Rejection and Revenge: An alternate 9/11 timeline
- Thread starter wolverinethad
- Start date
Bin Laden worked with America in Afghanistan, but never really liked America. It became outright hatred after King Fahd rejected the help of his Afghan Arabs in fighting Saddam Hussein in favor of the US military. Americans being invited to have their military defend the Holy Land set him off tremendously. The first attempted attack on Americans by Al-Qaeda took place in December 1992, but it had been in the works for quite a while.
Might not be a dystopia, but depending on when it happens, it could change a lot of political history from OTL.
Perhaps....and perhaps differently.
It depends on the power source, actually. The Soviets built theirs with the ability to be charged, and the decay was minimized by keeping a charge. IF that's what bin Laden has, as long as he maintains the power source, he has some time to use them.
As detailed in an earlier post, Bin Laden's Al Qaeda sprung from his hatred of the idea of a permanent American presence in Saudi Arabia after the Gulf War for Kuwait ended.
Chapter 4
IV.
Late November, 1991.
Mikhail Gorbachev was a nearly broken man. Ever since the coup events three months ago, he had watched the Soviet Union completely break apart, republics declaring their independence, and he was powerless to stop it. He knew the end was near, yet was still fighting that reality, not wanting to give up power after all he had done to change his nation. He still was fighting the fact that he no longer had a nation at all.
Gorbachev wanted to conduct business as usual, but outside Moscow, he had no control. The participation of KGB, the “Sword and Shield” of the Communist Party that Gorbachev had resigned from, in the August coup had rendered it a paper tiger, unable to gather the proper information that was needed or strike fear in anyone’s hearts. And right now, more than anything, Mikhail Gorbachev needed information on the whereabouts of every last nuclear weapon in the Soviet arsenal, so they could be dismantled and locked away safely.
Standing in front of Gorbachev’s desk was KGB chairman Vadim Viktorovich Bakatin, who had replaced Kryuchkov after the coup. Bakatin had previous been interior minister, and therefore head of the MVD, or internal militia. However, he did not have intelligence gathering experience, and in a rapidly disintegrating nation, that was crucial.
“Comrade Bakatin, have you been able to verify that all our nuclear weapons are safe?” Gorbachev asked. The chairman replied, “No, Comrade President, our work in this matter is still ongoing. As you know, KGB has security responsibility for all nuclear weapons we possess, but with the current difficulties, our ability to verify the inventory is limited.”
“I know our reach has grown short, Comrade, but surely, the people responsible for guarding those awful weapons have not decided to shirk their duty just because the ethnics are leaving?”
“No, Comrade President, that is not what I meant to infer. However, we possess somewhere close to 40,000 nuclear warheads, and they are spread across a vast amount of territory, much of which we do not have control over anymore. Furthermore, since our weapons program included scientists and guards from the other republics, it is possible some of them could choose to make a few “test” weapons disappear.”
Gorbachev’s mouth dropped open. “You mean to tell me that some of these people in the most destructive weapons program we have may not be loyal to the Soviet Union and could steal nuclear weapons? Yob’tvoyu mat! How can we prevent this?”
“Comrade President, I am not sure we can. Everything has happened much too fast. We must hope, and perhaps even pray, that no one has made that decision already.”
_____________________________________________________
In Washington, President Bush wasn’t feeling much better. It had seemed like the entire year had been one long crisis. His Graves disease had sapped his energy and strength on many days, and while he had tried to not mention it, the signs were written on his face and in his words. For an energetic man, to be hit with a thyroid disease was the worst. He knew he wanted to do more, while his body was preventing him from doing it.
National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft saw the fatigue in Bush’s expression, and hated heaping more stress upon an already tired president. He had no choice, though. The President needed to know all the information about the Soviet arsenal before he signed the Nunn-Lugar Act.
“Mr. President, I wanted to give you an update on the Soviets’ nuclear arsenal. The ICBM’s and IRBM’s are all secured, however, they are still trying to verify all of their tactical nuclear weapons. While most of those were pulled back in 1989 after the Warsaw Pact collapsed, there are still ones, we believe, near the Chinese border, and those republics already declared their independence from Moscow. They agreed to a revised union, but Moscow’s ability to affect events there is limited at best,” Scowcroft warned.
“So what do you recommend I do, Brent? I, uh, I don’t want to dance on Gorbachev’s grave, but this sounds like something that needs to be brought under control,” Bush asked.
“Well, sir, I know you have respect for President Gorbachev, and all that he’s done, but I think you need to reach out to the smaller republics and to President Yeltsin and ask them to please keep these weapons under control. We don’t want them, we simply want to ensure they are disposed of in a safe manner. It is vital to promote the friendship angle with them,” Scowcroft explained.
“I guess I need to start making some phone calls, then….Brent?”
“Yes, Mr. President?”
“What do you think I should do about Sununu? You used to be an Air Force General…did you see other White House officials use military travel this much?”
Scowcroft didn’t want to stray into domestic politics, and in the case of John Sununu, White House chief of staff, the politics were domestic AND security-based. The chief of staff was a very important person in the group of presidential advisers. He had been using military travel for all sorts of personal trips, not paying for it, and claiming it was because as chief of staff, he needed to always be connected to a secure line. Scowcroft did find Sununu to be rather imperious, and bypassed him as much as possible to meet with the President.
“Sir, if it were me, I’d ask him to resign. He’s abused the power of his position. But it’s not my decision to make.”
“Thank you, Brent. I’ve already made the decision, I just wanted to hear it from someone I trust.”
______________________________________________________
In Afghanistan, bin Laden’s team prepared lead lined containers for shipment to the Sudan. Bin Laden had gotten the specifications from a scientist in the Pakistani nuclear program, thanks to his contacts with ISI, the Pakistani intelligence agency. They resembled the shipping containers for the American Stinger anti-aircraft missile launchers that had been sent by the thousands to Afghanistan to fight against the Soviets. This was by design, of course. Something so prosaic as a Stinger would draw no attention in Afghanistan or Pakistan, and that was good, for bin Laden wanted no one to notice. He had an airplane waiting in Peshawar, and from there, his team, the containers, and himself would fly to Sudan.
In Sudan, the planning would begin in earnest.
Late November, 1991.
Mikhail Gorbachev was a nearly broken man. Ever since the coup events three months ago, he had watched the Soviet Union completely break apart, republics declaring their independence, and he was powerless to stop it. He knew the end was near, yet was still fighting that reality, not wanting to give up power after all he had done to change his nation. He still was fighting the fact that he no longer had a nation at all.
Gorbachev wanted to conduct business as usual, but outside Moscow, he had no control. The participation of KGB, the “Sword and Shield” of the Communist Party that Gorbachev had resigned from, in the August coup had rendered it a paper tiger, unable to gather the proper information that was needed or strike fear in anyone’s hearts. And right now, more than anything, Mikhail Gorbachev needed information on the whereabouts of every last nuclear weapon in the Soviet arsenal, so they could be dismantled and locked away safely.
Standing in front of Gorbachev’s desk was KGB chairman Vadim Viktorovich Bakatin, who had replaced Kryuchkov after the coup. Bakatin had previous been interior minister, and therefore head of the MVD, or internal militia. However, he did not have intelligence gathering experience, and in a rapidly disintegrating nation, that was crucial.
“Comrade Bakatin, have you been able to verify that all our nuclear weapons are safe?” Gorbachev asked. The chairman replied, “No, Comrade President, our work in this matter is still ongoing. As you know, KGB has security responsibility for all nuclear weapons we possess, but with the current difficulties, our ability to verify the inventory is limited.”
“I know our reach has grown short, Comrade, but surely, the people responsible for guarding those awful weapons have not decided to shirk their duty just because the ethnics are leaving?”
“No, Comrade President, that is not what I meant to infer. However, we possess somewhere close to 40,000 nuclear warheads, and they are spread across a vast amount of territory, much of which we do not have control over anymore. Furthermore, since our weapons program included scientists and guards from the other republics, it is possible some of them could choose to make a few “test” weapons disappear.”
Gorbachev’s mouth dropped open. “You mean to tell me that some of these people in the most destructive weapons program we have may not be loyal to the Soviet Union and could steal nuclear weapons? Yob’tvoyu mat! How can we prevent this?”
“Comrade President, I am not sure we can. Everything has happened much too fast. We must hope, and perhaps even pray, that no one has made that decision already.”
_____________________________________________________
In Washington, President Bush wasn’t feeling much better. It had seemed like the entire year had been one long crisis. His Graves disease had sapped his energy and strength on many days, and while he had tried to not mention it, the signs were written on his face and in his words. For an energetic man, to be hit with a thyroid disease was the worst. He knew he wanted to do more, while his body was preventing him from doing it.
National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft saw the fatigue in Bush’s expression, and hated heaping more stress upon an already tired president. He had no choice, though. The President needed to know all the information about the Soviet arsenal before he signed the Nunn-Lugar Act.
“Mr. President, I wanted to give you an update on the Soviets’ nuclear arsenal. The ICBM’s and IRBM’s are all secured, however, they are still trying to verify all of their tactical nuclear weapons. While most of those were pulled back in 1989 after the Warsaw Pact collapsed, there are still ones, we believe, near the Chinese border, and those republics already declared their independence from Moscow. They agreed to a revised union, but Moscow’s ability to affect events there is limited at best,” Scowcroft warned.
“So what do you recommend I do, Brent? I, uh, I don’t want to dance on Gorbachev’s grave, but this sounds like something that needs to be brought under control,” Bush asked.
“Well, sir, I know you have respect for President Gorbachev, and all that he’s done, but I think you need to reach out to the smaller republics and to President Yeltsin and ask them to please keep these weapons under control. We don’t want them, we simply want to ensure they are disposed of in a safe manner. It is vital to promote the friendship angle with them,” Scowcroft explained.
“I guess I need to start making some phone calls, then….Brent?”
“Yes, Mr. President?”
“What do you think I should do about Sununu? You used to be an Air Force General…did you see other White House officials use military travel this much?”
Scowcroft didn’t want to stray into domestic politics, and in the case of John Sununu, White House chief of staff, the politics were domestic AND security-based. The chief of staff was a very important person in the group of presidential advisers. He had been using military travel for all sorts of personal trips, not paying for it, and claiming it was because as chief of staff, he needed to always be connected to a secure line. Scowcroft did find Sununu to be rather imperious, and bypassed him as much as possible to meet with the President.
“Sir, if it were me, I’d ask him to resign. He’s abused the power of his position. But it’s not my decision to make.”
“Thank you, Brent. I’ve already made the decision, I just wanted to hear it from someone I trust.”
______________________________________________________
In Afghanistan, bin Laden’s team prepared lead lined containers for shipment to the Sudan. Bin Laden had gotten the specifications from a scientist in the Pakistani nuclear program, thanks to his contacts with ISI, the Pakistani intelligence agency. They resembled the shipping containers for the American Stinger anti-aircraft missile launchers that had been sent by the thousands to Afghanistan to fight against the Soviets. This was by design, of course. Something so prosaic as a Stinger would draw no attention in Afghanistan or Pakistan, and that was good, for bin Laden wanted no one to notice. He had an airplane waiting in Peshawar, and from there, his team, the containers, and himself would fly to Sudan.
In Sudan, the planning would begin in earnest.
It could happen sooner, it could happen in 2001. Bin Laden could use the nukes as they are, or buy off some Pakistani scientists to duplicate them. Remember, ISI and Bin Laden are close, and if he hands them more advanced nuclear warheads than they have, goodbye, India.
There are many directions this could go, but I can tell you that I have it mapped out, and when it happens and where will definitely be entertaining, but dark.
SunDeep
Banned
It could happen sooner, it could happen in 2001. Bin Laden could use the nukes as they are, or buy off some Pakistani scientists to duplicate them. Remember, ISI and Bin Laden are close, and if he hands them more advanced nuclear warheads than they have, goodbye, India.
There are many directions this could go, but I can tell you that I have it mapped out, and when it happens and where will definitely be entertaining, but dark.
Don't know about 'goodbye India'. Goodbye New Delhi, maybe.
Chapter 5
V.
Boris Yeltsin was nearly finished with his goal of consolidating power across Russia. The various Soviet ministries had slowly come into his orbit, and soon Mikhail Sergeyevich would be faced with a fait accompli, and would have no choice but to cede control of what remained of his power to Yeltsin, including control of the nuclear arsenal. That was good. Yeltsin had no love for nuclear weapons, and while he understood their necessity in a nuclear world, he wanted to continue the START treaty Gorbachev had signed in July with President Bush, and increase efforts to rid Russia of the majority of them.
Yeltsin had heard from his contacts in KGB that they were trying to track down all the warheads and verify their security. Once they were verified, Yeltsin wanted to schedule a summit with Bush to increase the reduction numbers and pace. The money spent maintaining nuclear weapons could be spent on repairing the economy that had fallen apart inside the Soviet Union, a mess that Russia would mainly be left to contend with, since Moscow had directed the futile economic plans for decades. It was Yeltsin’s hope that the U.S. would pick up most of the dismantlement cost in return for being rid of the threat to their land.
Just then, Yeltsin’s office phone rang. It was his secretary, Andrei Vladimirovich (in Russia, secretaries were largely male, an end result of the strange morality of the Soviet way).
“Comrade President, President Bush is calling from America.”
“Please put him through, Comrade.”
“Good evening, Mr. President. I hope I haven’t caught you at too late a time,” said Bush, being as courteous as ever.
“Good morning, Comrade President! No, I am working many hours to solidify Russia as we rid ourselves of the Communist yoke once and for all,” boomed Yeltsin, determined to show good cheer and determination with the American president.
“President Yeltsin, I’m calling because we need your support against a mutual threat we face. America is gravely concerned over the fate of the nuclear weapons held by the Soviet Union, and we seek to be of assistance in securing these weapons and placing them into the disarmament process. We have no desire to take the nuclear material, but we simply wish to not have loose nuclear weapons floating about.”
“Comrade President, this is good to hear. However, with the fragmented situation, Comrade Gorbachev still retains control over the nuclear forces. I would be glad to help, but I have no power over them right now.”
Bush expected this, so he continued on. “Boris, I understand this, but this is all I need for now. I know you have reached a deal with the majority of former Soviet republics to retain a loose confederation. I need you to speak with them and arrange for all of those republics to turn over the nuclear weapons on their soil in return for trade and security guarantees. Our Congress is soon going to pass legislation to authorize me to assist any nation that requests aid in securing its nuclear arsenal, and it is supported by a large majority of our people. However, they need to make those requests. I am asking you to do whatever it takes to get them to request that aid, and we will support you in the meantime.”
Yeltsin had been informed of the legislation pending, but did not expect Bush to sound so insistent. He was worried, and Yeltsin couldn’t blame him. The Chechens were restless, and those religious fanatics would delight in bombing a Russian city to ashes. This whole thought process took about five seconds. Then he spoke.
“Georgiy Herbertevich, it will be done. I do not want some mad Chechen to pack a truck with a tactical warhead and incinerate one of our cities. I will call the republics, and I will offer them fully open trade and guarantee their borders. What, however, will we get? As I’m sure you know now, we are quite poor. The stores are empty. We cannot meet the demand for basic items. Russia needs your help too, Mr. President.”
Bush was ready for this request, and after discussing it with his Cabinet prior to making the call, he had settled on an offer. “America will offer credit ranging from 20-50 million dollars each year until 1995. We will give you most favored nation status in trade, and our industrial leaders will fly over and meet with yours to advise you on how to best rebuild your factories and processes to accommodate market demand instead of a planned economy. This is all I can do, but should you agree, I am reasonably sure that Congress will gladly approve further aid to Russia and the former republics in return for turning over the nuclear arsenal.”
“Comrade President, as you say in America, we have a deal.”
_____________________________________________
In Kazakhstan, meanwhile, the KGB Ninth Directorate officers at the Semipalatinsk nuclear test facility were doing an inventory of all the warheads. Nuclear weapons were one thing that was closely guarded and maintained in the Soviet Union, even as everything else was slowly going to hell around them.
Major Vladimir Ivanov and his assistant, Captain Pavel Smirnov, were going over the list from the last inventory. Semipalatinsk had tested everything from ICBM’s to RA-115, man portable nuclear bombs that could be transported by backpack, to where a single soldier could sneak behind enemy lines and kill thousands of enemy soldiers, or could be planted under a building in a busy city, ready to wreak havoc. Because of this, the inventory was wide, and the two officers had to check all test units, as well as active weapons, to verify which were nuclearized and which were merely in development.
“Pavel, have you finished the tactical warhead count?” Ivanov asked, as he finished reviewing his ICBM/IRBM warhead inventory.
“Yes, Comrade Major, I have. There’s a small discrepancy, though, and it’s not with the warheads…I’m not sure what this means, exactly,” replied Captain Smirnov.
“Explain, Comrade Captain,” said a now-concerned Major Ivanov.
“Comrade Major, the warhead count matches exactly with the previous inventory. However, five backpacks designed for the RA-115’s are missing, and we don’t have the expected amount of tritium or plutonium, either, from the test labs.”
“Pavel, if the warhead count is correct, I’m sure we are okay. Those backpacks were probably stolen to take machine parts out or something. They hold 60 pounds each. Tritium is also used commercially to illuminate watch faces, and it’s probably some greedy scientist who wanted to make some quick cash. I can’t blame them, we will likely be out of a job soon.”
“Comrade Major, what of the plutonium, though? What use could anyone have with those?”
“I hear the Americans are starting to experiment with using it to power heart pacemakers. Their imperialist businessmen can get it easier by bribing our men instead of buying it from their own people. Capitalists have no loyalty but to their money, Pavel! The Soviet Union may be falling, but some facts never change,” declared Ivanov, although he sounded more confident than he looked.
Smirnov thought to press the issue more, but Ivanov had years of experience, and they both believed that the people in the nuclear weapons program, knowing how destructive the weapons were, would never sell those. Perhaps the materials, since they had other uses, but never the weapons. Nobody was that craven, were they?
Boris Yeltsin was nearly finished with his goal of consolidating power across Russia. The various Soviet ministries had slowly come into his orbit, and soon Mikhail Sergeyevich would be faced with a fait accompli, and would have no choice but to cede control of what remained of his power to Yeltsin, including control of the nuclear arsenal. That was good. Yeltsin had no love for nuclear weapons, and while he understood their necessity in a nuclear world, he wanted to continue the START treaty Gorbachev had signed in July with President Bush, and increase efforts to rid Russia of the majority of them.
Yeltsin had heard from his contacts in KGB that they were trying to track down all the warheads and verify their security. Once they were verified, Yeltsin wanted to schedule a summit with Bush to increase the reduction numbers and pace. The money spent maintaining nuclear weapons could be spent on repairing the economy that had fallen apart inside the Soviet Union, a mess that Russia would mainly be left to contend with, since Moscow had directed the futile economic plans for decades. It was Yeltsin’s hope that the U.S. would pick up most of the dismantlement cost in return for being rid of the threat to their land.
Just then, Yeltsin’s office phone rang. It was his secretary, Andrei Vladimirovich (in Russia, secretaries were largely male, an end result of the strange morality of the Soviet way).
“Comrade President, President Bush is calling from America.”
“Please put him through, Comrade.”
“Good evening, Mr. President. I hope I haven’t caught you at too late a time,” said Bush, being as courteous as ever.
“Good morning, Comrade President! No, I am working many hours to solidify Russia as we rid ourselves of the Communist yoke once and for all,” boomed Yeltsin, determined to show good cheer and determination with the American president.
“President Yeltsin, I’m calling because we need your support against a mutual threat we face. America is gravely concerned over the fate of the nuclear weapons held by the Soviet Union, and we seek to be of assistance in securing these weapons and placing them into the disarmament process. We have no desire to take the nuclear material, but we simply wish to not have loose nuclear weapons floating about.”
“Comrade President, this is good to hear. However, with the fragmented situation, Comrade Gorbachev still retains control over the nuclear forces. I would be glad to help, but I have no power over them right now.”
Bush expected this, so he continued on. “Boris, I understand this, but this is all I need for now. I know you have reached a deal with the majority of former Soviet republics to retain a loose confederation. I need you to speak with them and arrange for all of those republics to turn over the nuclear weapons on their soil in return for trade and security guarantees. Our Congress is soon going to pass legislation to authorize me to assist any nation that requests aid in securing its nuclear arsenal, and it is supported by a large majority of our people. However, they need to make those requests. I am asking you to do whatever it takes to get them to request that aid, and we will support you in the meantime.”
Yeltsin had been informed of the legislation pending, but did not expect Bush to sound so insistent. He was worried, and Yeltsin couldn’t blame him. The Chechens were restless, and those religious fanatics would delight in bombing a Russian city to ashes. This whole thought process took about five seconds. Then he spoke.
“Georgiy Herbertevich, it will be done. I do not want some mad Chechen to pack a truck with a tactical warhead and incinerate one of our cities. I will call the republics, and I will offer them fully open trade and guarantee their borders. What, however, will we get? As I’m sure you know now, we are quite poor. The stores are empty. We cannot meet the demand for basic items. Russia needs your help too, Mr. President.”
Bush was ready for this request, and after discussing it with his Cabinet prior to making the call, he had settled on an offer. “America will offer credit ranging from 20-50 million dollars each year until 1995. We will give you most favored nation status in trade, and our industrial leaders will fly over and meet with yours to advise you on how to best rebuild your factories and processes to accommodate market demand instead of a planned economy. This is all I can do, but should you agree, I am reasonably sure that Congress will gladly approve further aid to Russia and the former republics in return for turning over the nuclear arsenal.”
“Comrade President, as you say in America, we have a deal.”
_____________________________________________
In Kazakhstan, meanwhile, the KGB Ninth Directorate officers at the Semipalatinsk nuclear test facility were doing an inventory of all the warheads. Nuclear weapons were one thing that was closely guarded and maintained in the Soviet Union, even as everything else was slowly going to hell around them.
Major Vladimir Ivanov and his assistant, Captain Pavel Smirnov, were going over the list from the last inventory. Semipalatinsk had tested everything from ICBM’s to RA-115, man portable nuclear bombs that could be transported by backpack, to where a single soldier could sneak behind enemy lines and kill thousands of enemy soldiers, or could be planted under a building in a busy city, ready to wreak havoc. Because of this, the inventory was wide, and the two officers had to check all test units, as well as active weapons, to verify which were nuclearized and which were merely in development.
“Pavel, have you finished the tactical warhead count?” Ivanov asked, as he finished reviewing his ICBM/IRBM warhead inventory.
“Yes, Comrade Major, I have. There’s a small discrepancy, though, and it’s not with the warheads…I’m not sure what this means, exactly,” replied Captain Smirnov.
“Explain, Comrade Captain,” said a now-concerned Major Ivanov.
“Comrade Major, the warhead count matches exactly with the previous inventory. However, five backpacks designed for the RA-115’s are missing, and we don’t have the expected amount of tritium or plutonium, either, from the test labs.”
“Pavel, if the warhead count is correct, I’m sure we are okay. Those backpacks were probably stolen to take machine parts out or something. They hold 60 pounds each. Tritium is also used commercially to illuminate watch faces, and it’s probably some greedy scientist who wanted to make some quick cash. I can’t blame them, we will likely be out of a job soon.”
“Comrade Major, what of the plutonium, though? What use could anyone have with those?”
“I hear the Americans are starting to experiment with using it to power heart pacemakers. Their imperialist businessmen can get it easier by bribing our men instead of buying it from their own people. Capitalists have no loyalty but to their money, Pavel! The Soviet Union may be falling, but some facts never change,” declared Ivanov, although he sounded more confident than he looked.
Smirnov thought to press the issue more, but Ivanov had years of experience, and they both believed that the people in the nuclear weapons program, knowing how destructive the weapons were, would never sell those. Perhaps the materials, since they had other uses, but never the weapons. Nobody was that craven, were they?
If he's patient, and gives the designs over to Pakistan, they could replicate a lot of it.
How patient is bin Laden, though? And does he want to share the glory?
ThePest179
Banned
Are the deals between Bush and the remains of the USSR OTL, or not? Otherwise, you're doing awesome!