, where many of the victorious soldiers successfully ran for Council delegations, was aggressive like it had never been before since its foundation.

The Revolutionary War of Independence was not over yet.

To be continued.
 
Wow, I finally read through this whole timeline and I'm impressed. Sometimes things seem to be moving a bit quickly but all in all it's very cool as an alternate path from Rome which looks to be moving to a much brighter future than the military anarchy and Germanic invasions of our timeline.

Very cool.
 
Thank you so much, guys, feedback feels really good.
I'll try to slow down the pace of events a little once this war is over. What is begun is begun, though, and I promise it's going to be more than patricians executed ;)

There will be many paths from Rome into the future, as I have alluded to, and it's not difficult to paint them as less f****d up than OTL, although I'm not sure which of the problems are actually butterfliable. I'll devote some of the next postings to the changes going on in the Gallo-Roman Empire, in what's left if the Roman Empire and of course in the Confederacy.
And then there's the war between Odaenathus and Shapur... I have a few ideas about where this might go, but it's not carved into stone yet.
 
[FONT=&quot]Cont.:

The Council of Ceryneia

The council began with the debate about a peace treaty with Postumus. Postumus himself had travelled to the modest civitas of Ceryneia on Cyprus, where the delegates from all over the Confederacy of Free Citizenries met in 1022. The Gallo-Roman Emperor was ostensibly respectful, even when he was shouted down, and he had good reasons. But the delegates came round to seeing the purpose in a separate peace treaty with Postumus in the end, too. [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Postumus offered a lot: [/FONT]

  • [FONT=&quot]He would completely abandon, withdraw from and demilitarise Tingitana, so that the civitates there could decide freely whether they wanted to join the Confederacy or become completely independent. This would remove any serious military threat on the Confederacy`s Western border and increase its control over Mediterranean sea trade even more, especially combined with the latter offer:[/FONT]
  • [FONT=&quot]He would grant the Confederacy the right to build forts on both sides of the Fretum Gaditanum to control the straits. Relying solely on tariffs, customs and the like, the Confederal budget would profit significantly.[/FONT]
  • [FONT=&quot]All he wanted back in exchange were the Balearic Islands, which had been brought under the control of the Confederate navy.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]The terms were so favourable for the Confederacy, and Postumus` behaviour was so modest and respectful that the treaty was indeed ratified. The Gallo-Roman Empire and the Confederacy of Free Citizenries swore each other peace - a contract and an oath which would hold for more than two centuries. It was also the first time that the Council of the Confederacy concluded a formal and ceremonial contract with one of the Emperors which had inherited Rome.

As the next point on the agenda, the exonerated Vicarius Mactarius put forward the pre-negotiated motion that all civitates must have their delegates to the Confederate Councils elected by general assemblies (ekklesia isonomika; comitium universale), instead of the patchwork of structures which had existed hitherto: in Alexandria, ekklesiai had elected the delegates democratically: each adult man participated in their quarter of town, whereas in Sitifis, the Agonistic Council of Saints had elected the delegate, in Gortyn, the Boule had elected the delegate, and in Sebaste, the King of the Samaritans and the High Priest nominated delegates. The calamities on the Western front had shown clearly that this was no longer tolerable, and the generally military atmosphere of the Council of Ceryneia saw a narrow two-thirds majority for the motion after a clarification had been added that the internal constitution of the civitates, apart from their mode of selecting delegates to the Confederate Councils, would not be touched upon. Samaria remained a kingdom, thus, and in Ceryneia itself, the mixed constitution with an oligarchic boule and an isonomic ekklesia would continue unmodified, too. Yet, this decision marked another major step in the process of constructing an isonomic polity in the modern sense.

But it was the third and last major topic of the Council which was of more immediate vital importance in those days and weeks: the discussion of how to deal with Probus and Mucianus. The commanding vicarii had accepted the surrender of the two triumviri, but the Council was aggressively opposed to the idea of leaving the Empire untouched and letting them get away with another attack. The imperial threat had to be eliminated! shouted not a small minority. Postumus had ceded a lot, although he was in a much better position than Probus and Mucianus: he still had armies in Gaul, Germania and Britannia. Probus and Mucianus had scurried back home after their defeat, and they had not shown up at Ceryneia. Italy, the Peloponnes, Thessaly, Thrace and Moesia were more or less unprotected. Now was the time to strike at the heart of the beast, many delegates were convinced.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]They expressed the prevalent opinion in their civitates. The Council of Ceryneia elected belligerent vicarii who promised to deliver. It was not formally necessary to decide upon the question of continuing war, for the Confederacy was still in a state of declared war with the Roman Empire, but the Council undertook the vote nonetheless. With the exception of a few Upper Egyptian civitates and the Samaritan delegation, the Council decided to continue the war against the Roman Empire.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
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[FONT=&quot]The Reconquest[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Immediately after Ceryneia, a large association of Confederate soldiers, many of them serving aboard ships, formed and labelled itself “the Reconquerors”. For many years, and especially after the Fire of Rome and Claudius` persecutions, the expatriate Roman community had grown within the Confederacy. Many thousands of uprooted Roman Christians – and others – had sought and found employment in the Classis Confoederatorum. After Ceryneia, they volunteered for the “Italian job”.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]The confederate force which landed in Lucania on May 10th, 1022 AUC counted between 50,000 and 60,000 men. They encountered only weak resistance of scattered bucelarii forces, and it took them less than two months to establish near-complete control over Lucania, Apulia and Calabria.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]An Italian army, no longer commanded by Probus but by one Lucius Pompilius Alatus, confronted them on the Campania Romana in the August heat, but retreated Northwards when they saw that they stood no chance against the much larger Confederate force.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Rome itself fell within a single day. The Servian wall protected only parts of it, and in spite of hasty attempts at renovation it proved inadequate. The Praetorian Guard, reestablished at a smaller size by Probus, was butchered. Villas which had survived the fire and the unrest were plundered and burned down. Many thousands of formerly wealthy and influential Romans had already left the city for the North; those who had not yet fled tried to do so now, but with poor chances of escaping the wrath of Reconquerors and a Roman mob which joined them. [/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]The Confederates searched for the imperial treasury, but weren`t able to find anything deserving of that name.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Other than that, the Reconquerors were welcomed by the urban population, who had learned their lesson in opportunism throughout the past decades of turmoil. The Confederate vicarius Philippus ordered the gathering of a Plebeian Council; an institution which had not convened for more than two centuries. In it, he declared “urbs libera est” and offered the former capital of the empire to join the Confederacy as the 176th civitas.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]The Reconquest in Italy was rounded up with Etruria and Umbria up to Pisae in the West and Pisaurum in the East - almost a hundred new civitates joined the Confederacy, often with mixed feelings – before the Western army of the Confederacy was urgently needed in the East.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
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[FONT=&quot]The Battle of Cynoscephalae[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]In the East, smaller Confederate armies landed in different places throughout April and May: in Achaia, in Attica and further North in Thessaly. Once again encountering no significant resistance from the locals, negotiations and alliances were struck by a truss of diplomats while soldiers secured key positions. By June, the Confederacy had picked up more pieces than its strategists had anticipated.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]But the tide was about to turn. In Aquincum, Diocles, who had not joined Probus and Mucianus in the war and had guarded the Danube border instead, as the triumviri had agreed upon, considered that there was no point in guarding an empire`s border if the empire doesn`t exist anymore. His realm in Pannonia, Illyricum and Dalmatia was stable, and he had restored order and taken control in Noricum and Moesia, too, when Probus and Mucianus were faltering. He chose to march South-Eastwards to defend as much of Thessaly and Epirus as he could, instead of attempting to save Italy. In August, when the Confederacy marched from victory to victory in Italy, its Eastern army was confronted with that of Diocles.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]The battle of Cynoscephalae was bloody; it cost countless lives on both sides and produced no clear winner. Diocles was an experienced military leader who realized this. As night fell, Diocles sent envoys to the Confederate vicarius Paulus with an offer not just for an armistice, but peace.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Paulus, on the other hand, was more of a politician than a military commander, and the tribunes and commanders, though shocked by the losses of today, were still under the impression of all the triumphs of the past months. The offer was rejected, and the battle resumed at dawn.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Almost miraculously, Diocles received a small reinforcement consisting of the leftovers of Mucianus` army. Whether it was this fresh force, or Diocles` superior military leadership that tipped the balance – Cynoscephalae turned into a horrible disaster for the Confederacy`s Eastern army. Severely decimated, it fled Southwards.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Stalemate - and peace at last
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[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Diocles pursued them. Now the remaining Confederates began to hide behind the walls of Greek poleis, which Diocles` army besieged and took, pushing farther and farther South. He was about to reach Attica when the Western army arrived.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
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[FONT=&quot]No last battle ever took place. Diocles knew that this time he was outnumbered. He retreated with this troops to the North, not without sending yet another diplomatic offer to Alexandria.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]This time, it no longer fell on deaf ears. The conquering zeal of Ceryneia had evaporated, and the enthusiasm of spring had been stabbed in the heart, like so many Confederate soldiers in the fields of Thessaly. The vicarii accepted the offer of peace negotiations, anticipating a very different Council next March, a pacifistic one full of delegates who had won their tickets with the cry to bring our boys back home.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Diocles, the sole heir to the remnants of the Roman Empire in Northern Italy, Illyria, Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Epirus, Thessaly, Thrace, Moesia and Dacia, ceded all the remaining Aegean islands, the Peloponnes and Attica to the Confederacy and immediately began improving town and border fortifications all along the new border, thereby literally cementing it. The peace treaty of 1023 also sanctioned the Confederalisation of Central and Southern Italy and renounced all imperial claims to lands in Anatolia or any other territory presently controlled by the Confederacy.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Of the Tingitanian civitates, more than half joined the Confederacy in the enthusiastic months of spring 1022, when the Confederacy was winning on all fronts. Quite a number of civitates, most prominent among them Volubilis, preferred to be fully independent, though. For the moment.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Thus ended the Revolutionary War of Independence - and with it, many argue, the Age of Antiquity. The Confederacy, Diocles and Postumus now all had their hands free to tackle inner reforms and reconstruction, and the societies and states that emerged from these reshapings bore only little resemblance to those of the Roman Empire of the Era of the Principate.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]________[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]I´ll try to post a map in the next couple of days with the new political landscape of 1023 AUC ff.[/FONT]
 
Will the confederacy change how Rome is currently being re-built?

(I'm guessing the population of Rome is 500,000 after the fire and shit)
 
Glad you like you my democracy-wank, Guinazacity :)
Having Rome and much of Italy as well as Athens, Corinth and other Greeks on board will change the Confederacy in many ways. They´re a hegemonial power now, but they`ll have to sort out a few things quickly.

As for Rome`s rebuilding, @MorningDew: After Claudius` grandiose Pontine marshes plan had been abandoned, Rome`s reconstruction had went mostly unplanned, slow and spontaneous, and on a limited scale. I agree on your population estimate. Becoming a democracy and a part of the Confederacy will change some things: the plebs urbana can give itself a functional government of, for and by themselves tasked with the reconstruction, if they´re able to pull that. But many other problems persist: Rome had economically depended for many centuries on external subsidies; these subsidies are not likely to come back now, either. For its crafter-and-trader middle class, or what´s left of it, economic revival will be a key issue, and the urbs` reconstruction will depend on the question whether this will come about or not, but nobody back then had any idea how this could come about (other than through peace and prayers).
Rome has comparatively many educated people, but they´re highly divided over religious and other issues. At least now, these conflicts can be discussed in the open.
Will the plebs urbana, which has become rather fatalistic given the circumstances of their ever-worsening economic conditions, the fire, and all the violence without a plan forward for at least two decades, rouse and roll up their sleeves? Hm...
Long story short: Rome´s reconstruction is going to be a challenge for the Romans. Will there be help from other civitates? Well... the only reason why the comitium of, say, Ephesus would agree to chuck over resources, which they need themselves, to Rome, would be to strengthen a new centre of power against the de facto domination of Alexandria, I think. Let´s see if that happens :cool:
 
Three New Political Systems

From: Lynna Helena Ioannitis: Political Transformations at the Dawn of the Hydrodynamic Age. Vicita: Vicita Academy Press, 2763 AUC, pp. 9-13:

After the Revolutionary War of Independence (1008-1022 AUC), four large polities (beside a few smaller ones) emerged from what had been the Roman Empire. While one of them, the Palmyrene Empire, underwent religious transformations and tensions, the other three proved stable and developed three distinct and different political, military, economic and social systems.

Isonomy, Liberty, Equality in the Confederacy

The Confederacy emerged in the most Christianised, wealthiest and most urbanised parts of the Empire as a reaction against religious oppression, economic exploitation and decline, and social apathy. The war forged the heterogeneous collection of zealots of various creeds, traditionally anti-Roman ethnic groups, economically marginalised and politically dissatisfied from different social tiers, who had strongholds scattered all over the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean, into a formally constituted confederal republic.

The new republic developed unparalleled dynamics in various domains. In the last year of the war, the Council at Cryneia had decreed the election of delegates by comitia in all member civitates. A second phase of isonomisation began, driven by the dynamics of universal elections and the delegates they brought forth. Only three years later, universal apeleutherosis was proclaimed with a narrow-margin two-thirds majority. It led to the temporal secession of various slave-holding island civitates from the Confederacy. In the War of Emancipation (1025-26), the Neso-Koinon was defeated, and slavery ceased to exist in the entire Confederacy. The abolition of slavery, in turn, is considered by some historians as a key factor leading to the hydrodynamic revolution.

Not all reform initiatives met with success in the early decades of the Confederacy, though. After isonomic Confederal elections and universal apeleutherosis had been achieved, Neo-Platonic movements like the Alexandria-based Good Citizens or the Rome-based Plotinists called for "eleuthera latreia", or "liberus cultus" to remove religious differences from the political sphere, where they inevitably created tensions. But freedom of religion would remain a privilege of those citizens living in Egypt, parts of Sicily, Attica, Rome and other parts of Italy and a few other civitates. Motions to enshrine it in the Confederacy`s Symphonesis (constitution) repeatedly missed the two-thirds majority in Councils by only a few votes. The Agonistic civitates in Africa, Numidia, Cyrenaica and now also in Mauritania Tingitana, but also similar groups in Cilicia and parts of Sicily and Southern Italy were as opposed to it a s the Judaean and Samaritan ones - to them, the revolution and the Confederacy meant their freedom to shape the communities they lived in in accordance with the radical principles of their respective religions.

In many civitates, especially in Egypt, on the African coast, in Italy, Sicily and Athens, isonomy governed not only the election of delegates to the Confederate councils, but also everyday local politics. The general assembly (comitium, ekklesia) had become the institution where laws were passed, judges and civil servants tasked with the management of the public infrastructure and the command over the vigils were elected, their budgets were fixed, and taxes were introduced, modified or repealed. Large cities increasingly devolved the management of minor issues to comitia vicina, where the inhabitants of a particular quarter of town or a village (vicus) gathered to sort out their public affairs. In the beginning, comitia were held on marketplaces, in amphitheatres and even on open fields. Over the next decades, though, especially the largest civitates like Alexandria, Antiochia and Rome built magnificent domed halls for their comitia. Their model was soon copied in the smaller civitates, too. In this "ekklesiastical" architecture, the new republic proudly celebrated itself and its founding principle of the rule of the people.

Decentralisation in the Gallo-Roman Empire

Compared to modern states, the Roman Empire had not been a heavily cent ralised state at all. Most affairs were handled quasi-autonomously by local elites. But during the Principate, all higher political offices and military protection had depended on one person, the Imperator Augustus. This had become a liability especially in the threatened border provinces. Imperial taxation, although still moderate by modern standards, had become oppressive in a context of economic decline. Debased currencies and sinking trade volumes accelerated a process of economic relocalisation.

Not just in Gaul, but all over the former Roman Empire - except for the Confederacy and the Palmyrene Empire -, estate owners from influential families underwent a slow transformation into de facto local rulers and warlords in the chaotic years during and after Decius` tyranny and during the Revolution.

Elsewhere, this tendency was combatted. But when Postumus came to power, he chose the opposite path. He sanctioned this decentralisation by granting tax exemptions and even the right to tax people in a specific area themselves to many estate owners in exchange for transferring the responsibility of ensuring public safety and administration onto them.

Postumus relied on these landowners-turned-warlords for the protection of his endangered realm against the threat of Germanic and Pictish raids and invasions. Everywhere across Gaul, Hispania, Britannia and the Alps, burgi were built, manned by bucelarii whose social role had been promoted from suspicious paramilitary thugs to official local peacekeeping forces. They did not only serve the purpose of defending the region against barbarian incursion; they were also a means of keeping a potentially rebellious peasantry under control.

With this legalisation of bucelarist and manorialist particularism, the social status of much of the population working in agricultioure sank from that of free (albeit badly paid) wage labourers to land-bound serfs. Central imperial taxes continued to be levied from larger towns and cities, who retained their autonomy and self-organisation under the old civitas model. Although the urban population enjoyed greater liberties, its numbers shrank due to the economic consequences of the relocalisation and rebarterisation of trade.

The successful defense against Saxon, Frankish and Pictish raids under Postumus` reformed system provided some legitimacy to his measures. After his death in 1024 - he did not survive the defeat against the Confederacy very long - and a few chaotic interregnum years, the trends begun under Postumus were escalated under the second Gallo-Roman Emperor, Avitius. Avitius granted vast stretches of land in the Rhine Valley to members of the ruling clan of the Alemannic Brisgavii in exchange for their military service against other Alemannic and Frankish tribes, most notably among them the Iuthungi, who were defeated and conquered by an Alemannic petty king turned Gallo-Roman dux by the name of Huno. Huno and his close kins had become feudal rulers over the Agri Decumates and beyond them over lands North of the limes Germanico-Raeticus. Their military power was a factor Avitius had to reckon with.

To be continued, including a section on "A Military State on the Danube"

____
I can´t post the map I´ ve promised yet because I have the source file on a different computer, I´ll try to post it on Friday.
 

guinazacity

Banned


While the Confederacy is in a definite upswing the empire is going down hard. I can see the empire just disintegrating from the inside in the first civil war.

and hydrodynamic? Are you planning an industrial revolution, salvador? because if this is what i think it is it will be awesome.

Freedom of belief i probably too radical a concept so far. as alexandria and other cities exert their passive influence over other civitates i can see it being introduced.
 
Glad you like you my democracy-wank, Guinazacity :)
Having Rome and much of Italy as well as Athens, Corinth and other Greeks on board will change the Confederacy in many ways. They´re a hegemonial power now, but they`ll have to sort out a few things quickly.

As for Rome`s rebuilding, @MorningDew: After Claudius` grandiose Pontine marshes plan had been abandoned, Rome`s reconstruction had went mostly unplanned, slow and spontaneous, and on a limited scale. I agree on your population estimate. Becoming a democracy and a part of the Confederacy will change some things: the plebs urbana can give itself a functional government of, for and by themselves tasked with the reconstruction, if they´re able to pull that. But many other problems persist: Rome had economically depended for many centuries on external subsidies; these subsidies are not likely to come back now, either. For its crafter-and-trader middle class, or what´s left of it, economic revival will be a key issue, and the urbs` reconstruction will depend on the question whether this will come about or not, but nobody back then had any idea how this could come about (other than through peace and prayers).
Rome has comparatively many educated people, but they´re highly divided over religious and other issues. At least now, these conflicts can be discussed in the open.
Will the plebs urbana, which has become rather fatalistic given the circumstances of their ever-worsening economic conditions, the fire, and all the violence without a plan forward for at least two decades, rouse and roll up their sleeves? Hm...
Long story short: Rome´s reconstruction is going to be a challenge for the Romans. Will there be help from other civitates? Well... the only reason why the comitium of, say, Ephesus would agree to chuck over resources, which they need themselves, to Rome, would be to strengthen a new centre of power against the de facto domination of Alexandria, I think. Let´s see if that happens :cool:

The pontine marsh city is the city's new port, I think its population is around 100,000. even though it had to be abandoned I think it's usefulness will still be present. Hell, Rome has MORE trading capacity now. So the economic decline will be actually negated somewhat. The "wasteful" new city actually is better for Rome in the long run, Ironic:).

At this point, Rome's role in the civilization means that after the confederacy secures their Italian border, it would be wise for them to keep it as the head of the empire. Even with the fire and the population of the new port the city should still be larger than Alexandria. Even with the whole christian aspect of the confederacy the role of Rome is just too large not to center the empire there unless its temporary. ttl Aurelian walls can wait, for there is no danger of reconquest for now. A much smaller head it will be, but it is roman civilization, not Alexandrian civilization.

(Not trying to force you, but if the confederacy wants to truly replace Rome it probably needs to use it as capital. I just don't see how they could call themselves successors of the civilization otherwise, this isn't the 5 century where everything goes to shit)
 
Delegating defense to the rich estate owners will make areas that quickly fell to barbarian rule in OTL (especially Britannia) much more capable of defending themselves in the absence of a strong imperial authority. Or at least serve as the first line of defense against an invasion before the reinforcements can arrive. On the downside, there's the risk of the estate owners, now with the authority (and wealth) to command their own private armies, declaring war on each other to gain more land, wealth and peasants as taxpayers and recruits for even more wars of expansion. Come to think of it. You could have estate owners uniting on occasions to oppose the Emperor when they perceive their interests of being threatened and even overthrow him! :eek::eek::eek:

This Gallo-Roman Empire could come to resemble Heian-period Japan. You have the decentralization and military defense being increasingly delegated to estate owners and these barbarian duces. They're the military elite of the Empire, minus the chivalric code of bushido to rely on for discipline. And the bucellarii manning their armies are like the samurai. For the time being, the Emperors aren't ones to being pushed around by their lessers but that may change with Avitus and his successors. This is after all, not the Roman Empire of old but the start of a new order. Who knows how that will proceed?
 
Thanks for your feedback! The next update might have to wait till Tuesday, but I thought I´d post the map I had promised first (see below) so everyone can picture the balance of power etc. better.

and hydrodynamic? Are you planning an industrial revolution, salvador? because if this is what i think it is it will be awesome.
:) Maybe not a full-blown industrial revolution. But without slavery, the hard work in mines, mills, oil presses, quarries etc. incurs high labour costs. Also, the de facto cooperatives who have taken over most of the fertile Nile Valley etc. will accumulate nice amounts of money. And with so many traditions shaken up, ancient things questioned and many people liberated and proudly responsible for their own fate, perhaps a few innovative ideas how to make one`s hard work a little easier are in order.

The pontine marsh city is the city's new port, I think its population is around 100,000. even though it had to be abandoned I think it's usefulness will still be present. Hell, Rome has MORE trading capacity now. So the economic decline will be actually negated somewhat. The "wasteful" new city actually is better for Rome in the long run, Ironic:).

At this point, Rome's role in the civilization means that after the confederacy secures their Italian border, it would be wise for them to keep it as the head of the empire. Even with the fire and the population of the new port the city should still be larger than Alexandria. Even with the whole christian aspect of the confederacy the role of Rome is just too large not to center the empire there unless its temporary. ttl Aurelian walls can wait, for there is no danger of reconquest for now. A much smaller head it will be, but it is roman civilization, not Alexandrian civilization.

(Not trying to force you, but if the confederacy wants to truly replace Rome it probably needs to use it as capital. I just don't see how they could call themselves successors of the civilization otherwise, this isn't the 5 century where everything goes to shit)

Good point about Pontinium being destined to become a major port of the Latium. As for population, I think Alexandria is of equal size as Rome now. But you have a good point about "Romanitas" inevitably being a major concept now, what with millions of Italians having joined the Confederacy. The question of being successors of the Roman civilization is a difficult one. Right now, the legacy of the Empire is not something distant that half-barbarian polities are laying claim upon to legitimise their medieval power on. It is still a highly controversial thing among the Empire´s former subjects and citizens. As my "AUC" notations indicate, I´ll aim to make the reference to Rome happen somewhere in between where we are now in TTL and TTL´s present day, but will it happen in the next decades?

Whether claiming Roman continuity or not is a wise thing for the Confederacy is one thing - the other is, whether those wielding actual power in the Confederacy will pursue the wisest path. I`ll work with your suggestion of greater political importance of the concept of "Romanitas", but I think it´s going to be a controversial one. Some groups will uphold it, while others will be opposed to it. (The first example which comes to mind are the Jewish and Samaritan member civitates in the Levante. They have a Hellenised minority which might rely on "Romanitas", but a majority there, I think, will find the concept not so appealing.) Right now, power in the Confederacy is very decentralised (although in a different way than in the Gallo-Roman Empire).

Delegating defense to the rich estate owners will make areas that quickly fell to barbarian rule in OTL (especially Britannia) much more capable of defending themselves in the absence of a strong imperial authority. Or at least serve as the first line of defense against an invasion before the reinforcements can arrive. On the downside, there's the risk of the estate owners, now with the authority (and wealth) to command their own private armies, declaring war on each other to gain more land, wealth and peasants as taxpayers and recruits for even more wars of expansion. Come to think of it. You could have estate owners uniting on occasions to oppose the Emperor when they perceive their interests of being threatened and even overthrow him! :eek::eek::eek:

This Gallo-Roman Empire could come to resemble Heian-period Japan. You have the decentralization and military defense being increasingly delegated to estate owners and these barbarian duces. They're the military elite of the Empire, minus the chivalric code of bushido to rely on for discipline. And the bucellarii manning their armies are like the samurai. For the time being, the Emperors aren't ones to being pushed around by their lessers but that may change with Avitus and his successors. This is after all, not the Roman Empire of old but the start of a new order. Who knows how that will proceed?

I agree with your points, and the analogy to Heian Japan makes a lot of sense.

One important difference is that the Gallo-Roman Empire consists of very heterogeneous socio-political landscapes: from the highly urbanised Baetica to tribal Britannia. We´ll see how that works ;-)

Also, the Gallo-Roman Empire won`t exist in isolation and can`t turn in on itself. The 250s, 260s and 270s CE ITTL are basically an age of class warfare, and while the underclass has obtained a victory in the Confederacy, in the Gallo-Roman Empire, the old elites have triumphed and cemented their power. They`ll be forced to legitimise this power in some way. Welcome to the Cold War late antiquity-style! :cool:

Next post will be on a "third path" which will be connected with the names of Diocles. But for now, here`s the map of the political boundaries in 270 CE:
Confoederatio 270 CE with text.jpg

Confoederatio 270 CE with text.jpg
 
Cont. of "Political Transformations at the Dawn of the Hydrodynamic Age":

A Military State on the Danube

Yet another political system and empire would be associated with the name of Diocles. With Probus humiliatingly defeated and Mucianus reduced to irrelevance in the Revolutionary War of Independence, Diocles had become the sole heir to the rest of the Roman Empire from the Alps to the Bosphorus.

His situation showed some parallels with that of Postumus a decade earlier: he was left with a significant part of the Roman Empire, rich of resources yet immediately threatened by barbarians, with a population of very differing degrees of romanisation. Like Postumus, Diocles had risen through the ranks of the army, yet he enjoyed the support of the provincial establishment.

But there were also significant differences. Diocles had much more military forces at his disposal. His realm was more directly connected to trade routes with the East. The Danube limes had enjoyed much more attention in the way of fortifications (labelled the "Apollodorian plan") as compared to the Rhine border, and barbarian incursions had been beaten back more successfully here as a result. Also, vast stretches of land were settled by veterans of the Roman army, while the socially explosive latifundia only dominated in the Southern parts of his realm.

The greatest difference lay in the personality of Diocles, though. Postumus had risen in the army and then to the position of supreme leader of the Gallo-Romans by incredible opportunism - perfectly playing the tunes of Roman nobles, be they his former military superiors or landowning senators, as well as ordinary legionaries whom he allowed to keep the loot confiscated from the Iuthungi -, Diocles had climbed his way up through excellent academic and military achievements, often obtained at the cost of a dangerous rigour against himself. Diocles did not just use the army, he was a part of it.

The common denominator of all his efforts and measures was Diocles` unlimited esteem of and trust in the capabilities of Roman military organisation. In the more than three decades of his exceptionally long reign, he turned the rest of the Roman Empire into a military state.

Like Postumus, Diocles cracked down on the rebellious peasantry in the Southern parts of his empire. But he used ordinary imperial military forces instead of buclearii in his counterinsurgency campaigns, and when they had secured an estate, they rarely simply turned it over to its owners or their heirs or to some retainers of the emperor if none such proprietor was identified. Instead, agri stipendiarii, agri tributarii and agri quaestorii were transformed into ager provincialis; military administrators were installed and the land was worked by milites coloniales, i.e. farmer-soldiers who worked and lived fully within the military chain of command.

Such takeovers were especially often where estates had not only busied themselves with agriculture, but also included quarries and mills, of which only 5 % had been owned and operated by the military at Diocles` ascent to the purple, whereas at his death in 1057, their share had grown to a staggering 69 %.

Diocles had taken over a military force of approximately 50,000 plus less than 10,000 milites immunes with civilian tasks. At his death, more than 200,000 men were on the army`s payrolls. Paradoxically, the number of those whose actual job was to fight even sunk during this time period, while the number of milites immunes rose to 155,000. In addition to these, the military also possessed a large number of slaves: Diocles no longer sold any captives from his punitive campaigns against Iazyges, Gepids and others to private buyers and sent the slaves into his army`s quarries and mines instead or had them build and repair the roads.

Under Diocles, the army took over more and more of the economy and managed it more or less directly. Diocles emphasised investments in infrastructure, primarily another round of defensive structures and fortifications, this time not only against barbarian incursions from the North, but also against the Confederacy in the South. But he also had roads, aquaeducts and dams repaired, he restored the cursus publicus throughout the Empire, and he promulgated the quick adaptation of technological innovations made in the Confederacy.

Diocles had little respect for urban or tribal autonomy and self-government; he tolerated it (especially urban autonomy in Northern Italy and along the Dalmatian coast) as long as it "functioned properly", i.e. without revolts, unrest, mismanagement or any other kind of mess. When problems occurred, a military solution was quickly found and implemented.

All these measures not only changed the state - Diocles saw no necessity in recreating institutions like the Senate or civil magistrates like quaestors and aedils after Rome had fallen to the Confederacy, and he would soon replace the system of provinces with a system of military districts - and the economy, but also, as has been alluded, the nature of the army itself. Apart from the excessive growth of its quasi-civil sector, two major reforms remain tied to his name: the paradigm shift from infantry- to cavalry-dominated warfare, and the increased role of the military academies.

Milites fabri from Singidunum had discovered that various Iranian peoples used stirrups and could therefore combine heavy armour with mobility and flexibility in cavalry warfare. Diocles adapted and retrained the imperial cavalry under these auspices, and built up more cavalry units, whose mounted soldiers all had to enjoy a training which happened under the roof of the Academiae Martis, and in many cases included broader academic studies, too. Diocles dissolved the old distinction between legions and auxiliaries, and between border troops and others; the new standing units were smaller, but faster and could be supplemented with reserves from the milites coloniales.

The military academies became not only responsible for training the new cavalry forces, and of course the engineers and strategists as before. Under their roof, a sizable number of medical experts were educated and later employed in the countless valetudinaria, which Diocles installed in almost every town. But perhaps most importantly, Diocles set countless explicit precedents during his long reign of promoting only people with a corresponding academic qualification to positions of military and military-civil command. By this measure, Diocles, who otherwise centralised his Empire to an unprecedented extent, also devolved some of the responsibility which lay on the emperor`s shoulders. Academic degrees were issued by the academies themselves in hierarchical, but collegial processes, even up to the magister fabrorum, the academic top position, who was only assisted by a "rector" appointed by the emperor whose task was mainly to supervise the orderly functioning and the budget of the academia. Diocles had found a way to substitute the old Roman traditions of elite reproduction with a comparatively meritocratic one.

No sphere of public life was spared from intrusion and top-down management by this militarised state. Religion, it had become clear, was a major instability factor for any regime in the 11th century AUC - yet it was also a powerful source of loyalty and coherence, and Diocles seized on this opportunity, too. While the politically subversive Agonistic Christians and Simonist Jews were persecuted and exiled or killed in great numbers, Diocles also appointed military pastors for his more moderate Christian soldiers, military rabbis for his loyal Jewish soldiers, and military priests for any deity, from Sabazios to Medauras. These military men of god(s) educated the next generation, which would follow in their footsteps upon appointment, under the roof of the Academiae Martis, too, and several such academies, most notably at Naissus, Salona and Byzantion, began to accumulate sizable bodies of theological literature which could compete with their self-governed rivals in Antiochia, Alexandria and Carthage. Among the Christian communities, these loyal military priests began to compete with civically elected bishops, deacons and presbyters for authority.

When Diocles died in 1057, he left an unfree, militarised and authoritarian, but also pacified, economically sound and militarily defiant state behind. Trade had recovered, roads were safe, and the standard of living among the peasantry had stopped deteriorating at least.

But he had not left any successor in position, nor any institution which would naturally assume the role of selecting one.
 
Diocles may not have picked a successor himself nor are there institutions prepared to handle it but arise they shall. His reforms are just the beginning of what's to come in the reformation of the Roman empire into a centralized military dictatorship. Will the idea of an Emperor even exist? An Emperor is above all, citizens and soldiers? Will Diocles' successor, whoever it may be, abolish the title of Emperor and take on a more martial title to reflect his status as a commander first than a ruler who sits around. Perhaps Magister Militum?

Fascinating update bruh.
 

guinazacity

Banned
A feudal empire, A military government and an eastern-style despotate.

Yeah, the confederation can't stand for this!
 
Diocles may not have picked a successor himself nor are there institutions prepared to handle it but arise they shall. His reforms are just the beginning of what's to come in the reformation of the Roman empire into a centralized military dictatorship. Will the idea of an Emperor even exist? An Emperor is above all, citizens and soldiers? Will Diocles' successor, whoever it may be, abolish the title of Emperor and take on a more martial title to reflect his status as a commander first than a ruler who sits around. Perhaps Magister Militum?

Fascinating update bruh.
Thanks :)
Of all the titles Roman Emperors used to decorate themselves with, Diocles certainly didn`t care for "princeps Senatus" (especially since there wasn´t a Senate anymore), and in all likelihood also not for "consul" or "tribunus" (as implied in the "potestas tribunicia"). The epithet "Augustus" is merely ornamental anyway, and so is "pater patriae". But "imperator" is something he certainly liked to call himself, it means that he has imperium, i.e. military command.
As for his successor(s), well, let´s see how they come about in the first place.

A feudal empire, A military government and an eastern-style despotate.
Yeah, the confederation can't stand for this!
We should certainly not forget the eastern-style despotate ;-) Last time I wrote about them, Odaenathus` Palmyrenes were wrestling with the Sassanids led by Shapur. I´ve taken the Roman and Gallo-Roman Empires and to a certain extent the Confederacy several years and even decades ahead, but in the next update, Palmyra and the Sassanids will be brought up to date. The update is generally about religious developments in this quickly changing Mediterranean and Middle Eastern world.
 
Religious developments - haven`t finished the Sassanids and Palmyrenes yet...

from Niallu Gregorianu: A World History of Faith in 100 Objects. Londiniu: Via Alana, 2763 AUC, pp. 135ff.:

After the Millennium (1010-1050 AUC)


The world history of faith, as we have told it, has been a history of permanent change in spite of proclaimed traditions and eternal, unchanging truths. Never has this judgement been truer than in reference to the period we are looking at now, the time immediately following Rome`s one-thousandth birthday.


The millennium had been expected with fear and chiliastic hope of deliverance; and both expectations had been fulfilled. In the time period to which the following objects belong, Rome burnt to the ground, its Empire fell apart, and from its ashes, four new polities emerged. In two of them, new religious groups consolidated and wed their fates with those of newly emerged states or parts within these states. Two other and much older religions also underwent significant transformations and recovered their status as exclusive religions of their realm.


The next four objects tell us about these new groups and the changed relations between religions and states after Rome`s millennium.

Libyan Psalter from Thagaste


coptic bible.jpg



Apart from its old age, the first object does not appear fascinating at all at first sight. Its thick leather cover shows no ornament, and when opened, all we see are letters, orderly and evenly spread across the pages.


On a second glance, the psalter reveals a solemn solidity. It is made of valuable pergament, not of papyrus. This tells of two things: the artifact was made to last, and it was produced by people who had a decent amount of resources at their disposal.


Both hint at changes which were transforming the religious community whose scripture we have before our eyes – the Agonistici, the early Catharian Church. The Agonistici had begun as an aggressive millenarian sect. In the time span in which this psalter was written – it is indicated by a small sigle on the last page: 282 A.D., that is our year 1035 – their revolution reached its thirtieth birthday. And like so many at this age, it quietly shed some of the most extreme views it had held and began to settle down. First among these views was the certainty of an imminent apocalypse. The Agonistici had fought many battles, they had lost many and won a few, and the sparks of the Agonistic fire had set the entire Southern Mediterranean aflame, fanning the pyres of other revolutionary groups as well. After Agonistici had won their holy war together with their allies, they were defeated by these very same allies, compelled to cede the control over cities like Carthage, Hippo Regia and Leptis Magna to the non-Agonistic majorities in the comitia of these civitates.


But the church thrived in the civitates of the hinterland, and after the destructions of the war were repaired, these groups began to build their Civitas Dei on earth in their own small civitates. With irrigation systems, dams and oil presses repaired and rebuilt, wealth began to return to the more fertile of these regions - wealth which was equally shared by all members of the Agonistic community.



The psalter is written in the Libyan language and script – the language of the group of people which at this moment in time began to shed their tribal differences and understand themselves as the Imaziyen, “the free”.


This psalter was among a number of Christian texts, all written in a very short time period, which played a major role in this process of ethnogenesis. It is among the very first copies of the holy Christian writ translated from Hebrew (or, in the case of other texts, from Greek or Aramaic) into the Libyan language. With texts like this, the various Libyan dialects from the Atlantic to the Siwa oasis began to embark on a process of standardization – and the people who read the texts and spoke these languages came to see themselves no longer merely as Soccossians, Massaesylians, Gaetulians, Nasamonians or Blemmyes, but also as bearers of a shared Libyan (or, in their language, Amazigh) identity. Agonistic Christianity, the membership in the Confederacy of Free Citizenries, and the Libyan language had become the pillars of this identity.


The Libyan letters in this psalter are written in horizontal lines from left to right. While this may not seem special to us, it was a major change in the Libyan scriptural tradition. One which was motivated by the massive amount of Greco-Roman influence this new Libyan was exposed to. More than one in three among those who became Imaziyen in these decades spoke Latin, Greek, or Neopunic as their first language, and many more spoke either of them as a second language. At the very moment in which Libyan texts like this helped constitute a new and proud Libyan identity, their language and alphabet underwent a strong synthesis and assimilation.


In contrast to copies of Christian biblical texts from this and following centuries written in many parts of Europe and Asia, this psalter contains no ornamental paintings. There were two reasons for this. Firstly, the copy was, in all likelihood, produced over a relatively short time span and by a layperson, for the Agonistici had no monks and almost no full-time presbyters. Agonistic proselytization and coherence required that texts like this be copied and distributed into every village between Siwa and Lixus. Lay people wrote these copies over oil lamps in the evenings after a day`s work on the collective farms, or whatever their occupation was. The text which the community should sing and reflect upon mattered, and there was no time for elaborate ornaments.


Secondly, illustrations in instructional and theological literature served the purpose of explaining the content to an illiterate majority of peasants. Among the Agonistici, this majority was quickly shrinking into a minority. The democratic Agonistic community required at least very basic reading skills among its members. Few literate persons were able or willing to withstand the social pressure, almost everyone of them put in the extra hours to teach those who could not read and write.


But when we leaf through the psalter, carefully, we discover that there is, actually, one pictorial symbol. It is a stylized bird, burnt into the inner side of the leather cover; the crest of the Civitas Thagastensis. This psalter did not belong in a private home, but in one of the large and often magnificently domed ecclesial halls Amazigh Agonistici built all over the realm controlled by them during the 11th century. We could say that we have before us an exemplar from a very early small-town public library.


If we subject the psalter to an even closer scrutiny, graphological analysis has another surprise in store for us. This is the handwriting of a woman. Enduring testament to the role of women in Agonistic Western Berber communities, which was different not only from their Eastern neighbours, but also from that in other civitates of the Citizenry, not to speak of the other successor states to the Roman Empire. In the mountains of the long Atlas ridge and its surroundings, women were, if perhaps not equal members of the civitas and comitium, then at least entrusted with important political, social and ceremonial roles – and evidently also with the task of obtaining and spreading scriptural knowledge.

To be continued with entries on “Marble stone from synagogue in Beersheva”, “Gilt silver vessel from Anahita shrine in Ardashir-Choreh” and “Bema seat from Ashur”.

coptic bible.jpg
 
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