Exceptionally good explanation regarding the situation, you managed to beat me to it haha. I would also like to add that in the end, the Canadian government does hold the power to discharge its forces in support of the Royal Navy. That being said, imperial sentiments in this period are so strong that withholding such assistance would be political suicide for the party in question.
Remember the Rainbow Redux: An Alternate Royal Canadian Navy
Exceptionally good explanation regarding the situation, you managed to beat me to it haha. I would also like to add that in the end, the Canadian government does hold the power to discharge its forces in support of the Royal Navy. That being said, imperial sentiments in this period are so strong that withholding such assistance would be political suicide for the party in question.
Theoretically yes but as this was before the Statute of Westminster I wonder how the UK would react to such a refusal especially if it was a major unit like a battleship. At that point they had the theoretic power to override the Canadian Parliament. I do agree about the political reaction to such a refusal in Canada. Orange Lodge idiots like Sam Hughes would be incandescent and the government would quickly fall leaving one hell of a mess.
The Naval Service Bill specifically mentioned that the Canadian government had the power to allow its ships to be put into or retained from Royal Navy service. Of course it was never specified who the “Canadian” dreadnoughts would serve under but it’s very, very likely the RN would retain control. Canada didn’t have the resources to operate such ships.
But as you state, just because Canada has the power doesn’t mean they will. It’s politically untenable for Canada to do so and the UK can just override parliament if they wish. It’s definitely interesting to consider though.
Dread Nought but the Fury of Parliament
The Naval Aid Bill was introduced in Parliament on December 5 of 1912. It read as;
1. This Act may be cited as The Naval Aid Act.
2. From and out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund of Canada there may be paid and applied a sum not exceeding thirty-five million dollars for the purpose of immediately increasing the effective naval forces of the Empire.
3. That said sum shall be used and applied under the direction of the Governor in Council in the construction and equipment of battleships or armored cruisers of the most modern and powerful type.
4. The said ships when constructed and equipped shall be placed by the Governor in Council at the disposal of His Majesty for the common defense of the Empire.
5. The said sum shall be paid, used and applied and the said ships shall be constructed and placed at the disposal of His Majesty subject to such terms, conditions and arrangements as may be agreed upon between the Governor in Council and His Majesty's Government."
In essence, this bill would essentially hand over the funds required for the construction of 3 capital ships to Britain. Canada would be left high and dry when it came to their own naval policy, as Borden wished to pass this law before any others. It is generally agreed that while these ships likely would have had Canadian names, they would be commissioned into the Royal Navy and operated by them. To the Nationalists, this was the ultimate betrayal of their trust and a worst case scenario. While the Imperialists and Contributionists were generally rather content with this payment.
HMS Valiant in drydock, sometime around the end of WWI. While it is somewhat supported by prepared designs that the trio of Canadian dreadnoughts might be built to a unique 'flat iron' design, their operation by the Royal Navy almost certainly meant they would be of the Queen Elizabeth class. It is rather obvious why such large and expensive ships would be unsuited to domestic Canadian operation.
That being said, the proposed amount produced a rather extreme whiplash in Parliament. Even the generally rather vapid and pro British Governor General expressed his dismay regarding the new naval bill.
“I am not quite sure exactly what the government are going to propose as the permanent naval organization of Canada, something more practical and useful than the Laurier naval bill I hope. This they want to repeal at once and I am urging them not to do this til they have an organization to propose in its place. I think it would be a mistake for Canada, alone of all the great self-governing dominions, to be without any system of naval defense. I think you will agree with my view that for the moment an inferior and existing naval organization is better than none.”
In his typical fashion, Borden launched himself into boisterous and stirring speeches in order to attempt to drum up support for his newest bill.
"So far as official estimates are available, the expenditure of Great Britain in naval and military defense for the provinces which now constitute Canada, during the nineteenth century, was not less than $400,000,000. Even since the inception of our confederation, and since Canada has attained the status of a great Dominion, the amount so expended by Great Britain for the naval and military defense of Canada vastly exceeds the sum which we are now asking parliament to appropriate. From 1870 to 1890 the proportionate cost of North Atlantic squadrons which guarded our coasts was from $125,000,000 to $150,000,000. From 1853 to 1903 Great Britain's expenditure on military defense in Canada runs closely up to one hundred million dollars. Has the protection of the flag and the prestige of the Empire meant anything for us during all that period? Hundreds of illustrations are at hand, but let me give just two. During a period of disorder in a distant country, a Canadian citizen was unjustifiably arrested and fifty lashes were laid on his back. Appeal was made to Great Britain, and with what result? A public apology was made to him, and fifty pounds were paid for every lash. In time of dangerous riot and wild terror in a foreign city a Canadian religious community remained unafraid. 'Why did you not fear?' they were asked, and unhesitatingly came the answer, 'The Union Jack floated above us.'
No thoughtful man can fail to realize that very complex and difficult questions confront those who believe that we must find a basis of permanent co-operation in naval defense, and that any such basis must afford to the overseas dominions an adequate voice in the molding and control of foreign policy. It would have been idle to expect, and indeed we did not expect to reach in the few weeks at our disposal during the past summer a final solution of that problem, which is not less interesting than difficult, which touches most closely the future destiny of the Empire, and which is fraught with even graver significance for the British islands than for Canada. But I conceive that its solution is not impossible; and, however difficult the task may be, it is not the part of wisdom or of statesmanship to evade it. And so we invite the statesmen of Great Britain to study with us this, the real problem of Imperial existence. The next ten or twenty years will be pregnant with great results for this Empire, and it is of infinite importance that questions of purely domestic concern, however urgent, shall not prevent any of us from rising "to the height of this great argument." But to-day, while the clouds are heavy and we hear the booming of the distant thunder, and see the lightning flashes above the horizon, we cannot and we will not wait and deliberate until any impending storm shall have burst upon us in fury and with disaster. Almost unaided, the motherland not for herself alone, but for us as well, is sustaining the burden of a vital Imperial duty, and confronting an overmastering necessity of national existence. Bringing the best assistance that we may in the urgency of the moment, we come thus to her aid, in token of our determination to protect and ensure the safety and integrity of this Empire, and of our resolve to defend on sea as well as on land our flag, our honor, and our heritage. And so we invite the statesmen of Great Britain to study with us this, the real problem of Imperial existence. Meanwhile, however, the skies were filled with clouds and distant thunder, and we will not wait and deliberate until any impending storm shall have burst upon us in fury and with disaster."
Borden's Imperialistic appeal to patriotism had struck accords with members of Parliament across both sides of the aisle however as the Liberal opposition delivered their reply, any pretenses of cooperation between the parties for support was quickly dashed. While there was the potential for an option for Canada to take over the operation of said three ships in the future, it was extremely likely that these immensely expensive and resource intensive vessels would stay in Admiralty custody for their entire service lives. While special privileges would likely be given to Canadian personnel to be stationed and trained aboard these ships alongside the ships themselves receiving Canadian names, (Ontario, Quebec and Acadia), Borden was quickly taken under fire.
If Laurier was furious at the proposal, the man in classic fashion, did not show a crack of rage in his impenetrable mask. At a Liberal caucus held the following day, the party decided with dissent that this bill would not be allowed to pass, no matter the length they must go to.
Wilfred Laurier speaking to the House of Commons.
At the next meeting of Parliament, Laurier tore into the Naval Aid Bill from every angle he could think of. He began by saying that it was the Conservatives who had dragged the Dominion's naval policy into the zone of contentious politics with their ridiculous Imperialistic jingoism. They had thrown out Laurier's perfectly reasonable procurement plan for what? Handing the Admiralty money on a silver platter? This plan, unlike his own, would spend no money on Canadian infrastructure and do nothing to assist the Canadian economy. In the mind of Laurier, Borden had given up the policy of a Canadian navy before he went to England, and had then when he arrived, asked the Admiralty of what they would like as a tribute. Laurier reaffirmed that the existing Canadian naval organization of his own creation was not separatist in tendency. Laurier concluded by moving an amendment, the gist of which was that any measure of Canadian aid in imperial naval defense which did not carry out a permanent policy of participation by ships owned, manned, and maintained by Canada, and built in the Dominion, would not properly express the aspirations of the Canadian people. He proposed measures should be taken as quick as possible to realize the potential embodied in the Naval Service Act; and that accordingly, in place of a tribute to the Royal Navy, two fleet units should be provided, one for each coast. The makeup of these fleet units was never agreed upon however it is thought to be two similar units to Australia. This too though was rather optimistic.
Laurier's speeches reinforced his point of view and struck home the problems with Borden's policy;
"In our humble judgment the remedy is this, that wherever, in the distant seas, or in the distant countries—in Australia, Canada or elsewhere—a British ship has been removed to allow of concentration in European waters, that ship should be replaced by a ship built, maintained, equipped and manned by the young nation immediately concerned . . . This is the Australian policy; this ought to be the Canadian policy. You say that these ships will bear Canadian names. That will be the only thing Canadian about them. You hire somebody to do your work; in other words, you are ready to do anything except the fighting."
It seemed that Borden had seriously underestimated the amount of bitter feelings regarding the Liberal loss in the last election and his pledges to effectively destroy the Liberal formed Royal Canadian Navy. Even members of the Quebec Conservatives switched sides to support Laurier through these debates. For 2 straight weeks in March of 1913, Parliament had a continuous sitting in regards to the bill. The Liberals were dedicated to stopping this bill by any means necessary and in the words of one of their members, "we are going to sit until Christmas time, if necessary, to prevent the passage of this bill." Over the next 23 weeks, every kind of argument and obstructive trick in the Parliamentary playbook was utilized by the Liberals. The arguments largely turned entirely partisan with each leader eventually falling back to party lines with their leaders rallying support solely around good old-fashioned party allegiance. Once the bill was forced through into a second reading though, the tactics of Laurier took a major turn. Another member of Parliament explained the tedious slug fest which had unfurled.
"We then entered upon a discussion which involved practically continuous sitting for two weeks. The debate went on, night and day, until Saturday, March 8th, at two o'clock in the morning. Members on each side were divided into three relays or shifts and were on duty for eight hours at a time. We had to adopt unusual precautions because we did not know at what hour the Opposition might spring division and have a majority concealed and available. On Monday, March 10th, the debate was resumed and it continued at great length throughout the week. On Friday, March 14th, and again on the following day the debate became so violent as to occasion apprehension of personal conflict. As midnight [Friday] approached the Speaker twice had to take the Chair amid scenes of great disorder."
Political cartoon showing off the issue of the Naval Aid Bill rather well.
The general strategy for the Liberals at this stage of the debate was to discuss every single point which arose or could be introduced, and to discuss each for as long as humanly possible in the most minute of details possible. Every tiny fact or statistic brought up by the Conservatives was asked for verification, sessions of Parliament turned into marathon one sided arguments and hours upon hours of reading from lists. The Conservatives largely said as little as possible to avoid supplying the Liberals with any more ammunition for their stalling tactics and hoped as they waited that the sheer physical exhaustion caused by such obstructive and long winded tactics would eventually crack the Liberals facade. The debates themselves were quickly descending down into a state of "frivolity and license with obstruction reaching the point of destroying parliamentary government."
In the face of such stubborn opposition, Borden would write to his Governor General, "These tactics must be arrested, condemned and banished." For the very first time, the Conservatives utilized the newly founded 'closure' rule. As is stated by ourcommons.ca, the closure rule is described as follows;
"Closure is a procedural device used to bring debate on a question to a conclusion by a majority decision of the House, although all Members wishing to speak have not done so. The closure rule provides the government with a procedure to prevent the further adjournment of debate on any matter and to require that the question be put at the end of the sitting in which a motion of closure is adopted. Apart from technical changes as to the hour at which debate is to conclude, the rule has remained virtually unchanged since its adoption in 1913.
Closure may be applied to any debatable matter, including bills and motions. The rule was conceived for use in a Committee of the Whole as much as in the House, but it cannot be applied to business being considered in standing, special, legislative or joint committees of the House. When these committees are considering bills, the House may use the time allocation rule to impose a deadline on the committee stage or to force a committee to report the bill to the House."
Ironically though, a closure rule was not previously passed by the House partially on the opinion of Borden previously, with him stating that such a tactic was 'undesirable'. With votes of 105 to 67 and 108 to 73 respectively for Borden, the Naval Aid Bill was essentially rammed through Parliament after a final reading on May 15th, 1913. Although Borden's bill had braved the harsh treatment of Parliament, it still had to survive the Senate. As senators within the Canadian Senate are appointed for life by the Governor General and any new appointments are always made from among the supporters of the Party in power at the moment, this was a major issue. Borden had not been in power long enough to place a large amount of his supports within the Senate compared to the record 1896 to 1911 length of Laurier's rule over the Canadian government. This had resulted in a iron grip on the membership of the Senate and on May 29, 1913, by a vote of 51 to 27, the Naval Aid Bill was finally defeated in the Senate and returned to the House. While Borden took this initial defeat fairly well however, he soon cabled Churchill in secret and proposed the Admiralty should start construction of the trio regardless of the Canadian funds. He assured Churchill that before their eventual competition, the Canadian government would once again introduce a bill to finance these ships. In a rare show of common sense, Churchill replied with "Such an arrangement would be open to criticism in both countries as seeming to go behind the formal decision of the Canadian Parliament and that we have no right at present to assume the Senate's vote could be reserved." Borden would move to attempt a foothold within the Canadian senate but any kind of naval policy on his end seemed to be dead and gone.
After this defeat, the Conservative government abandoned their naval ambitions for the foreseeable future as the Royal Canadian Navy continued to languish in port under the governments financial constraints. Through this "heart breaking starvation time" though, the Navy would acquire one of the men most instrumental in changing the path of the department for years to come.
"HIS MAJESTY, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons of Canada, enacts as follows:-1. This Act may be cited as The Naval Aid Act.
2. From and out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund of Canada there may be paid and applied a sum not exceeding thirty-five million dollars for the purpose of immediately increasing the effective naval forces of the Empire.
3. That said sum shall be used and applied under the direction of the Governor in Council in the construction and equipment of battleships or armored cruisers of the most modern and powerful type.
4. The said ships when constructed and equipped shall be placed by the Governor in Council at the disposal of His Majesty for the common defense of the Empire.
5. The said sum shall be paid, used and applied and the said ships shall be constructed and placed at the disposal of His Majesty subject to such terms, conditions and arrangements as may be agreed upon between the Governor in Council and His Majesty's Government."
In essence, this bill would essentially hand over the funds required for the construction of 3 capital ships to Britain. Canada would be left high and dry when it came to their own naval policy, as Borden wished to pass this law before any others. It is generally agreed that while these ships likely would have had Canadian names, they would be commissioned into the Royal Navy and operated by them. To the Nationalists, this was the ultimate betrayal of their trust and a worst case scenario. While the Imperialists and Contributionists were generally rather content with this payment.
HMS Valiant in drydock, sometime around the end of WWI. While it is somewhat supported by prepared designs that the trio of Canadian dreadnoughts might be built to a unique 'flat iron' design, their operation by the Royal Navy almost certainly meant they would be of the Queen Elizabeth class. It is rather obvious why such large and expensive ships would be unsuited to domestic Canadian operation.
That being said, the proposed amount produced a rather extreme whiplash in Parliament. Even the generally rather vapid and pro British Governor General expressed his dismay regarding the new naval bill.
“I am not quite sure exactly what the government are going to propose as the permanent naval organization of Canada, something more practical and useful than the Laurier naval bill I hope. This they want to repeal at once and I am urging them not to do this til they have an organization to propose in its place. I think it would be a mistake for Canada, alone of all the great self-governing dominions, to be without any system of naval defense. I think you will agree with my view that for the moment an inferior and existing naval organization is better than none.”
In his typical fashion, Borden launched himself into boisterous and stirring speeches in order to attempt to drum up support for his newest bill.
"So far as official estimates are available, the expenditure of Great Britain in naval and military defense for the provinces which now constitute Canada, during the nineteenth century, was not less than $400,000,000. Even since the inception of our confederation, and since Canada has attained the status of a great Dominion, the amount so expended by Great Britain for the naval and military defense of Canada vastly exceeds the sum which we are now asking parliament to appropriate. From 1870 to 1890 the proportionate cost of North Atlantic squadrons which guarded our coasts was from $125,000,000 to $150,000,000. From 1853 to 1903 Great Britain's expenditure on military defense in Canada runs closely up to one hundred million dollars. Has the protection of the flag and the prestige of the Empire meant anything for us during all that period? Hundreds of illustrations are at hand, but let me give just two. During a period of disorder in a distant country, a Canadian citizen was unjustifiably arrested and fifty lashes were laid on his back. Appeal was made to Great Britain, and with what result? A public apology was made to him, and fifty pounds were paid for every lash. In time of dangerous riot and wild terror in a foreign city a Canadian religious community remained unafraid. 'Why did you not fear?' they were asked, and unhesitatingly came the answer, 'The Union Jack floated above us.'
No thoughtful man can fail to realize that very complex and difficult questions confront those who believe that we must find a basis of permanent co-operation in naval defense, and that any such basis must afford to the overseas dominions an adequate voice in the molding and control of foreign policy. It would have been idle to expect, and indeed we did not expect to reach in the few weeks at our disposal during the past summer a final solution of that problem, which is not less interesting than difficult, which touches most closely the future destiny of the Empire, and which is fraught with even graver significance for the British islands than for Canada. But I conceive that its solution is not impossible; and, however difficult the task may be, it is not the part of wisdom or of statesmanship to evade it. And so we invite the statesmen of Great Britain to study with us this, the real problem of Imperial existence. The next ten or twenty years will be pregnant with great results for this Empire, and it is of infinite importance that questions of purely domestic concern, however urgent, shall not prevent any of us from rising "to the height of this great argument." But to-day, while the clouds are heavy and we hear the booming of the distant thunder, and see the lightning flashes above the horizon, we cannot and we will not wait and deliberate until any impending storm shall have burst upon us in fury and with disaster. Almost unaided, the motherland not for herself alone, but for us as well, is sustaining the burden of a vital Imperial duty, and confronting an overmastering necessity of national existence. Bringing the best assistance that we may in the urgency of the moment, we come thus to her aid, in token of our determination to protect and ensure the safety and integrity of this Empire, and of our resolve to defend on sea as well as on land our flag, our honor, and our heritage. And so we invite the statesmen of Great Britain to study with us this, the real problem of Imperial existence. Meanwhile, however, the skies were filled with clouds and distant thunder, and we will not wait and deliberate until any impending storm shall have burst upon us in fury and with disaster."
Borden's Imperialistic appeal to patriotism had struck accords with members of Parliament across both sides of the aisle however as the Liberal opposition delivered their reply, any pretenses of cooperation between the parties for support was quickly dashed. While there was the potential for an option for Canada to take over the operation of said three ships in the future, it was extremely likely that these immensely expensive and resource intensive vessels would stay in Admiralty custody for their entire service lives. While special privileges would likely be given to Canadian personnel to be stationed and trained aboard these ships alongside the ships themselves receiving Canadian names, (Ontario, Quebec and Acadia), Borden was quickly taken under fire.
If Laurier was furious at the proposal, the man in classic fashion, did not show a crack of rage in his impenetrable mask. At a Liberal caucus held the following day, the party decided with dissent that this bill would not be allowed to pass, no matter the length they must go to.
Wilfred Laurier speaking to the House of Commons.
At the next meeting of Parliament, Laurier tore into the Naval Aid Bill from every angle he could think of. He began by saying that it was the Conservatives who had dragged the Dominion's naval policy into the zone of contentious politics with their ridiculous Imperialistic jingoism. They had thrown out Laurier's perfectly reasonable procurement plan for what? Handing the Admiralty money on a silver platter? This plan, unlike his own, would spend no money on Canadian infrastructure and do nothing to assist the Canadian economy. In the mind of Laurier, Borden had given up the policy of a Canadian navy before he went to England, and had then when he arrived, asked the Admiralty of what they would like as a tribute. Laurier reaffirmed that the existing Canadian naval organization of his own creation was not separatist in tendency. Laurier concluded by moving an amendment, the gist of which was that any measure of Canadian aid in imperial naval defense which did not carry out a permanent policy of participation by ships owned, manned, and maintained by Canada, and built in the Dominion, would not properly express the aspirations of the Canadian people. He proposed measures should be taken as quick as possible to realize the potential embodied in the Naval Service Act; and that accordingly, in place of a tribute to the Royal Navy, two fleet units should be provided, one for each coast. The makeup of these fleet units was never agreed upon however it is thought to be two similar units to Australia. This too though was rather optimistic.
Laurier's speeches reinforced his point of view and struck home the problems with Borden's policy;
"In our humble judgment the remedy is this, that wherever, in the distant seas, or in the distant countries—in Australia, Canada or elsewhere—a British ship has been removed to allow of concentration in European waters, that ship should be replaced by a ship built, maintained, equipped and manned by the young nation immediately concerned . . . This is the Australian policy; this ought to be the Canadian policy. You say that these ships will bear Canadian names. That will be the only thing Canadian about them. You hire somebody to do your work; in other words, you are ready to do anything except the fighting."
It seemed that Borden had seriously underestimated the amount of bitter feelings regarding the Liberal loss in the last election and his pledges to effectively destroy the Liberal formed Royal Canadian Navy. Even members of the Quebec Conservatives switched sides to support Laurier through these debates. For 2 straight weeks in March of 1913, Parliament had a continuous sitting in regards to the bill. The Liberals were dedicated to stopping this bill by any means necessary and in the words of one of their members, "we are going to sit until Christmas time, if necessary, to prevent the passage of this bill." Over the next 23 weeks, every kind of argument and obstructive trick in the Parliamentary playbook was utilized by the Liberals. The arguments largely turned entirely partisan with each leader eventually falling back to party lines with their leaders rallying support solely around good old-fashioned party allegiance. Once the bill was forced through into a second reading though, the tactics of Laurier took a major turn. Another member of Parliament explained the tedious slug fest which had unfurled.
"We then entered upon a discussion which involved practically continuous sitting for two weeks. The debate went on, night and day, until Saturday, March 8th, at two o'clock in the morning. Members on each side were divided into three relays or shifts and were on duty for eight hours at a time. We had to adopt unusual precautions because we did not know at what hour the Opposition might spring division and have a majority concealed and available. On Monday, March 10th, the debate was resumed and it continued at great length throughout the week. On Friday, March 14th, and again on the following day the debate became so violent as to occasion apprehension of personal conflict. As midnight [Friday] approached the Speaker twice had to take the Chair amid scenes of great disorder."
Political cartoon showing off the issue of the Naval Aid Bill rather well.
The general strategy for the Liberals at this stage of the debate was to discuss every single point which arose or could be introduced, and to discuss each for as long as humanly possible in the most minute of details possible. Every tiny fact or statistic brought up by the Conservatives was asked for verification, sessions of Parliament turned into marathon one sided arguments and hours upon hours of reading from lists. The Conservatives largely said as little as possible to avoid supplying the Liberals with any more ammunition for their stalling tactics and hoped as they waited that the sheer physical exhaustion caused by such obstructive and long winded tactics would eventually crack the Liberals facade. The debates themselves were quickly descending down into a state of "frivolity and license with obstruction reaching the point of destroying parliamentary government."
In the face of such stubborn opposition, Borden would write to his Governor General, "These tactics must be arrested, condemned and banished." For the very first time, the Conservatives utilized the newly founded 'closure' rule. As is stated by ourcommons.ca, the closure rule is described as follows;
"Closure is a procedural device used to bring debate on a question to a conclusion by a majority decision of the House, although all Members wishing to speak have not done so. The closure rule provides the government with a procedure to prevent the further adjournment of debate on any matter and to require that the question be put at the end of the sitting in which a motion of closure is adopted. Apart from technical changes as to the hour at which debate is to conclude, the rule has remained virtually unchanged since its adoption in 1913.
Closure may be applied to any debatable matter, including bills and motions. The rule was conceived for use in a Committee of the Whole as much as in the House, but it cannot be applied to business being considered in standing, special, legislative or joint committees of the House. When these committees are considering bills, the House may use the time allocation rule to impose a deadline on the committee stage or to force a committee to report the bill to the House."
Ironically though, a closure rule was not previously passed by the House partially on the opinion of Borden previously, with him stating that such a tactic was 'undesirable'. With votes of 105 to 67 and 108 to 73 respectively for Borden, the Naval Aid Bill was essentially rammed through Parliament after a final reading on May 15th, 1913. Although Borden's bill had braved the harsh treatment of Parliament, it still had to survive the Senate. As senators within the Canadian Senate are appointed for life by the Governor General and any new appointments are always made from among the supporters of the Party in power at the moment, this was a major issue. Borden had not been in power long enough to place a large amount of his supports within the Senate compared to the record 1896 to 1911 length of Laurier's rule over the Canadian government. This had resulted in a iron grip on the membership of the Senate and on May 29, 1913, by a vote of 51 to 27, the Naval Aid Bill was finally defeated in the Senate and returned to the House. While Borden took this initial defeat fairly well however, he soon cabled Churchill in secret and proposed the Admiralty should start construction of the trio regardless of the Canadian funds. He assured Churchill that before their eventual competition, the Canadian government would once again introduce a bill to finance these ships. In a rare show of common sense, Churchill replied with "Such an arrangement would be open to criticism in both countries as seeming to go behind the formal decision of the Canadian Parliament and that we have no right at present to assume the Senate's vote could be reserved." Borden would move to attempt a foothold within the Canadian senate but any kind of naval policy on his end seemed to be dead and gone.
After this defeat, the Conservative government abandoned their naval ambitions for the foreseeable future as the Royal Canadian Navy continued to languish in port under the governments financial constraints. Through this "heart breaking starvation time" though, the Navy would acquire one of the men most instrumental in changing the path of the department for years to come.
Yes, this is all OTL so far. The debate for dreadnoughts was truly an insane time for parliament, getting to the point where the entire system was getting close to falling apart.
As is tradition haha. There will be an interesting bit of "procurement" relatively soon in the story though, although some might already be familiar with it if they had been keeping up with YYJ's timeline.
The procurement of Canada's first submarines is the most ASB thing on this site. No one will believe it. It is enough to give Lieutenant Pilcher, the Ranking Naval Officer on the West Coast, a nervous breakdown.
and the fact it really happened makes it even better now only if bc could pull it off again with some replenishment ships for our poor navy
Definitely, it's a rather wild tale that's hard to fathom. No wonder the poor man broke down when $1.2 million government cheques were being passed around. My version will be much more detached however it hopefully should still get the point across.
BC is doing it's best though as atleast one of the pair of ships has been laid down at this point and is being worked on. Plus we have Asterix at minimum, although obviously a stopgap measure, it's better than renting ships from Chile. Not bad looking ships though, they are more boxy compared to some of the new supply ships coming out.
My Dear Hose, It Can’t Be Done
April 15, 1912. Esquimalt, Canada.
As much as he tried, Commander Walter Hose could not stop himself from intermittently pacing across his office. The planned meeting with Rear Admiral Kingsmill was already lagging behind by over 10 minutes, further compounding the apprehension gnawing at him. Kingsmill and himself had a very positive personal and professional relationship but with what he was about to propose this afternoon, Hose feared the old salt might not react kindly to his suggestions.
He turned to one of the many bookshelves within the office, swiping a long trail with his finger through the thin layer of dust. It had not been particularly long since Hose had been formally admitted into the Royal Canadian Navy, only about 10 months ago. A busy period it had been, not even enough time for a good dusting.
Captain J. D. D. Stewart seemed to have had enough with the budget cuts, government ineptitude and personnel drain associated with the RCN and resigned his command of Rainbow, returning to Britain. This was rather fortunate for himself due to the fact that as far back as 1909 when the RCN was just an idea, he had the foresight to contact Kingsmill regarding officer positions in the new navy. There was not exactly a problem with his service in the Royal Navy as his last posting had been as the executive officer aboard the armored cruiser HMS Cochrane but promotions were still sparse. Being a lieutenant for 11 years did not exactly inspire hope in any serious future and a new service like the RCN would require officers, so in theory being much easier to climb the ranks.
While he had originally transferred as the replacement Captain for Rainbow as one of the Royal Navy’s loaned personnel, this position was solidified in January when his permanent RCN transfer went through. What he had not expected was a dual command of both Rainbow and the Esquimalt Dockyard itself. It was not particularly surprising given the growing pains of the RCN, the recent budget cuts by the new administration had taken the wind out of quite a few sails and the Royal Navy volunteers were slowly heading home. Something had to be done about this lack of manpower, if this trend continued the Navy would effectively cease to be even an effective training force, let alone one with any combat capacity.
A series of low knocks sounded from the door, followed by Hose’s secretary poking his youthful face through the frame.
“Admiral Kingsmill is here to see you sir, would you like me to send him in?”
Hose nodded, “Yes please, bring along tea as well.”
There was not even a few seconds to solidify his thoughts before he heard the measured trouncing of Admiralty issue boots on the hallway boards.
A white peaked cap pushed its way through the door first, followed closely behind by familiar bearded face, its once dark hair stained with splotches of white.
“Good afternoon Commander, may I take a seat?”
“Please.” Hose gestured, “The tea should be arriving shortly.”
The discussion began with the expected exchanging of pleasantries, slowly moving into local news, occurrences, and the general day to day activities around their respective bases. Hose gingerly recounted when a local boy had made it his afternoon to follow one of the gate guards in his rounds, holding a stick in place of his opposites rifle. Kingsmill replied with a story about a how he had asked a cadet how fit for service he was, only for the cadet to tell him he could swim the Welland Canal in 90 seconds. Their good-natured conversation continued far longer than the tea lasted and eventually, the two officers decided to make their way out into the dockyard for some fresh air.
As the officers made their way through the largely mothballed dockyard and took in the atmosphere of the Victorian era base, the conversation turned the way Hose had predicted.
“It is truly a shame to see the facilities in such a state,” said Kingsmill. “Less than a decade of neglect and we are left with this.”
The Admiral was not particularly wrong. The handing over of the base itself was a slow and arduous process which neither party had been willing to rush, resulting in the majority of the dock besides the heavily used piers, work shops and coaling stations being simply left to rot. Even when the Canadian government had taken over, the Fisheries Protection Service did not allocate substantial resources to upkeep nor did they utilize anything more than a small portion of the facilities. When the Canadian Navy had taken over, there was only so much they could do in regard to utilizing the facilities. There was plenty of training to do but with only a single small cruiser to reliably service, not much could be done.
Hose snugged his cap tighter onto his head, “Indeed, we are lucky to have the required personnel to man Rainbow, let alone keep the dockyard in acceptable condition. How fares Niobe and Halifax?”
“Somewhat better due to the activity compared to poor old Esquimalt but not particularly well. I had hoped to return Niobe to service however between her condition, our budget and the rate we are losing men of all ranks, we would be hard pressed to see her return.”
Kingsmill tugged at his beard slightly before continuing, “The attrition rate of the crews is my main concern. We can always make do as long as the ships are seaworthy but with all of the Prime Ministers talk of disbanding the navy, losing Captain Stewart is the least of our concerns. The morale within the loaned personnel is rather grim, it is starting to penetrate through into the gunroom at this point and I do not believe we will retain many of them for the original 4-year period. That is not even beginning to address the situation regarding domestic men.”
Hose’s thoughts began to race, Kingsmill himself had set the stage and it was time to strike, now or never.
“Sir, I have an idea about how to potentially lessen the blow of losing all of these personnel.”
“Please continue.” Kingsmill replied with a small grin.
Attempting to hide his hard gulp, Hose resumed, “I had been contemplating this issue for some time now but the Naval Service Act itself had the answer I was looking for. Alongside granting the navy it’s regular force, the act also provides the framework for both a reserve force and a volunteer force. Neither of these are currently in place at the moment and I believe that with the proper guidance, reservists and even volunteers could be used as an extremely valuable basin in which to draw personnel from. I have seen firsthand during my tenure in Newfoundland as Gunnery Lieutenant aboard HMS Charybdis how valuable these reservists can be.”
Hose felt his confidence return as he continued, “Although I am not just suggesting naval reserves placed for example in Halifax and Vancouver. I believe that one of the most vital issues facing the navy as of now is the lack of public support. The people of a city such as Halifax are more than appreciable in regard to the navy and life at sea but what of the western areas? If the navy can spread it’s presence into various large towns and cities throughout the country as a whole, we can work the service into the hearts and minds of the people. Not just recruiting personnel but building good will for this sorely deserving service.”
Kingsmill stopped dead in his tracks, throwing off Hose for a split second as he turned on his heel to await the Admirals response.
“I have to say, you have brought forward some valuable foresight but my dear Hose, you don’t understand, it can’t be done. Prime Minister Borden has cut our budget to the point where we are going to soon run headfirst into operational difficulties. With the new administrations distain for the navy, asking them to expand the force and spend more money does not seem particularly permissible.”
The old salt placed a hand on Hose's shoulder, “This is a difficult time for all of us Commander, our best strategy of survival is to keep our heads under cover and wait out the storm.”
“Enough of this doom and gloom talk.” Kingsmill cracked his stony face with a grin, “A forward thinker like you needs a bit more tea and we’ll get to the bottom of this.”
Hose weakly replied with a smile of his own, “I am certain the crew of Rainbow would be more than happy to host their flag officer aboard for a cup.”
As they continued their walk towards a new destination, Hose grimaced. This result was expected, potentially it even went better than he had hoped but still, this service would not survive by keeping it’s head in the dirt and praying for it’s life. Even if the government itself had a vendetta against the navy, if they could capture the collective attention of the people only just a small amount, it could be the very lifeline the navy needs in the very near future. This wouldn’t be the end of this idea, it was only the beginning.
Esquimalt dockyard deep into the winter, even the cold isn't an excuse for the various guards and personnel operating within the base.
As much as he tried, Commander Walter Hose could not stop himself from intermittently pacing across his office. The planned meeting with Rear Admiral Kingsmill was already lagging behind by over 10 minutes, further compounding the apprehension gnawing at him. Kingsmill and himself had a very positive personal and professional relationship but with what he was about to propose this afternoon, Hose feared the old salt might not react kindly to his suggestions.
He turned to one of the many bookshelves within the office, swiping a long trail with his finger through the thin layer of dust. It had not been particularly long since Hose had been formally admitted into the Royal Canadian Navy, only about 10 months ago. A busy period it had been, not even enough time for a good dusting.
Captain J. D. D. Stewart seemed to have had enough with the budget cuts, government ineptitude and personnel drain associated with the RCN and resigned his command of Rainbow, returning to Britain. This was rather fortunate for himself due to the fact that as far back as 1909 when the RCN was just an idea, he had the foresight to contact Kingsmill regarding officer positions in the new navy. There was not exactly a problem with his service in the Royal Navy as his last posting had been as the executive officer aboard the armored cruiser HMS Cochrane but promotions were still sparse. Being a lieutenant for 11 years did not exactly inspire hope in any serious future and a new service like the RCN would require officers, so in theory being much easier to climb the ranks.
While he had originally transferred as the replacement Captain for Rainbow as one of the Royal Navy’s loaned personnel, this position was solidified in January when his permanent RCN transfer went through. What he had not expected was a dual command of both Rainbow and the Esquimalt Dockyard itself. It was not particularly surprising given the growing pains of the RCN, the recent budget cuts by the new administration had taken the wind out of quite a few sails and the Royal Navy volunteers were slowly heading home. Something had to be done about this lack of manpower, if this trend continued the Navy would effectively cease to be even an effective training force, let alone one with any combat capacity.
A series of low knocks sounded from the door, followed by Hose’s secretary poking his youthful face through the frame.
“Admiral Kingsmill is here to see you sir, would you like me to send him in?”
Hose nodded, “Yes please, bring along tea as well.”
There was not even a few seconds to solidify his thoughts before he heard the measured trouncing of Admiralty issue boots on the hallway boards.
A white peaked cap pushed its way through the door first, followed closely behind by familiar bearded face, its once dark hair stained with splotches of white.
“Good afternoon Commander, may I take a seat?”
“Please.” Hose gestured, “The tea should be arriving shortly.”
The discussion began with the expected exchanging of pleasantries, slowly moving into local news, occurrences, and the general day to day activities around their respective bases. Hose gingerly recounted when a local boy had made it his afternoon to follow one of the gate guards in his rounds, holding a stick in place of his opposites rifle. Kingsmill replied with a story about a how he had asked a cadet how fit for service he was, only for the cadet to tell him he could swim the Welland Canal in 90 seconds. Their good-natured conversation continued far longer than the tea lasted and eventually, the two officers decided to make their way out into the dockyard for some fresh air.
As the officers made their way through the largely mothballed dockyard and took in the atmosphere of the Victorian era base, the conversation turned the way Hose had predicted.
“It is truly a shame to see the facilities in such a state,” said Kingsmill. “Less than a decade of neglect and we are left with this.”
The Admiral was not particularly wrong. The handing over of the base itself was a slow and arduous process which neither party had been willing to rush, resulting in the majority of the dock besides the heavily used piers, work shops and coaling stations being simply left to rot. Even when the Canadian government had taken over, the Fisheries Protection Service did not allocate substantial resources to upkeep nor did they utilize anything more than a small portion of the facilities. When the Canadian Navy had taken over, there was only so much they could do in regard to utilizing the facilities. There was plenty of training to do but with only a single small cruiser to reliably service, not much could be done.
Hose snugged his cap tighter onto his head, “Indeed, we are lucky to have the required personnel to man Rainbow, let alone keep the dockyard in acceptable condition. How fares Niobe and Halifax?”
“Somewhat better due to the activity compared to poor old Esquimalt but not particularly well. I had hoped to return Niobe to service however between her condition, our budget and the rate we are losing men of all ranks, we would be hard pressed to see her return.”
Kingsmill tugged at his beard slightly before continuing, “The attrition rate of the crews is my main concern. We can always make do as long as the ships are seaworthy but with all of the Prime Ministers talk of disbanding the navy, losing Captain Stewart is the least of our concerns. The morale within the loaned personnel is rather grim, it is starting to penetrate through into the gunroom at this point and I do not believe we will retain many of them for the original 4-year period. That is not even beginning to address the situation regarding domestic men.”
Hose’s thoughts began to race, Kingsmill himself had set the stage and it was time to strike, now or never.
“Sir, I have an idea about how to potentially lessen the blow of losing all of these personnel.”
“Please continue.” Kingsmill replied with a small grin.
Attempting to hide his hard gulp, Hose resumed, “I had been contemplating this issue for some time now but the Naval Service Act itself had the answer I was looking for. Alongside granting the navy it’s regular force, the act also provides the framework for both a reserve force and a volunteer force. Neither of these are currently in place at the moment and I believe that with the proper guidance, reservists and even volunteers could be used as an extremely valuable basin in which to draw personnel from. I have seen firsthand during my tenure in Newfoundland as Gunnery Lieutenant aboard HMS Charybdis how valuable these reservists can be.”
Hose felt his confidence return as he continued, “Although I am not just suggesting naval reserves placed for example in Halifax and Vancouver. I believe that one of the most vital issues facing the navy as of now is the lack of public support. The people of a city such as Halifax are more than appreciable in regard to the navy and life at sea but what of the western areas? If the navy can spread it’s presence into various large towns and cities throughout the country as a whole, we can work the service into the hearts and minds of the people. Not just recruiting personnel but building good will for this sorely deserving service.”
Kingsmill stopped dead in his tracks, throwing off Hose for a split second as he turned on his heel to await the Admirals response.
“I have to say, you have brought forward some valuable foresight but my dear Hose, you don’t understand, it can’t be done. Prime Minister Borden has cut our budget to the point where we are going to soon run headfirst into operational difficulties. With the new administrations distain for the navy, asking them to expand the force and spend more money does not seem particularly permissible.”
The old salt placed a hand on Hose's shoulder, “This is a difficult time for all of us Commander, our best strategy of survival is to keep our heads under cover and wait out the storm.”
“Enough of this doom and gloom talk.” Kingsmill cracked his stony face with a grin, “A forward thinker like you needs a bit more tea and we’ll get to the bottom of this.”
Hose weakly replied with a smile of his own, “I am certain the crew of Rainbow would be more than happy to host their flag officer aboard for a cup.”
As they continued their walk towards a new destination, Hose grimaced. This result was expected, potentially it even went better than he had hoped but still, this service would not survive by keeping it’s head in the dirt and praying for it’s life. Even if the government itself had a vendetta against the navy, if they could capture the collective attention of the people only just a small amount, it could be the very lifeline the navy needs in the very near future. This wouldn’t be the end of this idea, it was only the beginning.
Esquimalt dockyard deep into the winter, even the cold isn't an excuse for the various guards and personnel operating within the base.
Ah very observant, more observant than myself I think haha. My unofficial answer is that the date was simply chosen to suit the general period of this real life exchange however, the official answer from myself would be as such.
News on the events of the Titanic’s sinking and overall fate had not been heavily substantiated. Given Hose and Kingsmill are on the west coast of Canada, news would not travel as quickly or be as interesting. Therefore, the events are not relevant to this chapter.
Very nice catch there though, I’m embarrassed as a previous massive titanic fanboy to have not noticed the dates lining up lol.
Those 3 common buildings on the right are still there and are in use today.April 15, 1912. Esquimalt, Canada.
Esquimalt dockyard deep into the winter, even the cold isn't an excuse for the various guards and personnel operating within the base.
that does seem like a rather pessimistic response to what sounds like a very major problem.that doesnt sounds like the kind of mindset the leader of your navy should have even if it is a realistic one in the end.
That’s very interesting, I appreciate the insight! I’m not familiar at all with BC and Esquimalt outside of my photo hoarding and this website so it’s good to hear some info from more knowledgeable people.
That seemed to be one of the faults of Kingsmill, he was a fine officer but in typical Victorian era style, he was rather rigid and closed off to any new ideas. We shall see how he makes out with an RCN that is even more troubled on this timeline.
Knock Knock, Let the Enemy In
Decades before Canada even had an inkling of developing their naval forces, Germany had been moving to cement themselves into a major naval power. This was always predicated on building a large battle fleet in the Mahanian style however, the target of this fleet seemed to constantly change. The United States became one of the German fleets main priorities following the various civil wars in Samoa, the resulting tension putting Germany in a position where war plans were needed in case of an unseen conflict. The Germans quickly came to the conclusion that a fleet on fleet blue water engagement between the nations would not be particularly possibly given the distance required and the lacking nature of the German battle fleet. Therefore, the German Admiralty adopted the stance of cruiser warfare against any enemies on the continent. This type of warfare was designed to damage or destroy the enemy nations economy to the point where it would enter into negotiations. The main tactics within this type of warfare would be the sinking/capturing of merchants, bombardment of ports, sending landing parties ashore and generally causing havoc around enemy shores. While this tactic was adopted though, the German Admiralty and the Kaiser both seemed to grasp the fact that cruiser warfare was a sound tactic but not one in which an entire war strategy can be based upon.
German naval developments were spurred onward by international conflicts such as the Spanish-American war and the various American annexations of Pacific islands. In order for a nation to survive on the world stage, it required a strong naval force. The Germans saw American expansionism in the Pacific as a direct rivalry to their own ambitions there. Germany would go so far as to draft multiple plans regarding attacks on the American mainland, seemingly never stopping to question the logistics or foolishness of such actions. These plans moved away from cruiser warfare and advocated for direct action on the mainland. Such actions included full military occupations of Norfolk, Hampton Roads and Newport News in Virginia with a strike through Chesapeake Bay up into Baltimore and Washington. These plans were eventually replaced by alternatives which called for the seizing of the Azores alongside various bays in Maine and South Carolina which the Germans would use as staging areas for the destruction of the USN. Various versions of the war plans called for 150,000 men to capture Cape Cod. While these various plans were kept on the record and tweaked for years, they were hopelessly optimistic and would have likely been complete suicide for the German fleet. It is interesting to see that in this period of tension, Britain also experienced similar issues with the United States but instead of heavily planning invasions or military action, the British took the action of rapprochement. It seems the Germans held a rather low amount of respect for the various American armed forces branches given their showings against the Spanish and other parties, judging their own forces as likely to succeed against them due to sheer training and willpower alone. The mindset of Germany is well expressed by a former naval attaché in Washington who stated, “A declaration of war by Germany against the United States is only possible if we have an alliance with England and if our flank facing France is covered by Austria, Italy and possibly Russia as well.”
It seems that sometime around 1903, German warships began extensive scouting of Canadian and American coastlines for potential military actions. From the period of 1903 to 1904, SMS Gazelle, SMS Falke and SMS Panther all surveyed both coasts of North America. Falke and Panther specifically are of great interest specifically given their hidden objective of locating what was referred to as 'unterstutzungplatze' or 'U-places'. These areas would be hidden ports, anchorages or other vital areas in which raiding cruisers could gather, rest and hide from enemy eyes. Lengthy trips throughout 1905-1906 reported on various settlements, soundings, defenses, and local landmarks along the entire west coast of North America, all the way into Alaska. All of this information was aggregated into the 'Cruiser Handbook' and passed out to any commanding officers in charge of Cruiser Warfare. Extensive charting was conducted on both coasts alongside photographic info and invasion plans for Puget Sound and the straits of Juan da Fuca.
SMS Bremen in 1909 as she visits New York city. Her distinctive yellow upperworks, white hull and ram bow were rather striking to onlookers.
Even though the West Coast of North America was viewed as the 'soft underbelly' compared to the East Coast, German planning largely revolved around the more valuable Eastern Coast. SMS Bremen was dispatched in 1907 to gather information on the harbors of Halifax and Quebec City after the Royal Navy’s departure from Halifax. Handwritten orders specified identifying any changes in the bases defenses or operations alongside rumored fortifications being built in the St Lawrence. This “tour” by Bremen proved to be one of the most valuable in years. Alongside various goodwill stays throughout the period, shore parties heavily photographed building areas for new batteries, ruins of the old fortifications and got as accurate information on the current batteries as possible. It was revealed that the defenses of Quebec were essentially completely neglected while Halifax proved to be rather fairly defended. The location and caliber of batteries were noted however, the mixture of deteriorating older defenses and new construction greatly confused the Germans as they fairly did not seem to understand Canadian internal defense politics.
SMS Freya visited Halifax in August of 1908 however, her entrance was less than stellar. On her way into Halifax, a heavy bank of fog was encountered and a local schooner was cut in half. 9 locals were killed and while the Halifax Herald did run the story on their front page, the text itself was rather muted and fair towards the Germans. For their part, the crew of Freya attended a large church parade and sermon in honor of the victims of the accident. This visit resulted in the revelation that certain passages and narrows around Halifax were not navigable by larger ships and through interviews with Canadian artillerymen, the true caliber of their guns was discovered, smaller than expected. Bremen would visit the East coast again in 1911 and 1912, visiting Quebec, Montreal, Sydney, Charlottetown, and Halifax. Cruiser warfare was heavily practiced in the gulf of St Lawrence, entailing torpedo drills, gunfire exercises on locally purchased targets and small arms practice. Bremen’s surprise visit to Saint John, New Brunswick in May of 1912 proved to be a particularly eventful endeavor. Clad in the white and yellow of the German East Asia Squadron, Bremen contrasted heavily with the dull grey of Royal Navy vessels normally found around the coast of Canada. The Charlottetown Guardian said that the particular color scheme gave her the “appearance of a big pleasure yacht” but the inclusion of the prominent ram bow and heavy guns showed she was built for fighting rather than amusement of the public.
The mayor of the city had been delighted and invited the commanding officers on a tour of the harbor/city in his automobile. Throughout the drive, the mayor went into great detail in regard to the dredging of the nearby bay and the improvement of the surrounding dockyard. Alongside a gift of the Saint John’s Standard, a special issue of the newspaper containing a full diagram and description of the discussed port improvements. His final act as a host involved him promising to send the original harbor plans through the German embassy. Throughout this visit and the many others, the Germans gathered a complete picture of Saint Johns and its non-existent defenses. Various newspapers through the town condemned and praised the Germans visit although discourse came to such a head that the mayor personally apologized to his guests, who graciously accepted.
Ships bands and ceremonial guards were common place on port visits, the crew of SMS Gneisenau can be seen here in their tropical white uniforms.
The cruisers SMS Viktoria Louise and SMS Hertha visited Halifax through 1912 and 1913, the commanding officers of both ships stating in their reports;
“The huge cruiser Niobe has not left drydock for the past nine months. The breeches of all guns were removed and she is without maintenance personnel. Sailors from HMS Cornwall called the Niobe rotten and that a voyage aboard her would be a risky endeavor. The training of cadets has ground completely to a halt and as the Director of the Naval College told me, cadets had to find work ashore to ‘earn dollars’ as soon as they go on leave. Officers complain openly of difficulties with the cadet’s social education, being bitter regarding how the younger men were listless and had lost all joy in their work. Cadets come from very divergent social circles and there was abundant difficulties in recruiting sons of French-Canadian parents. The officers themselves seemed generally not particularly enthusiastic about their duties and the English officers regarded their Canadian comrades as colonial and therefore inferior. It seemed nobody wanted to undertake tough demanding work of the service or in business anymore. Businessmen and industrialists in Canada seem to view the naval question as merely an election slogan. All of the English sea officers aboard Niobe are in some respect inferior, either physically or professionally compared to Royal Navy personnel. The dockyards themselves are present in a melancholy aspect. Freshwater cannot be brought aboard ships as there is no barge and the coaling area is heavily cramped.”
Besides direct spying and information gathering on military matters, officers of the ships attempted to gather information on Canadian politics and naval policy. It seems that the backwards and extremely convoluted state of Canadian politics in regard to the nations naval policy sent the minds of Germans officers spinning, although what was protected information wise was not particularly useful. Rumors regarding Borden’s dreadnought donation to the Royal Navy was relayed but all parties involved seem to have accepted this was a dubious possibility. While the Canadian Navy was actively foundering in port, the Germans laid the foundation for any future actions against Britain or the United States. The information present in the ‘Cruiser Handbook’ would proven vital to the actions of the Imperial German Navy against Canada and Britain through the early months of World War I.
German naval developments were spurred onward by international conflicts such as the Spanish-American war and the various American annexations of Pacific islands. In order for a nation to survive on the world stage, it required a strong naval force. The Germans saw American expansionism in the Pacific as a direct rivalry to their own ambitions there. Germany would go so far as to draft multiple plans regarding attacks on the American mainland, seemingly never stopping to question the logistics or foolishness of such actions. These plans moved away from cruiser warfare and advocated for direct action on the mainland. Such actions included full military occupations of Norfolk, Hampton Roads and Newport News in Virginia with a strike through Chesapeake Bay up into Baltimore and Washington. These plans were eventually replaced by alternatives which called for the seizing of the Azores alongside various bays in Maine and South Carolina which the Germans would use as staging areas for the destruction of the USN. Various versions of the war plans called for 150,000 men to capture Cape Cod. While these various plans were kept on the record and tweaked for years, they were hopelessly optimistic and would have likely been complete suicide for the German fleet. It is interesting to see that in this period of tension, Britain also experienced similar issues with the United States but instead of heavily planning invasions or military action, the British took the action of rapprochement. It seems the Germans held a rather low amount of respect for the various American armed forces branches given their showings against the Spanish and other parties, judging their own forces as likely to succeed against them due to sheer training and willpower alone. The mindset of Germany is well expressed by a former naval attaché in Washington who stated, “A declaration of war by Germany against the United States is only possible if we have an alliance with England and if our flank facing France is covered by Austria, Italy and possibly Russia as well.”
It seems that sometime around 1903, German warships began extensive scouting of Canadian and American coastlines for potential military actions. From the period of 1903 to 1904, SMS Gazelle, SMS Falke and SMS Panther all surveyed both coasts of North America. Falke and Panther specifically are of great interest specifically given their hidden objective of locating what was referred to as 'unterstutzungplatze' or 'U-places'. These areas would be hidden ports, anchorages or other vital areas in which raiding cruisers could gather, rest and hide from enemy eyes. Lengthy trips throughout 1905-1906 reported on various settlements, soundings, defenses, and local landmarks along the entire west coast of North America, all the way into Alaska. All of this information was aggregated into the 'Cruiser Handbook' and passed out to any commanding officers in charge of Cruiser Warfare. Extensive charting was conducted on both coasts alongside photographic info and invasion plans for Puget Sound and the straits of Juan da Fuca.
SMS Bremen in 1909 as she visits New York city. Her distinctive yellow upperworks, white hull and ram bow were rather striking to onlookers.
Even though the West Coast of North America was viewed as the 'soft underbelly' compared to the East Coast, German planning largely revolved around the more valuable Eastern Coast. SMS Bremen was dispatched in 1907 to gather information on the harbors of Halifax and Quebec City after the Royal Navy’s departure from Halifax. Handwritten orders specified identifying any changes in the bases defenses or operations alongside rumored fortifications being built in the St Lawrence. This “tour” by Bremen proved to be one of the most valuable in years. Alongside various goodwill stays throughout the period, shore parties heavily photographed building areas for new batteries, ruins of the old fortifications and got as accurate information on the current batteries as possible. It was revealed that the defenses of Quebec were essentially completely neglected while Halifax proved to be rather fairly defended. The location and caliber of batteries were noted however, the mixture of deteriorating older defenses and new construction greatly confused the Germans as they fairly did not seem to understand Canadian internal defense politics.
SMS Freya visited Halifax in August of 1908 however, her entrance was less than stellar. On her way into Halifax, a heavy bank of fog was encountered and a local schooner was cut in half. 9 locals were killed and while the Halifax Herald did run the story on their front page, the text itself was rather muted and fair towards the Germans. For their part, the crew of Freya attended a large church parade and sermon in honor of the victims of the accident. This visit resulted in the revelation that certain passages and narrows around Halifax were not navigable by larger ships and through interviews with Canadian artillerymen, the true caliber of their guns was discovered, smaller than expected. Bremen would visit the East coast again in 1911 and 1912, visiting Quebec, Montreal, Sydney, Charlottetown, and Halifax. Cruiser warfare was heavily practiced in the gulf of St Lawrence, entailing torpedo drills, gunfire exercises on locally purchased targets and small arms practice. Bremen’s surprise visit to Saint John, New Brunswick in May of 1912 proved to be a particularly eventful endeavor. Clad in the white and yellow of the German East Asia Squadron, Bremen contrasted heavily with the dull grey of Royal Navy vessels normally found around the coast of Canada. The Charlottetown Guardian said that the particular color scheme gave her the “appearance of a big pleasure yacht” but the inclusion of the prominent ram bow and heavy guns showed she was built for fighting rather than amusement of the public.
The mayor of the city had been delighted and invited the commanding officers on a tour of the harbor/city in his automobile. Throughout the drive, the mayor went into great detail in regard to the dredging of the nearby bay and the improvement of the surrounding dockyard. Alongside a gift of the Saint John’s Standard, a special issue of the newspaper containing a full diagram and description of the discussed port improvements. His final act as a host involved him promising to send the original harbor plans through the German embassy. Throughout this visit and the many others, the Germans gathered a complete picture of Saint Johns and its non-existent defenses. Various newspapers through the town condemned and praised the Germans visit although discourse came to such a head that the mayor personally apologized to his guests, who graciously accepted.
Ships bands and ceremonial guards were common place on port visits, the crew of SMS Gneisenau can be seen here in their tropical white uniforms.
The cruisers SMS Viktoria Louise and SMS Hertha visited Halifax through 1912 and 1913, the commanding officers of both ships stating in their reports;
“The huge cruiser Niobe has not left drydock for the past nine months. The breeches of all guns were removed and she is without maintenance personnel. Sailors from HMS Cornwall called the Niobe rotten and that a voyage aboard her would be a risky endeavor. The training of cadets has ground completely to a halt and as the Director of the Naval College told me, cadets had to find work ashore to ‘earn dollars’ as soon as they go on leave. Officers complain openly of difficulties with the cadet’s social education, being bitter regarding how the younger men were listless and had lost all joy in their work. Cadets come from very divergent social circles and there was abundant difficulties in recruiting sons of French-Canadian parents. The officers themselves seemed generally not particularly enthusiastic about their duties and the English officers regarded their Canadian comrades as colonial and therefore inferior. It seemed nobody wanted to undertake tough demanding work of the service or in business anymore. Businessmen and industrialists in Canada seem to view the naval question as merely an election slogan. All of the English sea officers aboard Niobe are in some respect inferior, either physically or professionally compared to Royal Navy personnel. The dockyards themselves are present in a melancholy aspect. Freshwater cannot be brought aboard ships as there is no barge and the coaling area is heavily cramped.”
Besides direct spying and information gathering on military matters, officers of the ships attempted to gather information on Canadian politics and naval policy. It seems that the backwards and extremely convoluted state of Canadian politics in regard to the nations naval policy sent the minds of Germans officers spinning, although what was protected information wise was not particularly useful. Rumors regarding Borden’s dreadnought donation to the Royal Navy was relayed but all parties involved seem to have accepted this was a dubious possibility. While the Canadian Navy was actively foundering in port, the Germans laid the foundation for any future actions against Britain or the United States. The information present in the ‘Cruiser Handbook’ would proven vital to the actions of the Imperial German Navy against Canada and Britain through the early months of World War I.
Last edited:
i get wanting to be hospitable to guests especially ambassadors of other nations however that seems a bit much on the part of the mayor. most of the infrastructure was all civilian but saint johns was a major port on that coast was it not? i dont know it comes off as potentially handing a future government too much information about your ports.