Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" v2.0

very good new update , the portuguese empire is starting to expand greatly . very good policies to implement portuguese language ,and religion , can hardly wait for the next update .
 
how the morrco colony doing? also portugal is now truly bulding themsleves as a force with british naval help can stand up to france

The differences in naval power are still immense. In fact, I had to omit British statistics out of the graphic cause they would be so overwhelming that the other ones would become unintelligible.


I get the impression that the current policies of toleration, and what we might call multiculturalism, are only being born from pragmatism, for now. The ideal for the government is still 'One Faith, One Crown', but it's only that, an ideal, they can take steps to approach it but they can't upset the apple-cart very much when it comes to religion.

With another generation or a few, where we have people of different religions mixing and seeing that being of a different faith doesn't actually make one evil, then we might see more fully secular policies with full freedom of religion.

It's because of pragmatism and political trickery, yes. The current Vice-Roy, Frederick of Holstein, isn't as concerned about enlightenment as he is about his military ambition. The previous Vice-Roy was more genuine in his ideology.
 
Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - The Last Years of Pombal (1777 - 1782) - Minister of Health & Agriculture (1 of 3)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)

The Last Years of Pombal (1777-1782) (Cont.)


Ministry of Health & Agriculture (1 of 3)

The Ministry of Health & Agriculture was responsible for important economic and structural advances in Metropolitan Portugal during the Pombaline Cabinet phase, but it faced severe problems due to field overreaching and lack of specialization. The Ministry itself was inapt to face either of its main objectives and as part of the cabinet reforms of 1777 it was decided that it was to be branched into two underlying secretariats specialized in Health and Agriculture.

Even so, Minister Aaron’s performance in the Mid Pombaline Phase, or the Pombaline Cabinet Phase, had been significantly promising despite his estrangement from the nation and lack of personal coherence with the task at hand, so the cabinet re-invited him for an extra term helming the office.

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Minister Aaron Lopez

Aaron remained the Minister of Health and Agriculture and would preside over his two main secretariats between 1777 and 1782

Aaron’s second tenure was characterized by a personal distancing from his two main branches towards acquiring a more overseeing role rather than one of direct management, where his skills and experience would excel at but also where a distinct change of attachment to the job would develop. As a result, Aaron would become the face of problems not truly associated to him, particularly the revolts against the enforcement of land enclosure that would lead to him being shot in the public square by a former landowner.

Secretary of Agriculture

In 1777, a young and promising Portuguese botanist, Félix de Avelar Brotero, was asked by King Joseph and Minister Aaron to take up the position of Secretary of Agriculture with the express knowledge that he would take over the ministry within a few years.

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Félix da Silva Avelar Brotero
Born 25 November 1744
Died 4 August 1828
Agricultural and Land Reformer, Botanist, Redactor and Choir Adept
Secretary of Agriculture 1780 -1783

Félix da Silva Avelar Brotero was born in ‘Santo Antão do Tojal’, a town in Loures, on the 25 November 1744. In 1762, at the age of 17, he graduated from Coimbra with a doctorate. The death of his grandfather would force him to make ends meet through the art of ‘canto’ and, with the eventual passing of his father two years later, he integrated the choir of the Lisbon Patriarchy during the hot years of the Verneyist movement. Studying Latin, Greek and music all in the meanwhile, Felix acquired knowledge of Canonical Law and tried out for further exams in Coimbra, though reforms done in the education department by Duke John of Lafões indirectly delayed his success for three whole years.

Despite this, he was transferred to the University of Reims where he graduated with a Medical Degree in 1768 and, in 1769, he was recruited as redactor to the Lisbon Gazette, a newspaper that thrived during the politically charged months of the Tagus Declaration uprising and sought the support of many young workers, thus returning to Portugal to put in practice his opinions and writing.[1] This allowed him the work ethic and resources to propel his studies in botanic earlier and, in 1772, following a number of reports on Minister Aaron’s controversial land enclosure enforcement, he published his book ‘Principles of Philosophical Agriculture’ where he showed off his studies in the physiocracy thought, farming practices and the oppressive mentality of the enlightened governments.[2]

The publishing of this work was his first recognized work of science and humanities and he was invited to become a member of the Royal Academy of Sciences, where he was allowed to further his work in physiocracy and the wealth of agriculture. The support of the academy ended up allowing him to also study the fields of clinical knowledge and natural sciences and, in 1775, he was briefly made Professor of Botany and Agriculture at the University of Coimbra.

The invitation to Secretary of Agriculture came in 1777 with the passing of the new cabinet model in government. Felix Brotero has many reasons to refuse, as a former member of the press and studious of physiocracy his philosophy clashed with that of the government in many fronts. He criticized Aaron Lopez, for example, for being an absent-minded Minister that managed an important sector of the state like a ‘common colony market’ and his friendship with many clerical adversaries of the state like ‘Francisco Manuel do Nascimento’ made him target of investigation by the Religious Council a number of times. The chance to advance his career and put into direct practice his acquired philosophies and knowledge, however, appealed to him, and Felix accepted under the condition of future advancements in government and even an eventual cabinet reform.

His relationship with the cabinet ameliorated over time, partly thanks to the occasional involvement of the young Royal couple Joseph II and Charlotte in mediating cabinet frictions. Secretary Felix was the first to notice the decreasing involvement of Prime Minister Pombal as opposed to that of the new king due to the increasingly taxing age of the dictator of Portugal and, hence, was one of the first to publicly theorize that the “Age of Pombal” was nearing its end.

He was also noticeable for being particularly outspoken amongst the cabinet members, often making sure to be the face of his reforms instead of Aaron and defending the involvement of the press in publicizing the government’s reforms. The young but wily Verneyist Church had a tumultuous opinion of him, recognizing his youth’s ties to the choir but feeling threatened by the Secretary’s staunch belief in dangerous journalistic enquire and scientific approach.

His term would be marked by only a few significant reforms, but they clearly showed off the benefits of a more specialized cabinet as Felix demonstrated himself more effective than Aaron at passing agricultural reforms, as demonstrated below. However, the Mixed Land Enclosure Model would arguably become his Magnum Opus, bringing about a new avenue of politics regarding land law and agricultural organization.

Agricultural Technology & Methodology – Gradual Consolidation

Thanks to the Royal Academy of Sciences and the efforts of Chambers of Commerce, agriculture had been seeded with some important advances during the Mid Pombaline Phase, or as it was better known, the Pombaline Cabinet Phase, namely a number of importations from England and Holland like the Rotherham Plough and Four Crop Rotation, but also a number of spontaneous innovations in land reclamation, seeding and cattle breeding. Their implementation, however, varied from case to case in terms of success, with the Rotherham Plough being enthusiastically adopted while seed drilling and land reclamation faced more traditional resistance.

The Late Pombaline Period was spent mostly attempting to fully push through these reforms, as actual agricultural technology innovations ran stale for the moment (further advances would be unlocked by machinery studies later on). Secretary Felix therefore attempted to make use of the new secretariat he headed to improve on his department’s implementation capacities and spread these innovations to overseas territories. The first lands to be offered the new technologies were the nearby islands and the Morbeia enclave, all which benefitted greatly from friendly farming incentives.

However, there was an interesting development throughout this effort that bolstered another area of agriculture, irrigation. While promoting new farming doctrines in Madeira Island, Secretary Felix was asked to protect the ‘Levadas’, a network of irrigation channels and aqueducts that the inhabitants had built to overcome the island’s mountainous obstacles and bring water from the wetter northwest, thus redistributing water to less fertile areas. At the time, systems like these, along with canals and aqueducts, were the best means of water supplying available and were all hard, expensive and dangerous construction projects that were in great part in need to be jointly overseen by the Ministry of Planning & Infrastructure. Secretary Felix was also already looking at water reserve problem through the planning of dam construction in some key areas, but the possibility for minor irrigation methods intrigued him.

This area of development, however, was impeded by none other than the Secretary of Health and Felix’s counterpart in the Ministry of H & A, Doctor Manuel Constâncio, who believed the spread of unclean water was proponent to creating disease outbreaks (as it would in 1817 with a new threat called Cholera). Secretary Felix therefore focused on innovations made in Morbeia, where ditches and narrow canals allowed for an increased agricultural and commercial output and attempted to transplant cost-effective models of it to the mainland, and in innovations done in the previous administration being spread to colonies.

Accomplishments in this area during this term, therefore, were very thin and circumstantial; necessitating local paradigms and difficulties to judge by, but for the most part could be described as a pushing of promoted technological progress of the previous term. Felix would shine far brighter in agricultural policy rather than technology, as evidenced by the sections below.

Potato Cultivation

The practice of planting potatoes originated in the Andes mountain range approximately six and a half thousand years before Columbus, thriving in the ‘quechua’ valleys located over three kilometers above sea level where South American civilization boomed. Together with maize or corn, potatoes provided something vital to society’s growth; an alimentary securement that promoted irrigation and land plowing techniques in a mostly pre-agricultural continent. Potato cultivation was so important, in fact, that Andes societies measured time and the world based around its bearing cycles.

The 1532 Spanish Invasion ended Incan civilizations but not the cultivation of potatoes, which remained as a popular staple food source in the region, and it became often said that the Spanish went in search of gold and returned with a greater treasure, the potato. By 1565 it spread to the Canary Islands and by 1573 potatoes were introduced to the Iberian Peninsula through the Spanish mainland. By early 17th century, England, France and Holland also cultivated the produce, but despite all this only European botanic gardens and encyclopedias planted potatoes, regarding it as an object of curiosity rather than a food reserve cornerstone, admired mostly for its flower while the tubercle was fed to pigs, cattle and poor people.

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Van Ghog’s Potatoes Painting

It was not only by virtue of agricultural tradition but also due to a difficulty in adapting the plant to a temperate climate that the potato did not become a significant plantation in Europe earlier. In 1770, however, a major famine struck Europe, particularly in the Czech lands. The Great Famine, caused by a combination of grain monoculture and heavy rains, eventually afflicted nearby Prussian possessions and resulted in the death of over 500,000 people overall, a much greater grandeur of death than the Lisbon Earthquake and approximately 20% of the Czech population, bringing to light the fragilities of traditional European farming.

This coincided with Frederick II of Prussia ordering the plantation of the plant so as to provide bedrock against cereal supply breakdowns and the French scientist Antoine Parmentier declaring potatoes as safe for human consumption.

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Frederick II personally promoted potatoes in Prussia to provide agricultural stability

Portugal faced similar hesitations, mostly due to traditional agriculture but also because of a dumbfounding habit; upon being introduced to the product, farmers would eat the potato without peeling it and would be displeased due to the ‘dirt taste’ attached to it as opposed to other over-ground bearings like corn, maize, wheat and lettuce. The arrival and settling of Irish soldiers from the 1762 Fantastic War in the North created the first small farms of potatoes, but they remained a non-mainstream plantation for the most part.

However, under a government hell-bent on securing economical resources and remaining competitive on the global imperial theater, it saw for the first-time incentive to try new daring agricultural projects, especially during the wars it faced throughout the Late Pombaline Period. To alleviate food consumption costs, the Ministry of H&A decided to promote potatoes in the northern cliff regions, where farmers alienated by the new wine production policies sought new profit avenues.

In 1779, Secretary Felix spoke with agricultural personalities in the region and agreed to subsidize the first significant potato plantations as well as the promotion of proper potato-caring habits (such as peeling before consumption and cooking), introducing an experimental food staple policy to replace corn and rye. To further incentivize and ensure its success, Irish immigrant farmers arriving during the Fantastic War were moved in to these regions under subsidy to use their expertise in planting these produces (mainly the Irish Lumper variety) in Portuguese soils.

The introduction had a varied success and by the end of the term similar arrivals were attempted in other regions, but overall the growing practice of Crop Rotation, organized agriculture and stamping out of ‘subsistence farming’ contributed to an accelerated adoption by farmers of the potato and, by the Winter of 1779, most farmers were forced to recognize its resilience to harsh conditions where other more traditional and fragile food like lettuce died off. Moreover, its endurance and bounty-per-seed allowed for better local farm marketing, creating an overall reduced chance of famine.

Potatoes, however, faced a sort of ‘discrimination’ as farmers were often hesitant to adopt new techniques due to a hardy sense of autonomy so Queen Charlotte, wife of the young King Joseph, ordered the gardens in his new palace in Lisbon to plant potatoes and, in a rather legendary fictitious move gossiped by the urban elites, serve them to nobles as baked bread so as to ‘trend’ the plant.

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‘Banquete das Batatas’

The fictitious scene of Charlotte serving potatoes to nobles disguised as baked bread became closely associated to her historical legacy to the people and was often redrawn throughout the following ages.

Despite the rocky introduction of the plant to agricultural productivity, it became a common staple food closely integrated in national gastronomy by the early 19th century, being commonly accompanied with cod on coast cities and lamb meat in the interior, with most recipes including a bathing of olive oil. Its most visible contribution, however, was to war famine, with potatoes providing a stable source of food despite winter and combat hardships and most food shipments sent to camps in León and Extremadura during the Peninsular War would include crates of unpeeled potatoes for the soldiers and generals.

[1] iOTL the Lisbon Gazette was suspended in 1762 till 1777 (reasons unknown). Here different circumstances plus need for government to spin its story let the Gazette continue publishing providing a seemingly independent source of news for government.
As for Félix da Silva Avelar Brotero he only returned to Portugal in 1778 and while contributed to botanical studies in Portugal he never had an opportunity to influence Portugal in a political manner.

[2] iOTL ‘Principles and Philosophical Agriculture’ was published in 1778 as a direct result of his philosophical ideas. Ironically the book came to the same conclusion iTTL and were not a direct result of the political actions of Minister of Agriculture at time Aaron Lopez or his job function.


Note:
We continue posting the Last Years of Pombal 1777 -1782. The Ministry of Ministry of Health & Agriculture is divided into three parts. While this section does not deal with conquering territory or physically increasing the size of the country it does deal with something as important or even more important. For the development of agriculture in both Metropolitan Portugal and in future in the rest of Empire was crucial for the development and growth of Empire. One of the reason we are spending a lot of effort in reviewing some of the topics such as the lonely potato that a few decades back was considered devil food for till then nothing Christians ate grew under the ground, reason for the huge effort not only in Portugal but also around Europe. Questions/Comments

Please return Sunday Jul 14 as we post the 2nd part of the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - The Last Years of Pombal 1777 - 1782 (Ministry of Health & Agriculture).
 
I wonder how much small islands population have been increased by this and also I think that irrigation system could worked very well in the Portugal morrco colony
 
I wonder how much small islands population have been increased by this and also I think that irrigation system could worked very well in the Portugal morrco colony
This would certainly increase the Portuguese Population enough to power an Empire.

Population statistics will be posted at the end of the Book.

Irrigation was mentioned to be worked on by the Marquis of Brito at the end of the Morbeia War.
 
Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - The Last Years of Pombal (1777 - 1782) - Minister of Health & Agriculture (2 of 3)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)

The Last Years of Pombal (1777-1782) (Cont.)


Ministry of Health & Agriculture (2 of 3)


Water & Rivers – Part 1 of 2

While actual river improvement was still in a planning and development phases in the Ministry of Planning & Infrastructure, the Ministry of Health & Agriculture intended to increase water reserves by the end of its present term and attempted to carry out minor projects in a few key areas of the metropolitan territory. The first step to do this was to create a preliminary plan to lay out potential spots for water reservoir construction and Minister Aaron was expedient in doing so, presenting a long-term objective map by 1780.

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1780 Reservoir Objectives (Modern Recreation)
The numerous locations were impossible to fund straight away but enumerated anyway for preparation purposes

Over 200 potential spots for small dams and dykes were listed, the ultimate objective being to dramatically increase instantaneous water access throughout the year for the population and plantations as well as reduce damage caused by flooding, which in some regions occurred yearly. In more ambitions versions of the plan, the list would act as the foundation of a massive irrigation system to artificially improve agricultural conditions and attractiveness of the territory against the effects of North-African hot winds and Iberian soil hardiness.

Contemporarily speaking, dams were difficult to construct, being found mostly in low-lying lands like Holland. In fact, Amsterdam and Rotterdam were named after the dams in the respective rivers the settlements were located and throughout the 18th century only four major dams would be registered as constructed outside Portugal, two of them in the districts of Istanbul. New prefabrication techniques, cleared terrain, agricultural ambitions and reorganized labor forces, however, allowed for a project of dam architecture to emerge in Portugal.

Between 1780 and 1782, a number of small, minor dam projects using different techniques were attempted on a number of northern rivers, pre-constructing barrier pieces of stone, wood or dirt before transporting to the location and placing them, sometimes with water wheels, before registering results and gains throughout the year.

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The Ancient Dams

Many dam projects surged in this period as experimental stepping stones towards a wider, more ambitious project to create a large dam in the agricultural breadbasket

The construction of the ancient dams was important as an engineering research project towards the Ministry’s greater goal. Of the ten small dams constructed, only five survived, with the remainder succumbing to architectural errors and collapsing, and only three presented profit, successfully increasing water reserves without destabilizing the actual flow and sanitation. Thanks to this, in January 1782 Minister Aaron successfully passed a project in the cabinet for a major dam in the Sado River that was not only of reduced costs but of higher success probability. In cooperation with Secretary of Transportation Henry Melo, the construction would begin that year and continue throughout the early Josephine period, eventually culminating in the Aljustrel Dam (also known as Roxo Dam), a major hydro-infrastructure that would be reconstructed over time on several occasions.

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Aljustrel Dam Cartography Plan

This project would become the first of many major steps to improve irrigation in Southern Portugal

While the dam itself would not be built until the late 1780s, the preparation phase soon proved itself worthwhile, as soil frailties identified beforehand predicted the possibility of future rupture in the structure that allowed engineers to redesign the barrier prior to approval, preventing a huge potential loss.[1] This process was repeated for many other water reservoir plans throughout the region and the Ministries of H & A and P & I managed to conclude the planning of the joint project with success, marking one of the first major cooperation between ministries in the Pombaline Era since the Mariner Act.


Private Property Reform: Mixed Land Enclosure
We must proclaim our land as that of the people, but also of the future of those we leave behind in it and those we wish to harbor. To protect the rights of land owners but also the prosperity of the community must be our supreme objective and a path for a sustainable future must be chosen in these halls. Gentlemen, ‘tis time for lawmaking.
-Secretary Felix, to the “Assembleia Geral dos Terrenos”, 1781

By 1777, the practice of land enclosure was taking metropolitan territories and nearby enclaves (mainly the islands and Morbeia) by storm and it has been a practice that was for the most part enforced by the government at the cost of significant land seizure, sometimes forceful, sometimes as a result of the recent aristocratic uprisings being harshly dealt with and sometimes by organized donation in the case of some underdeveloped regions.

The end result was a reorganized agricultural landscape; the previous 15% of worked land in subsistence agriculture were replaced by a smaller, more concentrated 10%, but one which was far, far more organized, developed and modernized. Farms ceased to be countless small yards in villager homes with a small number of plants and poor irrigation and, instead, became large, fenced, planned out fields of calculated production, organized schedules, support, leadership, free market entrance, tools and cattle that served both the community and the merchants.

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Portuguese Land Enclosure

The practice of organized agriculture literally changed the Portuguese landscape, replacing small fry yards with massive plantations with high productivity indexes.

As already stated, though, this did not come without a price; not only was the necessary land often forcibly taken by local aristocrats or the government itself in order to form these large new enclosed lands for standardized farming practices, but the workers themselves could no longer truly claim to be laboring in land that was theirs, countering an age-old pride that had motivated and given meaning to peasant lives for generations as old as agriculture itself.

There was therefore resentment, confusion, doubt and conspiracy afoot, as many farmers did not feel motivated to work in these fields that, apparently, were shared. Some more enlightened members eventually called them the ‘New Latifundias’, where the average man (especially in the north and south where private land ownership was more abound) was forced to work in alien dirt to bear corn and wine not for themselves. The communal farming gave rise to a detachment of labor pride from land, its traditional recipient, to the labor itself, the only thing the farmer could still claim to be theirs.

The resulting reaction was split two-way.

In the northernmost regions, where land owning had been traditionally more autonomous, farmers who did not abide to work on enclosed land began migrating to urban centers like Oporto, Coimbra and Aveiro to work in manufacturing workshops. This sentiment, however, continued to haunt them as it matched that of present urban workers now earning their skills and wage in organized manufacture workshops by the coast, having abandoned the Domestic System in favor of the Manufacture System. This eventually forced abandoned land to be taken over by investors that could bring in skilled migrants and early machinery as well as local cities to further urbanize, creating a general heat-up of demographics.

In the Tagus Valley and southern regions, where a few landowners already owned large swaths of farming land, farmers developed instead a sense of depression and disinterest that reduced overall productivity and labor peace. Frustrated land owners attempted to stress the need to maximize production, but the lack of personal investment from the farmers was not a problem solvable by whipping them around. Over time problems aggravated as farmers felt treated unfairly by both state and local powers without a solution being provided. Small agglomerations of resentful peasants began occurring, productivity decreased, hostility to PRP migrants in Évora escalated and, by 1780, approximately one third of the plantations had been sabotaged one way or another.

Secretary Felix, however, insisted in furthering the success of land enclosure, promoting new avenues to maintain functionality in enclosed lands, and Minister Aaron’s reputation suffered as a result, slowly becoming associated with early Pombaline dictatorship that lead to so much revolt, and the Jewish Minister even began to be reviled for his Americanized manners and heathen religion.

By 1781, it was clear to Secretary Felix that the implementation of land enclosure was being hindered by unforeseen societal problems, so steps had to be made to encourage private labor once more. The very model of land enclosure would have to be looked over and maybe even a massive land reform would have to be implemented. At the same time, ideological threats stemming from the American colonial uprising and famines in France preoccupied the powers that be as a whole.

That year, on the 21st of January, Felix summoned a special assembly in the Academy of Sciences, named the General Assembly of Lands (por. ‘Assembleia Geral dos Terrenos’), or G.A.L., inviting several cabinet members as well as the royal family, many Tagus Declaration signatories and landowners to determine once and for all the status of private property in Portugal. The objective would be to determine a code of law for private land property with the following objectives:
  • To ensure the propagation of organized agriculture for the prosperity of markets and communities;
  • To protect the rights of private land ownership for the individual investment towards labor and soil;
  • To formally institute malleable law that could be continuously reformed without compromising its values;
This three-pronged objective of agricultural and territorial “Checks & Balances” was a compromise intended to mix private enterprise and landownership with public prosperity work and it was, as expected, a controversial and difficult objective to theorize on, which is why so many figures were invited to debate it. Secretary Felix arose as the key figure to all this, mediating debates and propositions throughout the month of assemblies to achieve an optimal solution.

Ultimately, a hard confrontation for the mostly progressive debaters had to be made; it was impossible to implement a functional model that maximized technological growth, productivity and fair legalism. A radical new model was obviously necessary, but the country lacked the legal tools to efficiently implement it and the crisp frustration arising from the GAL would be one of the proponents for King Joseph II’s insistence in creating a Ministry of Justice by 1783.

Prime Minister Pombal himself was further salt on the wound, being an adept of seizing property forcefully for what he understood to be necessary reforms, but Minister Aaron and Secretary Felix both believed a model that encouraged private entrepreneurship in agriculture to be vital, but without a clear civil code regarding law, as the country still relied on old Philippine and Afonsine Ordinances based on morality and traditionalism, Portugal was unprepared to tackle these strange ideological challenges regarding the feelings of land owners and immigrants without making a few sacrifices.

On 11th of February, therefore, the assembly, motivated by urgency and experimentalism, arrived at a final verdict and passed what would be known as the Mixed Land Enclosure Model.

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Mixed Land Enclosure Model

Dark Green: Purchasable Enclosed Land Sector
Blue: Enclosure Lines
Light Green: Regulation Center

This new model was, for all intents, a step backwards on Land Enclosure as understood by its proponents, the British; it sacrificed government oversight and overlord of land in exchange for a more moderate approach and more promising long-term ideological gains. This time around, land was still enclosed, but ‘Sectors’ were laid out to be purchased either directly by farmers to work on or through stocks by investors. To ensure the virtues of Enclosed Land were defended, regulation centers of reduced powers were placed to oversee the availability of tools, the security of exchanges, the abiding of law and the cartographical division of territory.

The farmer, therefore, would cease to have a boss and alien land to work on and instead began to work on his own land organized into a sector of larger estates of other private ownerships that together were indirectly administered by a regulation center of bureaucrats, investors and productivity interests. Ultimately, the secret to smoothly distribute land ownership was through stocks, which allowed partial ownerships and, more importantly, partial exchanges without attacking the actual farm integrity or holding a single farmer accountable for all losses. These stocks were initially exchanged through the Lisbon Chamber of Commerce but would eventually be more effectively accounted for through post-1783 centralized banking.

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Farming Bonds were essential for the mixed model’s success

As before, land was no longer allowed to be arbitrarily divided or farmed on using subsistence agriculture but the new ‘business’ model that had been adopted ceased to follow a corporatist path and instead followed a small-business model that allowed farmers to regain their lost connection to the soil and personally administer their ‘little corner of the world’. This model coincided with the higher average of literacy, availability of tools and primary education in the population as opposed to 1750-1760 figures, and therefore capitalized more effectively on the demographic reality than its former, full corporatist model.

However, discrepancies throughout the territory were still important to take into account.

In the north, the new immigrant farmers and historical ones that decided to remain in their homeland rather than move to coastal cities found the model easier to adopt and more exciting, providing more growth and self-fulfillment opportunities while effectively organizing their small, numerous farms into mix-ownership plantations. Private work towards improving their estates and fighting for a maximum percentage of personal ownership as well as greater productivity was now incentivized despite the enclosure of farming land and the harmful share of the urbanization was halted in the meantime.

In the south, similar incentive was once again verified, but challenges regarding the average land ownership size had to be tackled. Many aristocrats still owned large expanses of land without feeling personally involved in them, paying farmers to labor them without them feeling growth motivation either and the Mixed Model was arguably more easily installed without these conditions. Southern farmers, however, did believe the system could work, it was the status quo that prevented them from embracing it, or so they believed. The stock exchange system allowed for the peaceful transition of a small portion of the land to the workers that actually seeded them, but only a small percentage between fifteen and twenty of it.

Some farmers frustrated by this gathered around none other than despondent Verneyist priests, which preached progressivism and the well-being of the peasants through education and cultivation of the mind (their leading figure, Louis Verney, famously stated that it was the cultured soul that was pious and not the other way around) against Alentejo and Ribatejo aristocrats, leading to the birth of the Verneyist Communal Thought School and the Southern Verneyist Farming Communities which helped ramify the new church and unify farmers against political forces.[2]

The ensuing tensions between the sectors of society would lead to a round of encroachment on land not by the nobles, not by the clergy and not even by the King, but the people of the land who began gathering to preach the belief that labor, and land ownership were intrinsically tied. Between 1781 and 1782 many southern aristocrats saw their land aggressively bought over by either farmers or burghers allied to farmers who wished to obtain farm stocks, bringing the spotlight back to Secretary Felix and, more importantly, Minister Aaron, the latter who was already the face of many unpopular agricultural and land reforms.

This would all eventually culminate in the ‘Powder Morning’ (por. Manhã da Pólvora), a pivotal assassination attempt on Minister Aaron which misplaced blaming on anti-Semitism would radicalize ideological feelings in the country against the status quo and a new national identity.

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The Powder Morning

The assassination attempt on Minister Aaron motivated by land encroachment that would be blamed on lingering ideological tensions[3]

Regardless of these political outcomes, the Mixed Model was still a very important private property reform that returned land owning to the people, which by itself brought tremendous long-term changes. The loosened restrictions on the possibility of buying land in Portuguese territories attracted both investment and immigrants searching for new life. Combined with the benefits of enclosed land, which concentrated these still private farmers into smaller, more powerful estates, as well as better farming methods, land costs decreased throughout the years, allowing investors and migrants to purchase or lease the new empty spaces for new businesses.

Of course this was all just what should be the idealized outcome of full land enclosure as employed by the British but failed to reach its metrics due to society issues. It was an important lesson to learn for the government, leading to an ever more moderate approach on all other branches and a greater interest in constitutionalism, and Secretary Felix’s protagonist role in creating the Mixed Model would immortalize him for better or worse.

[1] iOTL it would take almost 200 years for the Portuguese to build the Roxo Dam due to lack of resources and income but more importantly the missing government and structural support systems such as order of Engineering, Ministry of Science tied to government priorities and economic development and dedicated government departments. The dam would revitalize the Alentejo county of Aljustrel from dry agriculture to a rich irrigation agriculture of over 20,000 hectares.

[2] See Section: King and Country (1783) – Philosophy, Religion & Ideology - Value Void Years (1775 – 1780)

[3] See Section: The last Years of Pombal (1777 – 1782) – Monarchial Orders – Early Josephine Acts – Jewish Emancipation Act.



Note:
We continue posting the Last Years of Pombal 1777 -1782. The Ministry of Ministry of Health & Agriculture is divided into three parts. While this section does not deal with conquering territory or physically increasing the size of the country it does deal with something as important or even more important. For the development of agriculture in both Metropolitan Portugal and in future in the rest of Empire was crucial for the development and growth of Empire. One of the reason we are spending a lot of effort in reviewing some of the topics such as the lonely potato that a few decades back was considered devil food for till then nothing Christians ate grew under the ground, reason for the huge effort not only in Portugal but also around Europe. Questions/Comments


Please return Sunday Jul 14 as we post the 3rd part of the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - The Last Years of Pombal 1777 - 1782 (Ministry of Health & Agriculture).
 
In the northernmost regions, where land owning had been traditionally more autonomous, farmers who did not abide to work on enclosed land began migrating to urban centers like Oporto, Coimbra and Aveiro to work in manufacturing workshops. This sentiment, however, continued to haunt them as it matched that of present urban workers now earning their skills and wage in organized manufacture workshops by the coast, having abandoned the Domestic System in favor of the Manufacture System. This eventually forced abandoned land to be taken over by investors that could bring in skilled migrants and early machinery as well as local cities to further urbanize, creating a general heat-up of demographics.

In the Tagus Valley and southern regions, where a few landowners already owned large swaths of farming land, farmers developed instead a sense of depression and disinterest that reduced overall productivity and labor peace. Frustrated land owners attempted to stress the need to maximize production, but the lack of personal investment from the farmers was not a problem solvable by whipping them around. Over time problems aggravated as farmers felt treated unfairly by both state and local powers without a solution being provided. Small agglomerations of resentful peasants began occurring, productivity decreased, hostility to PRP migrants in Évora escalated and, by 1780, approximately one third of the plantations had been sabotaged one way or another.

It could be the birth of a pre-Marxist Socialism, both rural and urban, in Portugal, maybe more religious.

This new model was, for all intents, a step backwards on Land Enclosure as understood by its proponents, the British; it sacrificed government oversight and overlord of land in exchange for a more moderate approach and more promising long-term ideological gains. This time around, land was still enclosed, but ‘Sectors’ were laid out to be purchased either directly by farmers to work on or through stocks by investors. To ensure the virtues of Enclosed Land were defended, regulation centers of reduced powers were placed to oversee the availability of tools, the security of exchanges, the abiding of law and the cartographical division of territory.

The farmer, therefore, would cease to have a boss and alien land to work on and instead began to work on his own land organized into a sector of larger estates of other private ownerships that together were indirectly administered by a regulation center of bureaucrats, investors and productivity interests. Ultimately, the secret to smoothly distribute land ownership was through stocks, which allowed partial ownerships and, more importantly, partial exchanges without attacking the actual farm integrity or holding a single farmer accountable for all losses. These stocks were initially exchanged through the Lisbon Chamber of Commerce but would eventually be more effectively accounted for through post-1783 centralized banking.

Making farmland a liquid asset might also permit to fund industry.
 

Lusitania

Donor
Amazing development. Which Brazilian State follow the laws and progresses made in Portugal the closest?
There really was no Brazilian example st this time since Brazilians were still in a expansionist mode. The issue for the Portuguese was that land had for most part either been subdivided into smaller and smaller plots with most people just being subsistent farmers or that rich landowners rented out land for as much as possible and tenants farmers operated as cheap as possible.

In Brazil farmers either expanded their plantations farms or new farms were started based on demand for produce. In Portugal it was a different situation, the amount of land cultivation could not greatly increase what needed to happen as two fold. Increase in production and productivity increase. Both of which expanded exponentially due to rising urban population and increased demand while available agricultural land was limited. While some areas that had been till then forested and bush land were cultivated the biggest increase in productivity was applying modern technologies and practices to agriculture. This required capital infusion that Neither the owners not tenant farmers willing to invest. Many small holding were incorporated into quintas “farm estate” made easier by abandonment of many farms as people migrated to growing cities and towns. Secondly the value of land increased substantially if the farmers were willing to invest and modernize. This led to owners selling out to investors who could invest in the property and hire correct managers to manage the property.

While acreage and agricultural production in metropolitan Portugal saw a substancial production increase. The number of owners great decreased as size of farms increased.

In Brazil both the number of farms “quintas” increased as did their number. With many land owners acquiring or developing second or third estates that were given to second and third children.
 
There really was no Brazilian example st this time since Brazilians were still in a expansionist mode. The issue for the Portuguese was that land had for most part either been subdivided into smaller and smaller plots with most people just being subsistent farmers or that rich landowners rented out land for as much as possible and tenants farmers operated as cheap as possible.

In Brazil farmers either expanded their plantations farms or new farms were started based on demand for produce. In Portugal it was a different situation, the amount of land cultivation could not greatly increase what needed to happen as two fold. Increase in production and productivity increase. Both of which expanded exponentially due to rising urban population and increased demand while available agricultural land was limited. While some areas that had been till then forested and bush land were cultivated the biggest increase in productivity was applying modern technologies and practices to agriculture. This required capital infusion that Neither the owners not tenant farmers willing to invest. Many small holding were incorporated into quintas “farm estate” made easier by abandonment of many farms as people migrated to growing cities and towns. Secondly the value of land increased substantially if the farmers were willing to invest and modernize. This led to owners selling out to investors who could invest in the property and hire correct managers to manage the property.

While acreage and agricultural production in metropolitan Portugal saw a substancial production increase. The number of owners great decreased as size of farms increased.

In Brazil both the number of farms “quintas” increased as did their number. With many land owners acquiring or developing second or third estates that were given to second and third children.
Rather than developments in farming, I meant Laws and progresses as in the legal rights of citizens and industrial progresses.
 

Lusitania

Donor
Cisplatina did. Its legal groundwork was the closest to central power due to the very recent conquest of it.
The issue is that MAD means that Lisbon cannot tell the Brazilians what to do (autonomy). Cisplatina recently conquered during pombal tenure is the one more closely following metropolitan lead. In time this will be adopted northward ad each governor looks to develop their provinces economy which for most part was agriculture
 
Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - The Last Years of Pombal (1777 - 1782) - Minister of Health & Agriculture (3 of 3)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)

The Last Years of Pombal (1777-1782) (Cont.)


Ministry of Health & Agriculture (3 of 3)


Secretary of Health

Renowned for his work in health and surgery education in his last term, the secretary of health and personal physician of the king, Doctor Manuel Constâncio, remained in his post throughout the Late Pombaline period.

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Sir Manuel Constâncio
1726-1817
Royal Chamber Surgeon and Secretary of Health

Secretary Manuel’s second term began with a significant personal event; his late marriage at age 51 with a young woman of twenty-two years old called Joana Evangelista, a union from which four children would be born, as well as the purchase of a farm in Sentieiras, Louza Valley, that would eventually be historically named after him. He would live out the rest of his days in his arid terrain, attempting to bring in a new irrigation project based on the Lisbon Free Water Aqueduct, but this news in 1779 was still an early announcement of his lack of desire to continue in office.


The doctor, however, was recognized for his role in recreating the Portuguese medical community and was considered a sort of founding father for the Nursing and Dentist Orders, so King Joseph I appealed to him to remain in office at least until his legacy was more secure, promising royal appreciation in the form of knight peerage, an honor rarely handed out in Portugal, especially to poor lowborn men as Manuel was, but promoted by Tagus Declaration doctrines that defended a more comprehensive aristocracy.

Hospital Infrastructure & Organization

As already stated, Portugal had a history of famed surgeon and medic communities that went on decline during the 17th and 18th century but were revived by the urgency of the Earthquake destruction and solidified by the Secretary of Health during Prime Minister Pombal’s governing. Its hospitals, however, were in a state of disrepair, with many historical ones failing to stop the spread of outbreaks of syphilis, which only the Royal Hospital could effectively keep at bay.

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Royal All-Saints Hospital

This building was the primary hospital of the country but lacked the advancements to completely provide health and safety from outbreaks

This hospital, however, would burn down in 1750 and, along with the remains of this one, many other hospitals were razed by the Earthquake in 1755 and the subsequent deregulation. The Saint Joseph Hospital would arise to stardom, being once the Jesuit college of Saint “Antão-o-Novo” now emptied by Pombal’s brutal persecution of the order and being forced to take in the patients of the fallen All Saints Hospital. It would be in St. Joseph Hospital that the great school of surgery would be installed during Manuel’s first term by royal decree of the King.

It would be also from this new medical institution that Secretary Manuel would propel his reforms, intending to bring new personnel, tools and methods to the infirmaries and apothecaries of the country.

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St. Joseph Hospital

It became the primary hospital infrastructure after the Earthquake and would become the focus point of Secretary Manuel’s plans for medical modernization

At the dawn of the new decade, a new school of medical thought known as ‘Heroic Medicine’ was arising in Europe, one that defended the thorough use of old purging methods like bloodletting and sweating as a rigorous shock treatment to illnesses caused by humor unbalance (not humor as in mood, but as in what philosophers understood to be the four distinct bodily fluids). Pockets of this medical practice had arisen as early as in the 17th century Paris, propagated by Guy Patin and Jean Riolan the Younger, and in the early 18th century William Douglass advocated for its use in Massachusetts as well. It was believed that strong diseases could be cleansed from the body by a careful encouragement of natural body processing and expulsion of the humors (blood, phlegm, yellow bile and black bile) and the role of the physician was to monitor the patient’s path towards more natural humor levels.

This style of care gained concentration in Europe throughout the 18th century and would dominate medicine until at least the 1850s.

These practices, however, were little more than an extreme version of old medieval tried-and-tested practices, with some physicians going as far as letting patients bleed out up to 80% of their blood volume. Medicine was used to instigate massive evacuations of bodily fluids and Heroic Medicine as a whole followed a more generalized approach to the population’s health problems rather than a direct, individual treatment.

This is not to say the method, albeit violent, was without validity; in 1793 it would gain great renown in Philadelphia’s Yellow Fever Outbreak and during the Guinean Flu outbreak in Portugal many desperate physicians resorted to this method to block the spreading of the new disease. Many physicians and alternative medicine healers, including Secretary Manuel himself, had reservations, however, believing more natural cures ought to be promoted hand-in-hand with Heroic Medicine to treat minor illnesses. Even so, due to the limited understanding of physiology of the time, Heroic Medicine was still perceived as the most modern and successful form of treatment, managing to heal many patients that would in different circumstances be deemed doomed.

Secretary Manuel, therefore, together with the Ministry of Planning & Infrastructure, laid out a plan for centralized hospital infrastructure to be carried out in the following years. The main goal was to construct or reconstruct at least four main major hospitals in the mainland and a network of minor infirmaries in lesser nearby territories, all to be manned and administered by the new class of physicians and nurses the Secretary fathered.

The plan had the following guidelines:
  • Four Main Hospitals: Four main medical institutions were to be had in Lisbon, Coimbra, Porto and Évora to provide the region with a minimal source of modern treatment;
  • Linked Infrastructure: These four main medical nodes were attached to local universities, clinics and civil buildings to guarantee a shared pool of knowledge, manpower and services to these otherwise expensively maintained hospitals;
  • Minor Clinic Network: Each of the four Hospitals would also oversee a lower echelon of clinics spread out through the region to provide basic care to patients that could not afford to be moved to the central hospitals. Of particular note were the clinics in the Azores overseen by Lisbon and the clinics in Madeira and Morbeia overseen by Évora;
  • Reformed Architecture: All of these buildings were to have well-implemented separated wards, using lessons taken from the aftermath of the Earthquake to know how to best design hospitals effective at containing disease outbreaks;
This was an ambitious and expensive enterprise, but one that would be vital to solidify the prestige of Portuguese healthcare. Alliances were struck with investors who wished to administer the hospitals in exchange of funding labor and the Verneyist clerics who donated relics, food and churches in exchange for Secretary Manuel’s guarantee of including small chapels in the clinics and hospitals at the expense of Tagus Declaration secularism.

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The Late Pombaline Hospitals & Clinics

The 1777-1782 Period was one of great expansion in organized medical infrastructure that would be critical to Portuguese society.

But it is not enough to say that Secretary Manuel carried out a major construction plan; he also provided these hospitals with organizational and hierarchical plans, with physician boards, established contacts, sources for support and medical tool supply. This was only done at the cost of great work from the secretariat of health and undying support from Minister Aaron and would rival Felix’s Land Enclosure reform in terms of the Late Pombaline Age most important cabinet reforms.

These hospitals and clinics took many, many years to finish, with 80% of them being only fully ready by the end of the century, but many started working while being constructed on (especially the already-existing-and-equipped ones in Lisbon, Porto and Coimbra) and were perhaps one of the most expensive projects the government undertook since the Royal Roads construction.

The effect it had in international prestige, however, was one of the most undeniable of its age; many physicians from German territories, Spain and France were attracted to the expanding Portuguese medical sector during this period, creating an influx of skilled migration by sheer force of labor vacuum, which brought great reputation to the Portuguese Ministry of Health and Agriculture and a concentrated advancement in medical expertise. Names like Arnulphe D’Aumont, who published doctorates on administering mercury, Johann Ackerman, who taught classes in Portugal and translated Medieval medical science works between German and Portuguese, and Johan Lukas Boher, a significant medical philosopher in the field of obstetrics and maternity, were a few of the physicians that settled in the new hospitals and contributed their talent and innovation towards improving both the prestige and advancement of many medical fields.[1]

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Ackerman and Boher

The migration of European physicians to the new modern hospitals helped propagate prestige and efficiency to the new national medical complex

Finally, in terms of direct benefits, the medical infrastructure would prove itself over the years mostly during wartime and pre-prophylactic population growth; expanded militarism and diplomatic aggressiveness in the early 19th century Portugal would lead to a deeper involvement in the Napoleonic Wars, one that was significantly less costly in deaths and disease outbreaks thanks to the established hospitals of Doctor Manuel Constâncio and families that tended to father more than three children due to the risk of disease claiming their offspring would find their new generation survive diseases and realties the previous one would not, leading to a short-term population growth boost. By the end of the century the country would have one of the most developed (albeit also most costly) hospital services sectors per country size in Europe and many Brazilian and European physician students traveled to Lisbon and Coimbra to learn the art of medicine.

The Recife Yellow Fever Outbreak & Prevention

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Yellow fever Virus as observed in modern times.

In the 1770s, thousands of African slaves were being smuggled into Brazil each year. The slave traders usually arrived off the coast of Northern Brazil during the night and the slaves loaded on small boats that were then rowed to shore where slavers waited to take delivery. In March 1779, off the coast of Brazil about 25 miles south of Recife, the slavers had established a base camp that housed over 2,000 slaves.

The first indication there was something wrong was on about 24th of March, when a more than normal number of slaves became sick. Over 200 slaves but more importantly 15 slavers began demonstrating signs of tropical sickness and over fifty had died already[2]. By 30th of March, about over 500 slaves had passed away or were bed ridden but more important over half the slavers were incapacitated. Messengers were sent for reinforcements but by then it was too late; a slave revolt on 31st of March overpowered the remaining slavers and the slaves escaped into the countryside.

On 15th of April, slaves began getting sick at three plantations close to the slavers base camp. By 26th of April the whole countryside south of Recife had been infected with thousands of people sick and hundreds of dead. By the time, Governor José César de Meneses heard of the pandemic it was at the outskirts of the city, which was quarantined along with the countryside to the north. Afraid that it might be similar to the Guinea Influenza event of the earlier decade, Governor Meneses ordered all soldiers to cover up and people to avoid public places.

On 24th of May, several ships arrived from Rio de Janeiro with additional troops and supplies. The presence of several naval ships also kept several slave ships out at sea away from area. Reports of sick and dead began improving especially south of city. Reports of infections west of the city continued as additional troops and support arrived from other parts of Brazil and the infection was contained by end of August.

In 1781 a government inquiry and investigation was able to trace the epicenter of the outbreak to the slavers base camp and the escapes slaves. It was determined that the clandestine manner with which these people were being smuggled in had led to the rapid spread of disease. To combat the propagation the government attempted to put additional controls and restrictions on the importation of slaves both in Africa and Brazil, but they were met with suspicion and distrust by the large landowners who believed the government story was an attempt to ban slavery.[3]

[1] iOTL Dr. D’Uamont stayed in France, Dr. Boher moved to Austrian court while Dr. Ackerman worked in several European cities before migrating to New York. Here prestigious and new studies and practices would attract them to Portugal.

[2] Since slave lives were not considered important there were always a percentage of slaves that got sick and died. 10-20% death rate was expected. The slavers only became concerned when several of them also became sick.

[3] It would not be until 1836 that Portuguese epidemiologist, Daniel Nunez an advocate of the ‘germ theory of disease’ discovered that Yellow fever was transmitted by mosquitos.

Note:
We continue posting the Last Years of Pombal 1777 -1782. The Ministry of Ministry of Health & Agriculture is divided into three parts. We are now able to tie all the different parts together. The liberalization of the country from medieval thinking and 15th century sciences and medicine. The formalization of a leading modern educational system that by 1777 had been growing and modernizing for 20 years. An vastly improved economy that provided tax revenues and private investment. We had the development of sciences with the Lisbon Scientific Order amongst others. The growing praise of the expanding and modern country. All together providing the right mixture to give us one of Europe's most modern medical communities and proper infrastructure to allow it to grow. These new developments meant that like other fields the Portuguese could count on a handful of leading European intellectuals to join the growing Portuguese specialists and professionals in establishing a name for themselves and bring prestige to the country. Questions/Comments

Please return Sunday August 11 as we post the 1st part of the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - The Last Years of Pombal 1777 - 1782 (Monarchical Orders – Early Josephine Acts).
 
hmm well on one hand this will lead to a further end to the slave trade butt at the same time could contribute to more racist attitudes about blacks and propagate we can't let them come because they have diseases exc which will spillover too later centuries about blacks and foreigners.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
hmm well on onde hand this will lead to a further end to the slave trade butt at the same time could contribute to more racist attitudes about blacks and propagate we can't let them come because they have diseases exc which will spillover too later centuries about blacks and foreigners.
Yes that is a natural assumption and unfortunately something like that did happen and much sooner than you might think. We will see it rear its ugly head in the next section we are covering which is Monarchical Orders – Early Josephine Acts.
 
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With Brazilian Doctors studying in Portugal some states are bound to adopt the Medical lessons earlier, likely the Southern States, will that boost the population of these states creating a mirror of the Northern and Southern United States?
 
With Brazilian Doctors studying in Portugal some states are bound to adopt the Medical lessons earlier, likely the Southern States, will that boost the population of these states creating a mirror of the Northern and Southern United States?

It's more a reverse, the south being the north and the north being the south, but i think that over time the Amazon provinces will abolish slavery.

Is it a distant dream for great adventurers to create settlements in the Amazon Basin that will eventually become economic hubs? Like 4 or more Manaus-type cities?
 
Finally, in terms of direct benefits, the medical infrastructure would prove itself over the years mostly during wartime and pre-prophylactic population growth; expanded militarism and diplomatic aggressiveness in the early 19th century Portugal would lead to a deeper involvement in the Napoleonic Wars, one that was significantly less costly in deaths and disease outbreaks thanks to the established hospitals of Doctor Manuel Constâncio and families that tended to father more than three children due to the risk of disease claiming their offspring would find their new generation survive diseases and realties the previous one would not, leading to a short-term population growth boost. By the end of the century the country would have one of the most developed (albeit also most costly) hospital services sectors per country size in Europe and many Brazilian and European physician students traveled to Lisbon and Coimbra to learn the art of medicine.

Given the current policies about governance, some of the most important and wealthiest colonies might establish their own versions of this to cate for their inhabitants, after denizens went for formation in the metropole - some colonies already have colleges, and the local bigwigs might want to have their children study medicine at home. Moreover, it might make more welcoming to settlers territories which were known OTL as "White Man's Graves."

The effect it had in international prestige, however, was one of the most undeniable of its age; many physicians from German territories, Spain and France were attracted to the expanding Portuguese medical sector during this period, creating an influx of skilled migration by sheer force of labor vacuum, which brought great reputation to the Portuguese Ministry of Health and Agriculture and a concentrated advancement in medical expertise. Names like Arnulphe D’Aumont, who published doctorates on administering mercury, Johann Ackerman, who taught classes in Portugal and translated Medieval medical science works between German and Portuguese, and Johan Lukas Boher, a significant medical philosopher in the field of obstetrics and maternity, were a few of the physicians that settled in the new hospitals and contributed their talent and innovation towards improving both the prestige and advancement of many medical fields.[1]

Given Lisbon is turning into medical hib, will this makes vaccination more likely to be invented in Portugal TTL?

In 1781 a government inquiry and investigation was able to trace the epicenter of the outbreak to the slavers base camp and the escapes slaves. It was determined that the clandestine manner with which these people were being smuggled in had led to the rapid spread of disease. To combat the propagation the government attempted to put additional controls and restrictions on the importation of slaves both in Africa and Brazil, but they were met with suspicion and distrust by the large landowners who believed the government story was an attempt to ban slavery.[3]

Will this result in quarantines, both for free and bound migrants?
 
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