The Bubble
On Monday the 1st April, and over the course of the next week, the Daily Mail publishes a series of articles on manned spaceflight, the possibilities of manned space stations, lunar exploration and the use of resources from the Moon and Mars, which is thought to have a Nitrogen atmosphere and maybe even frozen lakes or seas. The first article is taken by some as an April fool, but it is the last that achieves worldwide notoriety.
Following on from the paper's long history of public prizes for aviation, a prize of £1,000,000 is offered for the first man to land on the Moon. The paper's management is advised that this is unlikely to be claimed for decades. As a publicity stunt, it succeeds brilliantly, and circulation rises on the back of follow up articles covering various plans; some of which are "unlikely" to say the least. Criticism of the stunt serves only to further publicise the paper.
The Jervis Report into the uses of space technology is completed and distributed to ministers.
It is not what was expected. Sir Giles, lacking technical knowledge of his own, has drawn on many sources from industry, science and his own social circle to produce a wide-ranging but analytical report, which seeks to set out the risks and potential rewards of a space programme. He has gone somewhat beyond his original mandate of looking at the exploitation of the space environment and its resources.
He highlights the potential for satellite communications, mapping, weather monitoring, navigation, astronomy and the use of zero gravity to produce such products as high purity crystals and ultra-thin coatings. Scientific exploration of the Moon would be of great geological interest in helping to determine its origin and by extension, the origin of the Earth and the rest of the solar system. If adequately mapped and explored, lunar resources might offer minerals and elements not found on Earth, while more basic resources could provide the raw materials for lunar bases.
Lunar materials might be used to build solar concentrators, either on the Moon or in orbit, which could provide reflected sunlight in winter to cold, dark areas of the Earth (the North of Canada and Scotland are mentioned). Such a system could be used to help boost food production to meet the ever increasing needs of Earth’s growing population.
International law is limited as to how resources in space might be developed and protected, but it is pointed out that those who map and can exploit the land or resources often have the best claim.
As he later said, "we did let our imaginations run wild" [in respect of the possible uses of space technology].
On a more practical note, the report includes a study of the risks and possibilities for the next few years. Jervis identifies the high cost of launching payloads as being a limiting factor, something that could be relieved in the short term by lighter payloads and later with an emphasis on large reusable launch vehicles. He also identifies several areas in which investment is most likely to be of direct national benefit, or to be cost effective; specifically communications and materials sciences.
The Treasury and a group of senior MoD officials opposed to "reckless expenditure" on a space programme are horrified by the contents of the report, which comes across as very positively in favour of space research. An attempt is made to stop it being published, a strategy which backfires badly when it fails. Coming so soon after the Daily Mail’s sensational prize offer, the launch of “Ariel” and news surrounding missile development, a fairly minor report becomes front page news, with leading articles covering some of the more exciting possibilities that are outlined. The fact that several government officials wished to have it suppressed only adds to the story.
The public verdict is highly critical of those who are seen as unwilling to invest in the future and who seem content to let Britain ignore the Space Age.
Anglo-French negotiations resume, with the focus on constructing a programme with a specific goal.
Both sides acknowledge the need to for a "steady development" style of programme, in which missions of increasing complexity are performed over a number of years.
Despite the current public enthusiasm, if the programme is to stand any chance of being politically acceptable in Britain it must have a definite timescale and cost and a must lead to a well-defined conclusion.
The French are broadly agreeable, as almost any deal which will allow their scientists and engineers to work with British missile technology is still in their interests.
Problems occur when it is made clear that the Britain’s position has not changed regarding French access to key technologies such as heat shields and guidance systems. They still regard these as being subject to restrictions imposed by US-UK treaties.
Negotiations continue in other areas and move towards splitting not just the cost, but the responsibility for the complete development and production of individual systems and spacecraft.
BK104 "Gaslight" research flight. Bi-conic RV boosted to 381km. Heating and acceleration data recovered but damage to the RV results in no useful ablation data being gathered. It appears the RV was not stable during re-entry.
May-63 Overseas
NASA launches Telstar 2, a duplicate of the first Telstar. It operates for nearly two years.
The Soviets launch Vostok 7, carrying two cosmonauts. The flight makes only 3 orbits, but claims yet another record for the Soviets as the first two man spacecraft. TASS later announces that the crew worked together to co-ordinate the control of their ship and practice co-operative tasks, and that this flight paves the way for the longer duration orbital and exploration flights that Soviet scientists are now planning. [Very little of this was true, there wasn't even room in the capsule for any controls].
May-63
Several ministers are briefed against on the subject of international aerospace cooperation. A campaign largely organised within the Treasury seeks to scupper any agreement on the grounds of cost. It is pointed out that Britain is already committed to a significant space research and missile programme through the development of Blue Star and Black Anvil.
A confidential memo written by the GPO indicates that the organisation is ready to proceed with a development programme to attempt to relay radio and television signals by satellite. However, they are being prevented from doing so by the lack of a clear commitment to an ongoing rocketry programme, meaning there may be no vehicle available to launch the large spacecraft that will be required. They request that an "Improved Blue Star" launcher (as Black Anvil based concepts are still known) be given some form of official recognition to help guarantee its future and allow development to proceed.
The existence of the memo is leaked almost immediately to the BBC and the press. They take up the story that Britain's radio and television development is being held back by “petty official delays”. These delays come from the same officials who tried to suppress the Jervis report, and who are now refusing to support world-leading British efforts to be competitive in industrial and aerospace research.
May-63 Overseas
NASA announces that McDonnell has been awarded a contract to build its first space station.
Intended for launch on one of the large Saturn rockets that are now under development, the station will have a launch mass of just over 50 tons and will be supplied and crewed by Apollo spacecraft. It is a simple cylindrical design equipped with solar panels, an airlock, an external experiment mount and a lab area inside. NASA plans call for the station to be launched in 1966. Several crews will visit the station for up to two months at a time during its one-year lifetime.
May-63
A cabinet meeting at No.10 includes discussion of the future of space research.
Anglo-French discussions have laid the foundation for a cooperative space programme, which for Britain need not necessarily mean vast expenditures beyond the existing commitments to missile design and space research.
The current newspaper enthusiasm for spaceflight is thought to be just another campaign that will fade, nevertheless, there is widespread support within government and industry for a "well defined" (i.e. limited) space programme. On a strategic and economic level, it is felt that Britain must not stand still in this field. An expanded programme would also serve to support the aerospace and electronics industries without the direct subsidies that might otherwise be needed. It could also provide a much needed boost to the economy and national morale in the run up to the next election.
The implicit guarantee offered by an expanded space programme would encourage the investment needed to develop the satellite TV relay system so heavily advocated by the GPO. This is a project which appears to be attracting significant interest from overseas and might therefore make a useful contribution to Britain’s balance of payments.
Close cooperation with the French in a highly public project will do the UK no harm when the application to join the Common Market is renewed.
Across the Atlantic, US intelligence reports that the Soviets are greatly expanding their space program. It is known that authorisation has been given for a series of new rockets capable of placing payloads of up to 75 tons into orbit. New space capsules are also being developed which will be capable of long-duration flights, and both manned and unmanned probes are being planned to orbit and land on the Moon.
This intelligence, coupled with public reaction to the recent Soviet successes in space with longer duration and multiple crew flights persuades the American administration of the merits of a more active space policy. NASA is confident that it can deliver an expanded program based on systems that are already under development.
A ministerial delegation from the UK meet with their French counterparts in Rouen. Senior civil servants and engineers from the space field are included on both sides. Earlier deadlocks have been broken by a proposal that British and French engineers work together to develop “all new” designs in areas where the UK cannot directly share technology. Although there would be absolutely no transfer of design details or materials, the British government’s decision to move away from actively seeking to renew US-UK nuclear co-operation has led to a softening of attitudes regarding sharing some “practical experience” with the French. The development of completely new designs is likely to present fewer legal problems.
The purpose of the meeting, held away from Paris to reduce the need for state formalities, is to agree a top-level plan for Anglo-French space research. Details such as sub-contractors can be decided later, the objective of the talks is to agree a definite set of programme goals, how the work is to be shared and an outline budget plan. The intention is to formalise this with a bilateral treaty by the summer.
After a briefing by British intelligence on Soviet and US space and missile development plans, the Prime Minister makes it clear to his cabinet that action must be taken in this field. With that in mind, discipline amongst ministers and their departments must be maintained.
Officials and engineers from the GPO brief senior ministers on the proposed television relay satellites. The details of the system are set out clearly, with the requirement for a powerful launch vehicle. A concept based on Black Anvil is outlined, making the point that the cost of adapting the rocket would be relatively small and would not interrupt the missile programme. The primary cost is the satellite development itself. They emphasise that the proposal has attracted interest from around the world. The project is currently being delayed by the lack of a clear, long-term space programme which would guarantee the availability of the launch vehicle.
On the 2nd June, President Kennedy addresses a joint session of Congress. His speech includes the now-famous lines “In addition to our plans for orbiting laboratories, where new materials and technologies will be developed in an environment unlike any on Earth, I am convinced this nation must commit itself to securing and exploring space in the name of the free world. I am therefore instructing the National Astronautics Agency to prepare to send American astronauts to live and work on the Moon.”
Shortly thereafter, NASA announces that a “Block 3” version of the Apollo CSM will be built. This will be a significant advance on the early Block 1 & 2 vehicles and will be capable of long duration flights to lunar orbit. A new engine will allow the CSM to take off from the lunar surface after landing on a separate descent stage.
The immediate consequence of the speech is that Congress agrees a massive increase in the NASA budget, to just over $2.6 billion for 1963/64. The new funds will allow projects such as the giant Saturn III rocket to be expanded and accelerated.
Before the announcement, there was heated discussion at the White House over whether sending astronauts to the Moon was necessary, or whether the US should focus on expanding its space station and military space programmes. These opinions were overruled, as a civilian program would be less directly threatening to the Soviets, while potentially staking a claim on the Moon. It could also be better publicised, helping to show off US technical superiority around the world.
With the greatly increased budget, NASA engineers confidently expect to accomplish the first lunar landing within 8-10 years and make the first circumlunar flights before the end of the decade.
The American announcement proves to have many unintended consequences, the most notable of which is that it momentarily galvanises support in Britain and France for a manned space research programme, on the basis that if the US and Soviets are pursuing resources and territory in outer space, Britain and France must keep up.
Spending on anything like the scale the Americans propose is simply not possible, but leaving the field entirely to the US and the Soviets is felt to be unacceptable. Harking back to post-war A-bomb development, both the British and French governments come to believe (albeit reluctantly) that to be left behind in this field will result in their nations becoming increasingly irrelevant second-rate powers.
Politically, Macmillan is now under greater pressure than ever. An election is due next year and the economy is slowing. The rhetoric of his opponents is attracting a lot of attention; according to them, he has failed to agree terms with the Americans at Nassau and failed to convince de Gaulle to admit Britain to the EEC. The government is suffering the embarrassment of yet another spy scandal, with the surrounding publicity only fuelled by the more sensational aspects of the Profumo affair. Negotiations towards technical co-operation with the French are one of the few things that are going well. If ever there were a good time for a major new announcement, it is now.
Anglo-French negotiations are concluded in Rouen. Both parties have made concessions regarding the cost, the degree of work and the level of information sharing. At the urging of both governments, preparations towards the formal signing of an agreement are being made with unusual speed.
NASA launches "Syncom", an experimental satellite into a geosynchronous orbit. The upper stage does not perform as intended and the spacecraft does not enter the planned geostationary orbit. However, the satellite itself functions and is used as a test for future geostationary relays. Indirectly, the satellite validates many of the concepts advocated by British engineers over the past few years. If a basic geosynchronous relay can be achieved with such a small satellite, the possibilities offered by a larger one are obvious.
Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and President Charles de Gaulle meet to sign the 1963 Treaty of Paris on the 1st July. Under its terms, Britain and France will work together to develop and build a series of increasingly capable spacecraft and launch vehicles over the next ten years, starting with scientific satellites in Earth orbit and ending with manned exploration of the lunar surface.
The treaty is co-signed by the Australian Foreign Minister, as the Australian government has agreed to host the launch site and a test facility under an extension of their existing agreements with Britain. In return, they will have access to scientific and technical data and an Australian astronaut will be trained to fly into Earth orbit. The treaty comes into force the following day.
The resulting programme will be known as The Selene Project.