Bookmark1995
Banned
If there is one thing the commies are good at, in any TL, it is mighty orchestral music.
But how would they treat older patriotic songs like God Bless America?
Reds! Official Fanfiction Thread (Part Two)
- Thread starter Miss Teri
- Start date
If there is one thing the commies are good at, in any TL, it is mighty orchestral music.
But how would they treat older patriotic songs like God Bless America?
Those songs might be tainted either by their association with World War I or MacArthur. Still, I'd imagine it wouldn't cause that much trouble.
Bookmark1995
Banned
The Star Spangled Banner might become taboo-unless its anti-British themes supersede its pro-Stars and Stripes theme.
Perhaps. It was only inaugurated as the national anthem in 1931, so perhaps people won't have such an attachment to it.
Bookmark1995
Banned
As I've stated, stuff related to the Revolutionary War might become popular during periods of tension with the FBU, due to its anti-British themes.
The Fall and Rise of the Star Spangled Banner (By Bookmark1995)
Bookmark1995
Banned
Music Magazine
The Fall and Rise of the Star Spangled Banner
March 10, 2005
Music, like all art, can reflect the politics. While freedom of speech is celebrated, politics and-what some consider-good taste can never the less lead to unofficial censorship. This reflects the odd history the UASR shares with the Star Spangled Banner.
Revolution and Music
The Revolution changed a few minor things, like the political and economic makeup of our nation [1], but what it changed the most was political music.
Music dating back to the First American Revolution and the early 19th century found itself being thrown into the garbage heap of history.
For those who still believed in the old Constitution, these old songs about liberty became utterly empty as MacArthur and his forces perverted those very ideals. Even worse, however, was the use of these patriotic songs by reactionary forces. In the 1930s, it was common for far-right terrorists and Havana Radio to loudly play these songs before committing gross acts of terror.
The Star Spangled Banner, a short-lived national anthem and navy song, became associated with the various fascists gangs that roamed the early UASR (and who often, ironically, sang pro-Confederate songs alongside American songs).
"Singing the Star-Spangled Banner and other old patriotic songs were a sign of reaction to Hoover and his men," commented one historian, and worse than taboo.
By the 1930s, the Banner and other old songs and largely fallen out of favor of songs that celebrated workers and unity. But within a generation, a new political shift would resurrect the Star-Spangled Banner.
Cold War and a New Meaning to the Banner
The early Cold War was marked by increasing tensions between the former wartime allies of the UASR and the FBU. In this environment, old Revolutionary War traditions were revived, largely as a means of sticking it to the British.
The revival of 4th of July, at least in the regions of the US that made up the former 13 colonies, was one example of this new appreciation for First American Revolutionary history.
But the War of 1812, considered by some to be the Second War for Independence, also gained attention. British harassment of American ships and the enslavement of their soldiers were often depicted in film, but also many events were dramatized-including the writing of the Star-Spangled Banner by Francis Scott Key.
This occurred in the 1954 film Washington Burns, which dramatized the burning of Washington, but also dramatized the events that would lead to Key writing the Star-Spangled Banner.
The film demonstrated that the song, despite its bourgeois origins, was mainly a symbol of defiance against British tyranny.
The Star-Spangled Banner, regained considerable popularity afterward, including the Maryland Republic, where schoolchildren celebrate their heritage.
[1] Sarcasm
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I imagine that Doom is pretty much the same in TL but not as popular in the FBU. It would most likely be seen as (for this TL) "Halo done right" in the UASR. The UAC leaders would probably know that what they are doing is wrong and will literally result in all hell breaking loose but will do it anyways b/c money.
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Comrades - Did you know that in the USSR the adventure novels of Mine Reed enjoyed immense popularity, while at home and in the US in the twentieth century, the writer was almost forgotten.
And this is not the only such example: thus, young readers in the USSR read out the story of James Greenwood "The True History of a Little Ragamuffin" about the adventures of a homeless Londoner, and withstood more than 50 editions in Russia and the USSR in huge editions, becoming a recognized classics of children's literature , and at home was not published since 1884.
In fact, this is an interesting topic - given that there is much in common between the English-speaking population of FBU and America. What American writers can be forgotten in their homeland, but popular in England and vice versa?
P.S. - check out the actress from the Soviet adaptation of "The Headless Horseman" (Yes - Mine Reed has his own version).
And this is not the only such example: thus, young readers in the USSR read out the story of James Greenwood "The True History of a Little Ragamuffin" about the adventures of a homeless Londoner, and withstood more than 50 editions in Russia and the USSR in huge editions, becoming a recognized classics of children's literature , and at home was not published since 1884.
In fact, this is an interesting topic - given that there is much in common between the English-speaking population of FBU and America. What American writers can be forgotten in their homeland, but popular in England and vice versa?
P.S. - check out the actress from the Soviet adaptation of "The Headless Horseman" (Yes - Mine Reed has his own version).
Uh, depends on where they would stand. I could see many authors who had valorized the Confederacy (i.e. Thomas Dixon, Margaret Mitchell), not being widely taught.
Hmm ... I'm not sure that this is always associated with politics .... although the case of Mine Reed is just political - in his stories, the positive characters are Indians, outsiders and other social outcasts.
The Republic of South Florida: Why the Southern Tip of Florida Desires to Form its Own Republic? (By Bookmark1995)
Bookmark1995
Banned
The Economist
Peter Stands
March 10, 2004
The Republic of South Florida: Why the Southern Tip of Florida Desires to Form its Own Republic?
In recent Soviet elections in Florida, a branch of the Social Ecology Union took control over much the government offices throughout the Southern offices of Florida. This branch, known as the Southern Florida Movement, seeks to separate the Southern portion of the Florida peninsula from the rest of the Republic.
If you ask Miamians, however, this move was already decades in the making, and already a political reality. When I drove through Brevard there were signs along the road (half-jokingly) telling me I am leaving Florida. Brevard is considered to be the unofficial border of North and South Florida
Tale of Two Floridas
"People aqui see the viejos in Tallahassee as being from a different country altogether," said Angelina Mirabel, a Premier of the People's Republic of Cuba, a government-in-exile founded in 1935 by Cuban exile Jorge Manach [1].
While governments-in-exile are seen as jokes, the People's Republic of Cuba is quite well-developed. It is located in a large, 12 story Brutalist building. It operates a militia force, collect taxes, holds elections that are taken very seriously, and provides social services. As she is seen as a major leader of the Cuban community, the office Mirabel sits in is often designated as the Second Premier of Florida. And if and when the capitalist government in Havana collapses, she would become the first Premier of a free Cuba.
Despite the stature of her office, like many Miami professionals, she is characterized by a lack of modesty expected of other politicians. Instead of a business suit, her professional attire (as well as that of her staff) is revealing swimwear. She wears a red sports bra and a green sarong around her legs.
"I think it doesn't matter what we wear as long as we get our jobs done," Mirabel said with a teasing smile.
When I visited Tallahassee, however, I was exposed to a Florida that does not gain much international attention. This is a Florida that resembles the American South: The people here a far more modest. The population that is mainly black, white, and mixed-race. The only Cubans are a few politicians and some college students. There is a plethora of old fashioned Southern architecture, and various memorials to slavery and the Jim Crow era. It is no backwater, and has the Southern charm, but it certainly lacks the cosmopolitanism of Miami.
"When tourists come here, they expect to fin' hot Cuban girls," David Carroll says with a mixture of playfulness and exasperation. "They soon find that is not what we are all abou'." We met in front of the Republic Capitol, a complex that consists of an old 19th century neo-classical structure, and in the background is a 22-story modernist building. The contrast symbolizes a South struggling with tradition and change.
Carroll seems like a more like a figure out of Dixie then a typical Floridan. Unlike Mirabel, he bears a large suit in the humid climate, he also speaks with a strong Southern drawl. He represents the city of Pensacola in the Florida Panhandle, an area that is very culturally conservative. He dislikes how Miami and the Southern part of the state influence the affairs of the North.
"I think these Cubans 'ave taken over our state and spent all our money on guns," David Carroll with a roll of his eyes. "I think if they want to leave so bad, I say good riddance."
Carroll and Mirabel signify the divide between North and South Florida. At first this seems typical of any republic of the UASR. In most UASR republics, the rural people often call their major cities "(x) miles surrounded by reality", even as the societal and cultural shifts that began in major cities begin entering the hinterland. In the South, Atlanta and New Orleans are especially known for the testy relationship between their Republics. But the divide between North and South Florida goes much deeper.
The Old Florida
Before the Revolution, Florida was a typical Southern state: defined by poverty, underdevelopment, and brutal discrimination of the black community.
While Florida had seen some development of its tourist industry and naval assets, it still remained culturally and socially reactionary on the Eve of the Revolution. The 1933 Revolution changed much of the Deep South. Poverty programs and cultural education slowly dismantled the Jim Crow establishment.
But the Revolution brought a change that was not typical of the rest of the Deep South: the first wave of Cuban immigrants arrived in Miami to escape from the excesses of MacArthur, and though small, already began changing the city into what would become the Second Havana.
The biggest changes, however, would occur in the post-war era, when over a million Cubans would flee the island to escape MacArthur's postwar repression. In Florida, they were told, they would find an atmosphere of tolerance. What they found was a society still escaping from a racist past, that was largely unprepared for such a mass influx. Their arrival would create tensions that would erupt with the 1956 Tent City riots, which showed the need to reform immigration in the South, but also left a permanent stamp on the Republic of Florida: namely the North-South Divide.
Carroll, who was 10 years old when the riots occurred, remembered the antipathy is family held. While Carroll became the first member of his family to go to a racially integrated school, prejudice still remained in his hometown of Pensacola, especially toward the influx of Cubans.
"My grandpa once told me that 'these Cubans is worse than niggers,'" Carroll admitted with shame. "We all felt like these bums were taken our jobs and money. I'm not proud to say I said cruel things about those poor people."
Facing such deprivation and a little hostility, the Cuban community responded with a devoted effort to political involvement and economic advancement. The Government-in-exile evolved from a small office into a serious political organization, under the leadership of exile Eduardo Chibas [2].
"The desire to achieve is born from a desire to do better than what we were allowed to do in our native homeland," Mirabel said.
The Cuban community, as a backlash to the cultural conservatism of their native land, heavily embraced the social and political changes of the Second Cultural Revolution. But this slowly but surely drove a wedge between North and South
Cuban Power (and Floridan Resentment)
The term "Cuban Power" describes the disproportionate influence Cuban's have over the UASR. Despite making up only 4 percent of the population, Cubans have enormous rates of advancement and political participation. Ten percent of Red Army command structure is said to be of Cuban descent, and many other fields such as medicine and research in the state are dominated by Cubans in Florida, breeding some resentment among the rest of the state.
"Us Cubans are seen a political aristocracy in what is a socialist nation," Mirabel said with a smile. "Power tends to breed resentment by those who don't have it.
In Florida especially this is true. Cubans have influenced the politics of this Florida for the past 40 years. However, they only make up about 15 percent of the population. Even in South Florida, where they are most concentrated, they only make up a plurality of the population, as South Florida also a diverse mixture of Latin-American, Jewish, African-American, and Asian populations.
But their impact has made Florida a political trendsetter in the Deep South. Often the Sunshine Republic is at the forefront of liberalization policies. The first laws in the American South liberalizing public exposure [3], sex work, and sexual freedom were developed in Florida were developed-often to the chagrin of the people in the North.
"My parents would always complain about how Miami was dragging down the rest of us," Carroll said with a smile. "My comrades still believe that the people of Miami drag us into things we don't want."
But culture is not the only thing dividing North and South. The other is the issue of Cuban military largess.
As stated, Cubans are the most heavily represented group in army. Largely because there has been a generational long dream of Cubans retaking their nation from the American-zombie Republic.
In the 3rd floor of the Cuban-Exile headquarters, Mirabal shows me an army training center, where she shows me young people exercising for potential invasion. I am astonished as these teenagers, some younger than 17, practicing the seizing of a beachhead in the event of an amphibious assault.
"Liberation is a dream we all seek to keep alive," Mirabal said firmly. "I hope to see the end of the occupation of my father's homeland by those Havana parasites."
Miami has become one of the most militarized cities in the world. Even in the famous beaches, teenagers practice military exercises, and the lifeguards drive around in rough-terrain vehicles. Swimsuit clad (or not) teenage militias roam the city carrying rifles on their backs. Cubans and other Miamians want to be prepared for The Day, as they put it.
Northern Floridans, however, feel their wealth and people is being wasted on a war machine that they have little interest in. While they do feel sympathy for the Cuban proletariat, they have less of a personal investment in a potential Cuban invasion. In a strange reversal of the usual political trend, the more conservative people are doves, while urban people are the hawks.
"You could spend one-third the amount they spend on guns, and still have an army that could topple Havana," Carroll says with annoyance. "We want that money going to our schools, not so a bunch of Cubans can play soldier with our cash, and with our young people."
"Playing soldier," Mirabal asks with disgust. "There can be no half-measures in fighting the class enemies. But the people up North would think that. They are traditionally reactionary of course. If we leave them, I will not shed a tear."
The divide reflects how even in worker's state, there can still be sharp divisions over the meaning of revolution, and jealousies that can divide a Republic along unofficial lines.
[1] OTL Reporter and opponent of Batista
[2] OTL political opponent of Batista and government reformer.
[3] Euphemism for public nudity.
Peter Stands
March 10, 2004
The Republic of South Florida: Why the Southern Tip of Florida Desires to Form its Own Republic?
In recent Soviet elections in Florida, a branch of the Social Ecology Union took control over much the government offices throughout the Southern offices of Florida. This branch, known as the Southern Florida Movement, seeks to separate the Southern portion of the Florida peninsula from the rest of the Republic.
If you ask Miamians, however, this move was already decades in the making, and already a political reality. When I drove through Brevard there were signs along the road (half-jokingly) telling me I am leaving Florida. Brevard is considered to be the unofficial border of North and South Florida
Tale of Two Floridas
"People aqui see the viejos in Tallahassee as being from a different country altogether," said Angelina Mirabel, a Premier of the People's Republic of Cuba, a government-in-exile founded in 1935 by Cuban exile Jorge Manach [1].
While governments-in-exile are seen as jokes, the People's Republic of Cuba is quite well-developed. It is located in a large, 12 story Brutalist building. It operates a militia force, collect taxes, holds elections that are taken very seriously, and provides social services. As she is seen as a major leader of the Cuban community, the office Mirabel sits in is often designated as the Second Premier of Florida. And if and when the capitalist government in Havana collapses, she would become the first Premier of a free Cuba.
Despite the stature of her office, like many Miami professionals, she is characterized by a lack of modesty expected of other politicians. Instead of a business suit, her professional attire (as well as that of her staff) is revealing swimwear. She wears a red sports bra and a green sarong around her legs.
"I think it doesn't matter what we wear as long as we get our jobs done," Mirabel said with a teasing smile.
When I visited Tallahassee, however, I was exposed to a Florida that does not gain much international attention. This is a Florida that resembles the American South: The people here a far more modest. The population that is mainly black, white, and mixed-race. The only Cubans are a few politicians and some college students. There is a plethora of old fashioned Southern architecture, and various memorials to slavery and the Jim Crow era. It is no backwater, and has the Southern charm, but it certainly lacks the cosmopolitanism of Miami.
"When tourists come here, they expect to fin' hot Cuban girls," David Carroll says with a mixture of playfulness and exasperation. "They soon find that is not what we are all abou'." We met in front of the Republic Capitol, a complex that consists of an old 19th century neo-classical structure, and in the background is a 22-story modernist building. The contrast symbolizes a South struggling with tradition and change.
Carroll seems like a more like a figure out of Dixie then a typical Floridan. Unlike Mirabel, he bears a large suit in the humid climate, he also speaks with a strong Southern drawl. He represents the city of Pensacola in the Florida Panhandle, an area that is very culturally conservative. He dislikes how Miami and the Southern part of the state influence the affairs of the North.
"I think these Cubans 'ave taken over our state and spent all our money on guns," David Carroll with a roll of his eyes. "I think if they want to leave so bad, I say good riddance."
Carroll and Mirabel signify the divide between North and South Florida. At first this seems typical of any republic of the UASR. In most UASR republics, the rural people often call their major cities "(x) miles surrounded by reality", even as the societal and cultural shifts that began in major cities begin entering the hinterland. In the South, Atlanta and New Orleans are especially known for the testy relationship between their Republics. But the divide between North and South Florida goes much deeper.
The Old Florida
Before the Revolution, Florida was a typical Southern state: defined by poverty, underdevelopment, and brutal discrimination of the black community.
While Florida had seen some development of its tourist industry and naval assets, it still remained culturally and socially reactionary on the Eve of the Revolution. The 1933 Revolution changed much of the Deep South. Poverty programs and cultural education slowly dismantled the Jim Crow establishment.
But the Revolution brought a change that was not typical of the rest of the Deep South: the first wave of Cuban immigrants arrived in Miami to escape from the excesses of MacArthur, and though small, already began changing the city into what would become the Second Havana.
The biggest changes, however, would occur in the post-war era, when over a million Cubans would flee the island to escape MacArthur's postwar repression. In Florida, they were told, they would find an atmosphere of tolerance. What they found was a society still escaping from a racist past, that was largely unprepared for such a mass influx. Their arrival would create tensions that would erupt with the 1956 Tent City riots, which showed the need to reform immigration in the South, but also left a permanent stamp on the Republic of Florida: namely the North-South Divide.
Carroll, who was 10 years old when the riots occurred, remembered the antipathy is family held. While Carroll became the first member of his family to go to a racially integrated school, prejudice still remained in his hometown of Pensacola, especially toward the influx of Cubans.
"My grandpa once told me that 'these Cubans is worse than niggers,'" Carroll admitted with shame. "We all felt like these bums were taken our jobs and money. I'm not proud to say I said cruel things about those poor people."
Facing such deprivation and a little hostility, the Cuban community responded with a devoted effort to political involvement and economic advancement. The Government-in-exile evolved from a small office into a serious political organization, under the leadership of exile Eduardo Chibas [2].
"The desire to achieve is born from a desire to do better than what we were allowed to do in our native homeland," Mirabel said.
The Cuban community, as a backlash to the cultural conservatism of their native land, heavily embraced the social and political changes of the Second Cultural Revolution. But this slowly but surely drove a wedge between North and South
Cuban Power (and Floridan Resentment)
The term "Cuban Power" describes the disproportionate influence Cuban's have over the UASR. Despite making up only 4 percent of the population, Cubans have enormous rates of advancement and political participation. Ten percent of Red Army command structure is said to be of Cuban descent, and many other fields such as medicine and research in the state are dominated by Cubans in Florida, breeding some resentment among the rest of the state.
"Us Cubans are seen a political aristocracy in what is a socialist nation," Mirabel said with a smile. "Power tends to breed resentment by those who don't have it.
In Florida especially this is true. Cubans have influenced the politics of this Florida for the past 40 years. However, they only make up about 15 percent of the population. Even in South Florida, where they are most concentrated, they only make up a plurality of the population, as South Florida also a diverse mixture of Latin-American, Jewish, African-American, and Asian populations.
But their impact has made Florida a political trendsetter in the Deep South. Often the Sunshine Republic is at the forefront of liberalization policies. The first laws in the American South liberalizing public exposure [3], sex work, and sexual freedom were developed in Florida were developed-often to the chagrin of the people in the North.
"My parents would always complain about how Miami was dragging down the rest of us," Carroll said with a smile. "My comrades still believe that the people of Miami drag us into things we don't want."
But culture is not the only thing dividing North and South. The other is the issue of Cuban military largess.
As stated, Cubans are the most heavily represented group in army. Largely because there has been a generational long dream of Cubans retaking their nation from the American-zombie Republic.
In the 3rd floor of the Cuban-Exile headquarters, Mirabal shows me an army training center, where she shows me young people exercising for potential invasion. I am astonished as these teenagers, some younger than 17, practicing the seizing of a beachhead in the event of an amphibious assault.
"Liberation is a dream we all seek to keep alive," Mirabal said firmly. "I hope to see the end of the occupation of my father's homeland by those Havana parasites."
Miami has become one of the most militarized cities in the world. Even in the famous beaches, teenagers practice military exercises, and the lifeguards drive around in rough-terrain vehicles. Swimsuit clad (or not) teenage militias roam the city carrying rifles on their backs. Cubans and other Miamians want to be prepared for The Day, as they put it.
Northern Floridans, however, feel their wealth and people is being wasted on a war machine that they have little interest in. While they do feel sympathy for the Cuban proletariat, they have less of a personal investment in a potential Cuban invasion. In a strange reversal of the usual political trend, the more conservative people are doves, while urban people are the hawks.
"You could spend one-third the amount they spend on guns, and still have an army that could topple Havana," Carroll says with annoyance. "We want that money going to our schools, not so a bunch of Cubans can play soldier with our cash, and with our young people."
"Playing soldier," Mirabal asks with disgust. "There can be no half-measures in fighting the class enemies. But the people up North would think that. They are traditionally reactionary of course. If we leave them, I will not shed a tear."
The divide reflects how even in worker's state, there can still be sharp divisions over the meaning of revolution, and jealousies that can divide a Republic along unofficial lines.
[1] OTL Reporter and opponent of Batista
[2] OTL political opponent of Batista and government reformer.
[3] Euphemism for public nudity.
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The Murder of Albert Munemori: A Case Study in Wartime Paranoia (By Mr.E)
The Murder of Albert Munemori: A Case Study in Wartime Paranoia
www.wwiihistory.co.uasr/comintern/homefront/conflicts
On September 15th, 1944, 17 year old Albert Munemori, a native of Fresno and head of the local Pioneers, went to a goods store to buy some beans for his parents. He would not return that night. After an extensive search the next morning, his body was found outside of town. After an extensive investigation, Henry March was arrested for this murder, thanks to eyewitness testimony. March confessed to the murder, and justified it, stating that he was doing his part to "defeat the Imperialist fifth column operating in our borders". Munemori's murder would expose the long running paranoia and suspicion against the Japanese community on the West Coast, even in a worker's republic.
Japanese Americans on the West Coast:
During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Japanese laborers began to migrate to Hawaii'i and the US West Coast to find work. These "Issei" found work as railroad laborers, shop owners, and particularly farming. While some worked as farm laborers, many decided to lease land, and create independent farming, in which some became very successful. As a result, many Japanese American communities on the West Coast were primarily agricultural in nature. However, this success would come to earn the ire of many whites, who feared the competition from more successful farmers, and soon, discrimination would follow.
An informal Gentlemen's Agreement in 1907 between the governments of the US and Japan restricted the flow of Japanese migrants, and in 1913, California enacted the "Alien Land Law", making it illegal for many Issei to own land or lease it for longer than three years, which would become the basis for other laws of the same nature. As a result of these, and other forms of discrimination and suspicion, many second-generation immigrants or "Nisei" began to gravitate towards the Worker's Party. Nisei, along with Mexican and Chinese farm workers, would become key branches of the California WPA by the time of the 1930 crash. Many Japanese Americans would fight on the Antifa side during the Civil War.
With all laws relating to land ownership null and void following the victory of the Reds, Japanese Americans would become a key part of the large farming communes in rural California, with the help of Nisei WPA organizers. Immigration was opened again, and some refugees would settle in the "Little Tokyos" in Los Angeles and San Francisco.
However, anti-Japanese sentiment continued. The Sons of Liberty branch in California, "The Sons of the Golden West", would frequently target Japanese communities, with bombings of the LA Little Tokyo in 1937 and an Imperial Valley community center in 1938. However, the bigotry was not restricted to reactionaries. As the spectre of Japanese imperialism began to waver in China, many dedicated socialists began to express concerns that Japanese agents had ingrained themselves within Japanese American communities in Hawaii and the West Coast and might subvert the war effort. Even dedicated Party members Earl Warren and Vito Marcantonio [1] expressed concerns about "internal subversion" by Japanese agents.
These calls only intensified when Pearl Harbor occurred, bringing Comintern into a direct war with Japan. However, Defense Secretary Martin Abern and Civil Defense Commissioner Ulrich Stein jointly stated that such fears had "little basis in fact or evidence". Even before Pearl Harbor, many Japanese Americans enlisted to fight with the WFRA in Europe. Many would also enlist to fight in the Pacific, with their presence being a boost in the propaganda effort against Imperial Japan.
Despite this, tensions still remained between white and Japanese communities remained.
Albert Munemori
Albert Munemori was born on July 7th, 1927 in Fresno, California. His parents were Issei originally from the Chiba Prefecture. After several years as farm laborers, they joined the WPA as organizers, and served with distinction in the Red Army during the Civil War. They later became major administrators at the kibbutz they tended to. His older brother Edward would enlist in the WFRN after the declaration of war, and was serving in the Pacific.
Albert followed in their footsteps in becoming a leader. He excelled in the new school system, and later became a exemplar member of the Pioneers. He would participate in the school mock government. In his statements for the school yearbook, he expressed his desire to become a doctor.
Henry March
Henry March was born on July 3rd, 1924, in Reno, Nevada. Little is known about his early life. What is known is that he was rejected for military service, due to astigmatism. He ended up in Fresno as part of his alternative service in civil defense.
March was noted by his superiors for his apparent disdain for non-whites, and constant suspicions of the Japanese population. Prior to the murder, he would regularly report "suspicious activities" from Japanese individuals, which his superior would usually just find to be regular activities.
The Murder and the Aftermath
According to March, he was in the same store when Albert walked in, and bought several materials. March was suspicious of the materials, and followed Albert. Albert noticed, and confronted him. After he outright denied all of March's allegation, March grew more convinced, and decided to take action, strangling him, and hiding his body outside of town.
March was caught thanks to another farmer seeing him fleeing the scene, and the store owner reporting him leaving right after Albert. He confessed, expecting that his actions would be lauded as the "first line of defense". He was surprised when he was convicted of murder, and sentenced to death for the murder (carried out in early January)
Munemori was cremated and buried in a Buddhist ceremony, with his brother coming back through a special order to attend the funeral.
This incident, as well as other instances of threats and attacks against individuals of Japanese decent, prompted militias to protect Japanese communities, drawn from individual members.
The site has been designated a historical landmark, with a brief description of the event. His story is also described in the "Asian American History Center" in Los Angeles.
[1] Both of who supported internment OTL
www.wwiihistory.co.uasr/comintern/homefront/conflicts
On September 15th, 1944, 17 year old Albert Munemori, a native of Fresno and head of the local Pioneers, went to a goods store to buy some beans for his parents. He would not return that night. After an extensive search the next morning, his body was found outside of town. After an extensive investigation, Henry March was arrested for this murder, thanks to eyewitness testimony. March confessed to the murder, and justified it, stating that he was doing his part to "defeat the Imperialist fifth column operating in our borders". Munemori's murder would expose the long running paranoia and suspicion against the Japanese community on the West Coast, even in a worker's republic.
Japanese Americans on the West Coast:
During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Japanese laborers began to migrate to Hawaii'i and the US West Coast to find work. These "Issei" found work as railroad laborers, shop owners, and particularly farming. While some worked as farm laborers, many decided to lease land, and create independent farming, in which some became very successful. As a result, many Japanese American communities on the West Coast were primarily agricultural in nature. However, this success would come to earn the ire of many whites, who feared the competition from more successful farmers, and soon, discrimination would follow.
An informal Gentlemen's Agreement in 1907 between the governments of the US and Japan restricted the flow of Japanese migrants, and in 1913, California enacted the "Alien Land Law", making it illegal for many Issei to own land or lease it for longer than three years, which would become the basis for other laws of the same nature. As a result of these, and other forms of discrimination and suspicion, many second-generation immigrants or "Nisei" began to gravitate towards the Worker's Party. Nisei, along with Mexican and Chinese farm workers, would become key branches of the California WPA by the time of the 1930 crash. Many Japanese Americans would fight on the Antifa side during the Civil War.
With all laws relating to land ownership null and void following the victory of the Reds, Japanese Americans would become a key part of the large farming communes in rural California, with the help of Nisei WPA organizers. Immigration was opened again, and some refugees would settle in the "Little Tokyos" in Los Angeles and San Francisco.
However, anti-Japanese sentiment continued. The Sons of Liberty branch in California, "The Sons of the Golden West", would frequently target Japanese communities, with bombings of the LA Little Tokyo in 1937 and an Imperial Valley community center in 1938. However, the bigotry was not restricted to reactionaries. As the spectre of Japanese imperialism began to waver in China, many dedicated socialists began to express concerns that Japanese agents had ingrained themselves within Japanese American communities in Hawaii and the West Coast and might subvert the war effort. Even dedicated Party members Earl Warren and Vito Marcantonio [1] expressed concerns about "internal subversion" by Japanese agents.
These calls only intensified when Pearl Harbor occurred, bringing Comintern into a direct war with Japan. However, Defense Secretary Martin Abern and Civil Defense Commissioner Ulrich Stein jointly stated that such fears had "little basis in fact or evidence". Even before Pearl Harbor, many Japanese Americans enlisted to fight with the WFRA in Europe. Many would also enlist to fight in the Pacific, with their presence being a boost in the propaganda effort against Imperial Japan.
Despite this, tensions still remained between white and Japanese communities remained.
Albert Munemori
Albert Munemori was born on July 7th, 1927 in Fresno, California. His parents were Issei originally from the Chiba Prefecture. After several years as farm laborers, they joined the WPA as organizers, and served with distinction in the Red Army during the Civil War. They later became major administrators at the kibbutz they tended to. His older brother Edward would enlist in the WFRN after the declaration of war, and was serving in the Pacific.
Albert followed in their footsteps in becoming a leader. He excelled in the new school system, and later became a exemplar member of the Pioneers. He would participate in the school mock government. In his statements for the school yearbook, he expressed his desire to become a doctor.
Henry March
Henry March was born on July 3rd, 1924, in Reno, Nevada. Little is known about his early life. What is known is that he was rejected for military service, due to astigmatism. He ended up in Fresno as part of his alternative service in civil defense.
March was noted by his superiors for his apparent disdain for non-whites, and constant suspicions of the Japanese population. Prior to the murder, he would regularly report "suspicious activities" from Japanese individuals, which his superior would usually just find to be regular activities.
The Murder and the Aftermath
According to March, he was in the same store when Albert walked in, and bought several materials. March was suspicious of the materials, and followed Albert. Albert noticed, and confronted him. After he outright denied all of March's allegation, March grew more convinced, and decided to take action, strangling him, and hiding his body outside of town.
March was caught thanks to another farmer seeing him fleeing the scene, and the store owner reporting him leaving right after Albert. He confessed, expecting that his actions would be lauded as the "first line of defense". He was surprised when he was convicted of murder, and sentenced to death for the murder (carried out in early January)
Munemori was cremated and buried in a Buddhist ceremony, with his brother coming back through a special order to attend the funeral.
This incident, as well as other instances of threats and attacks against individuals of Japanese decent, prompted militias to protect Japanese communities, drawn from individual members.
The site has been designated a historical landmark, with a brief description of the event. His story is also described in the "Asian American History Center" in Los Angeles.
[1] Both of who supported internment OTL
Bookmark1995
Banned
I like this post. It reminds that while Red America is objectively better, its people are still very human.
Bookmark1995
Banned
Red Star has indicated that in the first major Cold War incident (something about the Horn of Africa) that it will ultimately be the Soviet Union that folds out of a desire to avoid World War 3.
Would this mean that the ITTL stereotype of the Soviet Union as being the sane one, while Americans are the trigger happy zealots of the Red world?
OTL, there were signs of the Soviets, despite their oppressive policies, being a good deal more pragmatic then Americans even.
But I wonder how this affects geopolitics and world's opinion of Soviet Russia?
Would this mean that the ITTL stereotype of the Soviet Union as being the sane one, while Americans are the trigger happy zealots of the Red world?
OTL, there were signs of the Soviets, despite their oppressive policies, being a good deal more pragmatic then Americans even.
But I wonder how this affects geopolitics and world's opinion of Soviet Russia?
If its UASR vs USSR then i agree. If its USSR vs FBU then we would have to wait for a UASR involved event