Red Alert - Our 1953 USSR

-Quotas, a more or less large number of immigrants who will be able to come to the USSR would be negotiated with the different nations, with a points system, in which work skills, level of study, leftist ideologies, among others, will be prioritized.
Communist nations or nations with good relations with the USSR would be exempt from quotas, and instead would have special status.
-Nations with special status, exemption from quotas and more relaxed permits to be able to access, but with the limitation that they have to come directly to a job or acquire one within a period of no less than 3 months nor more than 6 (broad so that people can discuss an appropriate one), after that period, they must leave Soviet soil, without this preventing them from trying again in the near future.
- Refugees, they would not fit into the quotas, as the refugees were communist, socialist or left-wing party sympathizers persecuted and purged in their nation of origin. Being open to newly independent nations in which American influence is greater, nations from southern Europe, fugitives from coups d'état... As a sign of brotherhood and solidarity.
-Finally, these would not be included in the category of refugees or in the quotas, and would offer the African-American population the possibility of emigrating to the USSR, offering the possibility of social, labor, economic, educational improvements, and escape from racism. .. as a way out of the tensions that occur in the south, while we slap the Americans in the face, by showing how the population moves from the "very democratic and egalitarian" United States to the Soviet "red dictatorship." This last point could be expanded depending on how other states with similar situations evolve (Rhodesia, South Africa...)
It should be remembered that the USSR is not yet in a position to provide for huge masses of refugees (and I remind you that a significant part of the population of the GDR and the "new territories" of Poland are citizens of the Union displaced by order of Stalin (although there are those who left on their own)).
 
They would not be large masses of refugees in the current sense. It would not be focused on those displaced by conflicts, but rather aimed at left-wing supporters in places where there are right-wing dictatorships, independent countries within the US orbit, countries in which coups d'état take place... With the intention of converting to the USSR as a safe haven for politically persecuted people.
With respect to internally displaced persons... if they have a passport or citizenship of any state of the Soviet Union, they would have no problem returning if that is their wish, and if they do not have the documentation they could always try to recover it.
 
New immigration policy and military developments (1953-1954)
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Under the leadership of General Secretary Georgy Zhukov, the Soviet government implemented a comprehensive and ambitious immigration policy aimed at addressing the catastrophic demographic challenges that had arisen in the wake of the Nazi occupation and the brutal war between the USSR and Nazi Germany. The war had left the Soviet Union with a significantly diminished population, particularly among men of working age, which in turn posed a serious threat to the nation's economic recovery and future growth. Recognizing the urgency of this demographic crisis, Zhukov and his administration developed a new immigration policy that sought to attract skilled workers, ideologically aligned individuals, and refugees sympathetic to the communist cause, while also fostering stronger ties with allied nations. The first pillar of this new immigration policy was the introduction of a quota system designed to regulate the number of immigrants allowed to enter the Soviet Union each year. These quotas were not arbitrary but rather carefully negotiated with various nations based on their relationship with the USSR and the specific needs of the Soviet economy. The quotas were part of a broader strategy to ensure that the influx of immigrants would not only alleviate the demographic crisis but also contribute positively to the Soviet economy and society. The points system was a key component of this strategy, prioritizing immigrants with valuable work skills, higher levels of education, and leftist ideologies that aligned with the principles of Soviet socialism. This system was designed to attract individuals who could quickly integrate into Soviet society and contribute to the nation's reconstruction and development. In addition to the general quota system, the policy also established a special status for immigrants from communist nations or countries with particularly strong relations with the Soviet Union. These nations were exempt from the standard quotas, reflecting the Soviet government's commitment to fostering solidarity and cooperation with its ideological allies. Immigrants from these countries were granted more relaxed entry permits, allowing them easier access to the Soviet Union. However, to ensure that these immigrants were genuinely contributing to Soviet society, they were required to secure employment within a specified period. This period, set at no less than three months and no more than six months, provided a reasonable timeframe for immigrants to find suitable work, while also ensuring that those who failed to integrate into the labor market would not remain indefinitely without contributing to the economy. Immigrants who were unable to find employment within this period were required to leave Soviet territory, although they were not barred from reapplying for entry in the future. This policy was designed to maintain a balance between openness and practicality, ensuring that the Soviet Union could absorb a significant number of immigrants without overburdening its social and economic systems.

The third major component of the new immigration policy was the special provisions for refugees. The Soviet Union had long portrayed itself as a bastion of socialism and a haven for those persecuted for their leftist beliefs. Under Zhukov's leadership, this commitment was reaffirmed and expanded. Refugees who were communist, socialist, or sympathizers of left-wing parties, and who were facing persecution in their home countries, were granted asylum in the Soviet Union. This policy was particularly focused on individuals fleeing newly independent nations where American influence was dominant, countries in Southern Europe experiencing political turmoil, and those escaping from regions affected by coups d'état. The inclusion of refugees in the immigration policy was a powerful statement of Soviet solidarity with the global struggle against imperialism and capitalism. It also served a practical purpose, as many of these refugees were skilled and educated individuals who could make valuable contributions to Soviet society. Unlike other immigrants, refugees were not subject to the standard quotas, reflecting the Soviet government's willingness to offer them sanctuary regardless of the numbers involved. This aspect of the policy highlighted the USSR's role as a leader of the international communist movement and its commitment to supporting those who shared its ideological goals. The implementation of this immigration policy required significant administrative and logistical efforts. Soviet embassies and consulates around the world were tasked with processing visa applications, assessing the qualifications of potential immigrants, and coordinating with local governments to facilitate the smooth entry of new arrivals into the Soviet Union. Special committees were established to oversee the integration of immigrants into Soviet society, ensuring that they received the necessary support to find employment, housing, and educational opportunities. The Soviet government also worked closely with trade unions, industrial enterprises, and agricultural collectives to match immigrants with suitable job openings. This coordinated approach helped to maximize the economic benefits of immigration while minimizing potential disruptions to the labor market. In addition to the economic and demographic benefits, the new immigration policy had significant geopolitical implications.

By offering sanctuary to refugees and facilitating the migration of skilled workers and ideologically aligned individuals, the Soviet Union was able to strengthen its influence in key regions of the world. This was particularly important in the context of the Cold War, as the Soviet Union sought to expand its sphere of influence and counter the spread of American capitalism and imperialism. The immigration policy also played a crucial role in the Soviet Union's efforts to project soft power and promote its image as a defender of the oppressed and a champion of social justice. By providing opportunities for people from around the world to live and work in the Soviet Union, the government was able to demonstrate the attractiveness of the socialist system and its ability to deliver a better life for all. The Soviet government's approach to immigration under General Secretary Zhukov was not without its challenges. The influx of immigrants, particularly those from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds, required significant efforts to promote integration and social cohesion. The government implemented a range of programs to provide language training, cultural orientation, and social services to new arrivals, helping them to adapt to life in the Soviet Union. These efforts were supported by a propaganda campaign that emphasized the importance of solidarity, unity, and shared commitment to the goals of socialism. Despite these challenges, the new immigration policy was largely successful in addressing the demographic crisis facing the Soviet Union. By attracting skilled workers, ideologically aligned individuals, and refugees, the policy helped to revitalize the Soviet economy, support the nation's reconstruction efforts, and strengthen its position on the global stage. The policy also reinforced the Soviet Union's commitment to internationalism and solidarity with the global socialist movement, further cementing its role as a leader in the struggle against imperialism and capitalism.

Immigration Data by Region (1953-1954)​

Country/Region1953-1954 Migrants1953-1954 RefugeesTotal% of Overall Arrivals
Eastern Europe45,000045,00022.5%
Southern Europe30,00015,00045,00022.5%
Asia25,00010,00035,00017.5%
Latin America20,0005,00025,00012.5%
Africa10,0002,00012,0006%
Middle East8,0003,00011,0005.5%
Other Regions5,0002,0007,0003.5%
Total (1953-1954)143,00037,000180,000100%

Immigration Data by Country (1953-1954)​

Country1953-1954 Migrants1953-1954 RefugeesTotal% of Overall Arrivals
Poland15,000015,0008.3%
Hungary10,000010,0005.6%
Czechoslovakia10,000010,0005.6%
Yugoslavia7,00007,0003.9%
Italy20,0007,00027,00015%
Greece10,0005,00015,0008.3%
Spain5,0003,0008,0004.4%
China10,0005,00015,0008.3%
Vietnam8,0003,00011,0006.1%
India7,0002,0009,0005%
Argentina7,0002,0009,0005%
Cuba6,0001,0007,0003.9%
Brazil4,0001,0005,0002.8%
Algeria4,0001,0005,0002.8%
Egypt3,0001,0004,0002.2%
Iran5,0002,0007,0003.9%
Iraq3,0001,0004,0002.2%
Others16,0004,00020,00011.1%
Total (1953-1954)143,00037,000180,000100%

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Under the leadership of General Secretary Zhukov, the Soviet Union embarked on significant military reforms aimed at modernizing its defense capabilities and countering the growing strategic threat posed by the United States. One of the primary areas of focus was the enhancement of the Soviet air defense system, which became increasingly critical in the context of the Cold War, where both superpowers were engaged in an intense arms race and a competition for technological superiority. One of the cornerstones of Zhukov’s military strategy was the development and production of advanced jet aircraft. The era of propeller-driven planes had come to an end, and the jet age was in full swing. The United States had already demonstrated its capabilities with jet-powered aircraft during the Korean War, and the Soviet Union needed to ensure that its air force could match or surpass this technology. Zhukov's administration significantly increased funding for the development of new jet planes, placing a strong emphasis on speed, range, and payload capacity. The Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG series, which had already proven its worth in earlier conflicts, received substantial investment. The MiG-15 had been a formidable opponent during the Korean War, but the need for a successor that could outperform the latest American jets, such as the F-86 Sabre, became apparent. The MiG-17 and MiG-19 were developed with these objectives in mind, offering improvements in speed and maneuverability. However, it was the MiG-21, introduced later, that became one of the most iconic and widely produced fighter jets in history. The MiG-21 was designed for speed, capable of reaching Mach 2, and was equipped with advanced avionics and weaponry for its time. Zhukov's emphasis on jet development not only ensured that the Soviet Air Force remained competitive but also allowed the USSR to export these aircraft to allied nations, strengthening its influence globally. In addition to jet planes, Zhukov recognized the growing threat posed by high-altitude reconnaissance and bomber aircraft operated by the United States, such as the U-2 spy plane and the B-52 Stratofortress. To counter this, the Soviet Union significantly increased its investment in the development of surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems.

The most notable of these developments was the S-75 Dvina (known in NATO nomenclature as the SA-2 Guideline). This missile system became a symbol of Soviet air defense prowess. The S-75 was designed to engage high-altitude targets, and its effectiveness was demonstrated when it shot down an American U-2 spy plane over Soviet airspace in 1960, capturing its pilot, Francis Gary Powers. This incident was a major Cold War confrontation and highlighted the effectiveness of Zhukov's military reforms. The S-75 Dvina was deployed across the Soviet Union and in various allied countries, providing a formidable barrier against potential air incursions by the United States and its allies. The success of the S-75 led to further developments in Soviet SAM technology, with subsequent systems such as the S-125 Neva (SA-3 Goa) and the S-200 Angara (SA-5 Gammon) offering greater range, speed, and accuracy. To complement the development of SAMs, Zhukov's administration also prioritized the expansion and modernization of the Soviet radar network. Effective radar coverage was essential for detecting and tracking enemy aircraft, especially those attempting to penetrate Soviet airspace at high altitudes and speeds. The Soviet Union expanded its radar installations, with new radar stations being constructed across the vast expanse of Soviet territory. These radar systems were designed to detect incoming aircraft from great distances, providing early warning and allowing for a coordinated air defense response. The integration of radar data with SAM systems and interceptor jets created a multi-layered defense network that could respond to aerial threats more effectively. Advanced radar systems, such as the P-14 "Tall King," were developed to provide long-range detection capabilities. The P-14, with a detection range of up to 600 kilometers, was instrumental in providing early warning of incoming threats, particularly high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft like the U-2. The radar network was also integrated with command and control systems to ensure a rapid and coordinated response to any airspace violations.

One of the most pressing concerns for Zhukov's military planners was the increasing number of U.S. reconnaissance missions over Soviet territory. These missions, carried out by high-altitude aircraft such as the U-2, posed a significant threat to Soviet national security, as they allowed the United States to gather critical intelligence on Soviet military installations and capabilities. To counter this threat, the Soviet Union not only developed advanced SAMs but also focused on increasing the range and speed of its interceptor aircraft. The MiG-21, with its high speed and altitude capabilities, became a key asset in the Soviet Union's efforts to intercept and down U.S. spy planes. Additionally, the Soviet Union experimented with more advanced aircraft designs, including the development of the MiG-25 "Foxbat," a high-speed interceptor capable of reaching Mach 3 and altitudes of over 20,000 meters. The combination of improved radar systems, advanced SAMs, and high-speed interceptors created a formidable defense network that made it increasingly difficult for U.S. spy planes to operate with impunity over Soviet territory. This network played a critical role in maintaining the balance of power during the Cold War, as both the United States and the Soviet Union sought to protect their airspace and prevent the other from gaining a strategic advantage. Zhukov's emphasis on modernizing the Soviet Union's air defense capabilities had far-reaching strategic implications. By investing in jet planes, SAMs, and radar systems, the Soviet Union was able to assert its sovereignty and protect its airspace from potential intrusions. This not only deterred U.S. reconnaissance missions but also demonstrated the Soviet Union's commitment to defending its territory and interests. Moreover, the success of these programs contributed to the broader arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union. The downing of the U-2 in 1960, for example, had a profound impact on U.S.-Soviet relations, leading to a temporary deterioration in diplomatic ties and a reevaluation of U.S. reconnaissance strategies. The incident also underscored the effectiveness of Zhukov's military reforms and the Soviet Union's ability to challenge U.S. technological superiority. Zhukov's military modernization efforts also had an impact on the global stage. The export of Soviet jet aircraft and SAM systems to allied nations helped to strengthen the Soviet Union's influence in key regions, including the Middle East, Asia, and Africa. These countries, often facing external threats from Western powers, looked to the Soviet Union for military assistance, and Zhukov's policies ensured that the USSR could provide them with advanced defense capabilities. General Secretary Zhukov's focus on modernizing the Soviet Union's military, particularly in the areas of air defense, jet aircraft, and radar technology, played a crucial role in maintaining the balance of power during the Cold War. By investing in these key areas, the Soviet Union was able to protect its airspace, counter U.S. reconnaissance missions, and assert its influence on the global stage. Zhukov's military reforms not only strengthened the Soviet Union's defense capabilities but also contributed to the broader geopolitical dynamics of the Cold War, shaping the course of history in the second half of the 20th century.

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Under General Secretary Zhukov's leadership, the Soviet Union embarked on an overhaul of its military capabilities, with a particular focus on modernizing its nuclear and strategic forces, modernizing its tank corps, and halting the development of an outdated battleship program initiated during Stalin's era. These measures were aimed at ensuring the Soviet Union could effectively compete with the United States and its allies in the global arms race, while also streamlining its military expenditures to focus on more contemporary and effective means of defense. One of the cornerstones of Zhukov's military strategy was the continued development and expansion of the Soviet Union's nuclear and strategic forces. The Soviet leadership recognized that nuclear weapons had become the ultimate deterrent in the Cold War, with the United States and the Soviet Union both relying on the doctrine of mutually assured destruction (MAD) to prevent the outbreak of a full-scale nuclear war. To maintain parity with the United States, the Soviet Union needed to ensure that its nuclear arsenal was not only large enough but also advanced enough to guarantee a credible second-strike capability. Zhukov's administration prioritized the development of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) as a key component of the Soviet strategic forces. The R-7 Semyorka, the world's first ICBM, had already been successfully tested in 1957, marking a significant milestone in Soviet military history. Building on this success, Zhukov directed further investment into the development of more advanced ICBMs with greater range, accuracy, and payload capacity. The R-16, developed later in the decade, was an example of this next generation of Soviet ICBMs, capable of delivering a nuclear warhead to targets deep within the United States. In addition to ICBMs, Zhukov's administration also focused on expanding the Soviet Union's strategic bomber fleet. The Tu-95 "Bear" bomber, capable of carrying nuclear weapons over long distances, became a symbol of Soviet strategic air power. The Tu-95 was complemented by the development of the Tu-22 "Blinder" supersonic bomber, which was designed to penetrate enemy airspace at high speeds and deliver nuclear payloads. These bombers, along with the growing arsenal of ICBMs, formed the backbone of the Soviet Union's nuclear deterrent, ensuring that the USSR could respond effectively to any nuclear aggression from the West. The development of submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) was another critical aspect of the Soviet strategic forces under Zhukov. The Soviet Navy began deploying ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs), which provided a stealthy and survivable second-strike capability. The Golf-class and later the Yankee-class SSBNs were equipped with SLBMs capable of striking targets in the United States from hidden positions in the world's oceans. This diversification of the Soviet nuclear triad—comprising land-based ICBMs, strategic bombers, and SLBMs—ensured that the Soviet Union could maintain a credible deterrent in the face of any potential threat.

Zhukov, a highly decorated general with extensive experience in armored warfare during World War II, recognized the continued importance of tanks in conventional military operations. The Soviet Union's vast tank corps had played a decisive role in the defeat of Nazi Germany, and Zhukov was determined to maintain and expand this capability as a key element of Soviet ground forces. Under Zhukov's leadership, the Soviet tank corps underwent significant expansion and modernization. The T-54 and T-55 tanks, which had been developed in the late 1940s and early 1950s, became the workhorses of the Soviet armored forces. These tanks were renowned for their durability, firepower, and ease of production, making them ideal for mass deployment across the vast expanse of the Soviet Union and its satellite states. The T-55, in particular, became one of the most produced tanks in history, with tens of thousands manufactured and exported to allied countries around the world. Building on the success of the T-54 and T-55, Zhukov's administration pushed for the development of more advanced tanks that could maintain the Soviet Union's edge in armored warfare. The T-62, introduced in the early 1960s, featured a powerful 115mm smoothbore gun, improved armor, and enhanced mobility. This tank was designed to counter the new generation of NATO tanks, such as the American M60 and the British Centurion, ensuring that the Soviet Union could dominate the battlefields of Europe in the event of a conventional conflict. The expansion of the tank corps also involved the development of specialized armored vehicles, such as self-propelled artillery, infantry fighting vehicles, and armored personnel carriers, which were designed to support the tanks in combined arms operations. The BMP-1 infantry fighting vehicle, for example, provided Soviet motorized rifle units with a versatile platform that could transport troops into battle while offering protection and fire support. These developments were part of a broader strategy to enhance the mobility, flexibility, and firepower of the Soviet ground forces, making them capable of rapid and decisive action in any theater of war.

One of the most significant decisions made by Zhukov's administration was the termination of Stalin's ambitious battleship construction program. During Stalin's rule, the Soviet Navy had embarked on a massive shipbuilding campaign aimed at creating a fleet of powerful battleships that could challenge the naval supremacy of the United States and Britain. However, by the time Zhukov came to power, it had become clear that the battleship was no longer the dominant force in naval warfare that it had once been. The advent of aircraft carriers, submarines, and missile technology had rendered battleships increasingly obsolete. The sinking of the German battleship Bismarck and the Japanese battleships Yamato and Musashi during World War II had demonstrated the vulnerability of these behemoths to air and submarine attacks. The United States Navy's shift towards carrier-based power projection further underscored the declining relevance of battleships in modern naval warfare. Recognizing the changing nature of naval warfare, Zhukov made the pragmatic decision to halt the construction of new battleships and redirect resources towards more strategically valuable assets. This decision marked a significant departure from Stalin's vision of a blue-water navy centered around battleships, but it reflected the realities of the post-war world, where air power and missile technology had become the key determinants of naval strength. Instead of investing in battleships, Zhukov's administration focused on the development of submarines, particularly nuclear-powered submarines capable of launching ballistic missiles. The Soviet Navy's submarine force became a central component of the country's strategic deterrent, with the ability to strike at the heart of enemy territory from beneath the oceans. The development of missile cruisers and destroyers, equipped with advanced anti-aircraft and anti-ship missile systems, also became a priority, allowing the Soviet Navy to project power and protect its maritime interests without relying on outdated battleship designs.

The termination of the battleship program freed up significant resources, which Zhukov redirected towards the expansion of the Soviet Union's more modern and effective military capabilities. The funds and materials that would have gone into building and maintaining a fleet of battleships were instead invested in the production of jet aircraft, missile systems, and advanced naval platforms such as submarines and missile cruisers. This strategic reallocation of resources allowed the Soviet Union to maintain a strong and capable military while avoiding the pitfalls of overinvesting in outdated technologies. Zhukov's focus on modernizing the Soviet military ensured that the USSR could effectively compete with the United States in the arms race, while also positioning itself as a global superpower with the ability to defend its interests across multiple domains—land, sea, air, and space. Under General Secretary Zhukov's leadership, the Soviet Union undertook a comprehensive modernization of its military forces, with a particular emphasis on nuclear and strategic capabilities, the expansion of the tank corps, and the termination of Stalin's outdated battleship program. These reforms reflected Zhukov's deep understanding of modern warfare and his commitment to ensuring that the Soviet Union remained at the forefront of military technology and strategy. By investing in advanced jet aircraft, surface-to-air missiles, radar systems, and submarines, Zhukov's administration enhanced the Soviet Union's ability to defend itself against potential threats from the United States and its allies. The expansion and modernization of the tank corps ensured that the Soviet ground forces remained a formidable force in conventional warfare, while the strategic decision to halt the battleship program allowed for a more efficient allocation of resources towards more relevant and effective military technologies.
 
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I don't know much about the Soviet Navy, but we should not fall into the pits of cruiser carriers and battlecruisers. We also try to make Murmansk and Vladivstok ice-free years, along with the help of thermal powerplants and icebreakers. IMHO our submarine buildup is good enough but we should put less focus on the Baltic and black sea, In these places, we need to focus more on area denial .We should start focussing more on the Northern Atlantic and Pacific. We need to build atleast 3 aircraft carriers. Even if it takes decades, we need atleast a limited blue water navy . We are much behind the USA in radar and electronics, so invest more in it.
 
First, it would be advisable to create a separate institute focused on researching and modernizing navy technology, including a branch of the secret service that would collaborate with them in operations to obtain intelligence to modernize ships.
Secondly, the era of battleships and large ships has passed away, so it would be convenient to give them new uses either as training ships for both civil and military use, museums of a historical, military or even oceanographic nature, and in Otherwise, scrap them to take advantage of the materials.
Thirdly, sell some of the oldest ships to allied countries or those that have just become independent, obtaining resources that can be invested in improving the navy.
Fourth, reevaluate Soviet strategy and doctrine, reducing the number of Soviet ships in the Black Sea in favor of anti-ship rocket forces and air support (adding Romanians and Bulgarians to the Soviet ships), in the Baltic Sea (reach agreements to demilitarize the waters with Sweden, Finland and Denmark, if American ships do not enter, Soviet and German Democratic Republic ships will not increase) and in the Pacific area (offering China to share technology in exchange for the joint use of Chinese docks) offering In this area I support North Korea and China to create a decent navy,
Fifth, plan nautical games with other communist nations to coordinate operations together.
Sixth, initiate and finance maritime research operations in order to map areas, achieve scientific discoveries...
Seventh, focus on submarines, frigates, torpedo boats for coastal defense, and logistics vessels to provide support in naval and/or invasion operations.
Eighth, create a "secret project" (false) of a ship that can cross the Arctic with the capacity to attack the United States with missiles (it would be a false project, a hoax to distract the secret services from the true objectives, thus giving a justification for the decline and sale of vessels, as money is necessary to finance these operations)
Ninth and last, try to harmonize calibers, powers, between the different communist forces, not imposing the Soviet one, but rather the one that is more optimal, versatile... (if an engine used in the Bulgarian navy is better, adopt it instead of the Soviet just for being Soviet)
 
Honestly, I was hoping we could drop the rather excessive building of barely good enough vehicles. Zhukov should have seen the value of training, logistics and C&C / Mission Command over bulk conscript armies. That weren't sustainable anyway, since those people had to be used for factories, r&d etc. So no T-55 (build from '55 to '81(!!!)).

Instead, keep the T-54 longer, have T-64 research and build earlier. Then go for 20,000 T-64 (with some improvements) and maybe 20,000 BTR-T (refurbished APC/IFV from T-54). That is more then enough. Add some 4-5,000 2S3 Akatsiya and 500 2K11 Krugs, 5,000 ZSU-23-4 Shilka and you have an armored fist to deal with everything. Quality over Quantity.

Airpower wise, I see no reason for MiG-19, go to 21 since the SAMs are working as intended. Speaking about aircraft, have Yak, Sukoi and MiG, but also Tupolev should merge. Same with
Kharkiv Morozov Machine Building Design Bureau and Nizhny Tagil bureau. Zhukov should know the downside of having four and two respectively captains in command (commisar mess anyone?). Multiple design teams, absolutely. Multiple factories, sure. Multiple 100% state funded companies? No thank you.

As for the Navy: The Soviet fleet never did anything useful. Subs, frigates and destroyers are enough. I love Kirov's, but they serve no purpose.

Something different: where are Zhukov's allies? Timoshenko, Rokossovsky, Vasilevsky, and such? Especially the first one I'd expect to be close.
 
Honestly, I was hoping we could drop the rather excessive building of barely good enough vehicles. Zhukov should have seen the value of training, logistics and C&C / Mission Command over bulk conscript armies. That weren't sustainable anyway, since those people had to be used for factories, r&d etc. So no T-55 (build from '55 to '81(!!!)).

Instead, keep the T-54 longer, have T-64 research and build earlier. Then go for 20,000 T-64 (with some improvements) and maybe 20,000 BTR-T (refurbished APC/IFV from T-54). That is more then enough. Add some 4-5,000 2S3 Akatsiya and 500 2K11 Krugs, 5,000 ZSU-23-4 Shilka and you have an armored fist to deal with everything. Quality over Quantity.

Airpower wise, I see no reason for MiG-19, go to 21 since the SAMs are working as intended. Speaking about aircraft, have Yak, Sukoi and MiG, but also Tupolev should merge. Same with
Kharkiv Morozov Machine Building Design Bureau and Nizhny Tagil bureau. Zhukov should know the downside of having four and two respectively captains in command (commisar mess anyone?). Multiple design teams, absolutely. Multiple factories, sure. Multiple 100% state funded companies? No thank you.
Hmm, wanna take over development of Soviet Armed Forces like in Our Russia thread?
Something different: where are Zhukov's allies? Timoshenko, Rokossovsky, Vasilevsky, and such? Especially the first one I'd expect to be close.
I will cover it in proper chapter
 
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