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Something must be done​

-This is something, therefore we must do it

The origins of one of the most famous projects in of the 20th Century are, like so much in history, an odd series of accidents, flavoured with national pride, economics and the quest for ever better weapons.

Despite a heavy financial disadvantage, in the 1950s the British government was determined to go head-to-head with the USA in nuclear, aircraft and missile development. Having been cut off from US atomic research after the war, it was hoped that the 1954 agreement to split the development of short and long-ranged missiles would lead to renewed technical co-operation between the two great powers of the free world.

A combination of spy scandals, technical failures, attempts at imperial grandstanding and ever increasing American self-confidence meant that it was not to be. Although kept from the public, the failure of two British H-bomb tests in 1957 left American leaders certain that there was no point in co-operating with any lesser power in this field. A long and inglorious history of leaks and defections would seem to guarantee that any “atomic secrets” shared with Britain would be sent to Moscow in the time it took some disaffected Ministry official to read them.

Britain’s fleet of V-Force aircraft looked impressive and could certainly have “delivered the goods” if the worst came. But, in April 1957, the day of the manned aircraft was declared to be over. The Defence White Paper recommended the cancellation of all new manned aircraft projects. Missiles were the way of the future.

On the 4th of October, this controversial view appeared to be vindicated as the Soviet Union made the world a much smaller place. A trip that might once have taken 80 days was made by Sputnik every 90 minutes.

America responded while Britain dithered. In December, the newly formed National Astronautics Agency (NASA) launched America’s “Explorer” satellite and made the first scientific measurements in space, which showed that the Earth was surrounded by “belts” of charged particles.

The USSR responded with Sputnik 2, a probe twenty times heavier than the first (and over a hundred times heavier than the US effort). On a mission that provoked complaints from the Kennel Club to the Soviet Ambassador in London, the doomed mutt "Laika" showed that life could survive in the cold, weightless vacuum of space. Where dogs could lead, man might follow. The Space Race had begun.

“Technical problems, Treasury interference and a steady series of cancellations and cuts” is a good description of Britain’s defence program in 1958. The “Blue Streak” IRBM programme staggered on, while everyone wished for more, or better, or just different systems.

The Air Force wanted “Blue Steel” missiles for its bombers, the Army wanted tactical rockets and the Royal Navy kept talking about an American system called “Polaris” (despite the fact that America hadn’t yet built it and refused to sell it anyway).

Despite a successful British H-bomb test early in the year, President Eisenhower tells Prime Minister Macmillan that there will be no nuclear special relationship. Nonetheless, in expectation of future favours, Macmillan agrees to make the UK into an American missile base by hosting Thor missiles, with the sweetener that these will be operated by the RAF.

In true bureaucratic fashion, it was time to form a committee. Like Britain’s H-bomb, the first one was a dud. The Powell committee of January 1959 said only what everyone knew. The cruise missile “Blue Steel” was running late and would be obsolete before deployment. The report suggested replacing it with an equally dubious concept; an air-launched Black Knight rocket fitted with a warhead. The name of this pig-in-a-poke concept said it all, the “Black Knight Stand off Weapon” or Black SOW.

A range of long term options were suggested, from Blue Streak and various supersonic bombers to the fanciful idea of orbital platforms. The report “does not seek to come to any firm conclusion”.

Doing nothing might have seemed attractive, but it meant becoming a second rate power with an obsolete deterrent. Resources were limited and time was not on Britain’s side. The US and USSR were developing bombs, aircraft and rockets so fast that Britain could not hope to keep up. The special relationship still showed no sign of maturing into a nuclear family.

Developing weapon after weapon to match every move the “other superpowers” made was not an option. Britain could only afford to build one system which must guarantee an effective deterrent for years to come. The question was; what should that one system be?
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