From: “20th Century British History for A-Level”
The 1959 General Election
When Harold Macmillan went to the Palace on 12th September 1959, most political commentators were predicting a closely fought race between the incumbent Conservative's and Hugh Gaitskell’s Labour Party. Few would argue that Macmillan, who had emerged almost unscathed from the Suez Crisis, had pulled an extraordinary political comeback during his tenure as Prime Minister. In addition; with the economy continuing to grow and with a new found sense of national prosperity, the Conservatives could, on the surface at least, be said to be on firm footing for an election night victory.
However, numerous factors were in play that limited the pace of Macmillan’s electioneering. Gaitskell, whose early years as Leader of the Opposition had been fringed with infighting between left and right wing factions within his Party, was handed a surprising boon in early September when his great political rival, Aneurin Bevan died following a rapid decline in his health owing to cancer. Although the two had clashed numerous times between the correct direction to take the emitted Party, Gaitskell clearly felt Bevan’s death deeply as his moving oratory at Cardiff Cathedral, in which he praised “the founder of our great National Health Service”, demonstrates. Indeed, it is believed that this, coupled with a number of minor scandals involving a handful of Conservative backbenchers, was the primary tipping point in the closely fought General Election. The warning of the Shadow Chancellor, Harold Wilson, over lack of competitiveness in British industry in contrast with the members of the European Economic Community (EEC) also played a key part in attracting much needed votes from the middle class white collar workforce.
The Labour Campaign was a marked improvement on that of 1955. Working on the theme of “Britain Belongs to You” and utilising the increasingly influential medium of television, Labour ran a solid, respectable campaign that was able to project Labour as an experienced and progressive Government-in-Waiting. The Conservatives in contrast focused on the achievements of the past four years. Whilst the “Life is better with the Conservatives” message was popular, it tended only to attract traditional Tory voters. In contrast, Labour’s message of change and progressive social reform was far more attractive to the undecided members of the electorate who decide all British General Elections. Despite this, on the eve of the 8th October, most newspapers had declared the election as too close to call.
As the first constituencies declared however, it was clear that Labour was on course to win the election. As the Labour election strategist, Anthony Wedgewood Benn (later 2nd Viscount Standsgate) noted in the first volume of his diaries;
Tony Benn: The Reform Years.
By early morning on the 9th however, it was clear that after 9 years in the political doldrums, Labour had returned to the Government.
The final results of the election were as follows;
Labour: 345 seats (+68)
Conservative: 279 (-66)
Liberal: 8 (+2)
The First Gaitskell Government
Hugh Gaitskell was very much a socialist in the mould of his contemporaries such as Clement Atlee. Oxford educated, he joined the Labour Party in the early 1930’s after seeing at first-hand the grinding poverty in inner city London. His progressive and modernising attitude he felt was needed in the Labour Party allowed him to assume the leadership in 1955 following Atlee’s resignation. Although his support for the nuclear deterrent made him many enemies on the left of the party, his rhetorical abilities and strong belief in building a political consensus made him popular both in and outside of mainstream politics all allowed him to build a cabinet that was well balanced between right and left wingers.
After kissing hands with the Queen on the morning following the election, Gaitskell announced his Cabinet;
Prime Minister: Hugh Gaitskell:
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Harold Wilson
Deputy Prime Minister and Home Secretary: George Brown
Foreign Secretary: Frank Soskice
Commonwealth and Colonies: Anthony Greenwood
Defence: Roy Jenkins
Health: Patrick Walker
Education: Barbara Castle
Science and Technology: Michael Foot
Transport: Anthony Benn
Employment and Social Security: Margaret Herbison
Board of Trade: Anthony Crosland
Labour: Roy Mason
Agriculture: Frederick Lee
Party Chair and Leader of the House of Commons: Ian Mikardo
Scotland: William Ross
Wales: Leo Abse
Abse, a future Home Secretary who would lead the campaign to decriminalise homosexuality had only been an MP for just over a year at his appointment to the Welsh Office. However, despite complaints regarding his inexperience, appointments such as Abse’s were seen as vital by Gaitskell, who had seen just how tired the last Labour Government had been in its final years. With younger and more energetic leaders, such as Abse and Benn, Gaitskell hoped that his Government would be seen as more representative of Britain as a whole.
To the surprise of some commentators, Gaitskell retained his old adversary Harold Wilson, who had resigned in 1951 over Gaitskell’s introduction of prescription charges during the Korean War, as Chancellor of the Exchequer and tasked him with the responsibility of improving British economic productivity and economic growth. Both of which had been lagging behind those of the continental powers within the EEC (see fig. XI, Appendix Four). This mix of left and right within his administration was a shrewd move by Gaitskell to attempt to heal the divisions between the various different factions within the Labour Party that had materialised during his period as Leader of the Opposition.
The Queens Speech, held in early December marked a watershed for many social movements within Great Britain. Abse had become the leading figure behind the homophile movement of the late 1950’s and consultation on the lowering of the voting age to 18, liberalisation of the censorship laws and various other acts to promote social equality. It is for this reason that Gaitskell and Abse are still regarded with great sympathy amongst the LGBT community.
The full economic legacy of Hugh Gaitskell’s Governments, together with the abolition of Clause IV of the Labour Constitution will be discussed in a later chapter.
The “Butskellism” Ascendancy
Macmillan was left to lick the wounds caused by his failure to predict the mood of the electorate, although many Conservatives wished for the man dubbed “Supermac” to continue on as leader, his age, coupled with an illness that he was informed (incorrectly) to be a sign of the early stages of prostate cancer forced him to resign as Conservative Leader in November. The man who was to emerge as his successor (Conservative Prime Ministers would not be elected until William Whitelaw changed voting procedures in 1978) was hardly a surprise to the rank and file party members or the general public. Despite some complaints from senior party figures that he was too far to the left, on 25th November 1959, Richard Austen (commonly known as “Rab”) Butler became leader of the Conservative and Unionist Party. Butler was known to be one of the most ardent supporters of Keynesian economics within the Conservative Party, and his moderate social views ensured that the post-war consensus between Labour and Conservative would remain at the centre of British politics for the duration of his tenure as Leader of the Opposition and later Premiership. Butler had been viewed as a highly competent cabinet minister during the Eden and Macmillan years and his leadership was greeted with praise even by his ideological opponents within the Conservative Party. His maiden speech to the Conservative Party Conference in Blackpool in March 1960 is seen as a defining moment in the end of the Victorian values that had dominated the Conservative Party since the days of Disraeli;
Although not relevant for discussion here, many political theorists have stated that many members of the Neo-Liberal movement trace their origins to Butler’s comments in speeches such as this. Enoch Powell, a future Home Secretary, stated that many of his actions later in life were motivated by the liberalism of Butskellism.
The 1963 General Election
Held on 13th September 1963, Gaitskell could count upon widespread support for the majority of his social and economic policies. The National Technological Institute had allowed for far greater investments in science and high-tech industries and Gaitskell’s less interventionist policies also created more competition amongst the directors of state-owned industries, who could no longer bank on state bailouts in the event of financial difficulties. Although criticised by some, least of all Chancellor Wilson, for involving Britain in naval operations in the Vietnam War, the election was fought primarily on domestic issues and the economy, both of which Labour was seen as performing strongly in. Gaitskell would later joke that the Election saved his life when on a photo call at a new health centre; he was warned that he was suffering from high blood pressure, a claim that prompted him to seek medical attention soon after.
The election saw Labour slightly increase their majority as well as the almost total breakdown in Liberal support (despite this, the Liberal Party would reform as the Free Democrats in 1978 and develop into the strong third party that they remain as to this day). The SNP and Plaid Cymru also won their first seats in the setting up of National Assemblies in Scotland and Wales respectively (a matter that would not be realised until the findings of the Home Commission of 1975).
The final election results saw moderate gains for the Labour Party and minor losses for the Liberals and Conservatives. Despite some comments from backbenchers, Butler vowed to fight and win the next election as leader of the Conservative Party (a claim that would prove true in 1978)
Labour: 357 seats (+12)
Conservative (and Ulster Unionist): 268 (-11)
Liberal: 4 (-4)
SNP: 3 (+3)
Plaid Cymru: 2 (+2)
Foreign Relations
Foreign relations will be discussed in closer detail in the next chapter, however, a broad overview of Gaitskell’s Foreign Policy during his two terms in office can be seen below.
Europe:
Charles de Gaulle, the French President initially welcomed the Labour victory. A supporter of the Franco-West German economic relationship, de Gaulle had already expressed opposition to British membership of the EEC. Now, with a party that was hostile, or at the very least, indifferent to British integration with Europe, the original aims of the Macmillan Government to open membership talks were cancelled after Wilson made it clear to Gaitskell that the party would not support British membership of the Communities. de Gaulle would later grow opposed to the perceived “ultra-liberalism” of the British Government, which he saw as being party responsible for the Paris riots of the summer of 1965. Despite this, Britain would remain as it had been since Waterloo, of Europe, but separate from its institutions. One lasting legacy of the Gaitskell years was the establishment of the first sections of Eurorail, the European wide system of high-speed railways masterminded by the Transport Secretary, Tony Benn, in 1953.
United States:
John F. Kennedy later in life stated that he believed that “social revolution” within Britain was the primary reason for his electoral victory in the 1960 election. Gaitskell and Kennedy never developed the close relationship Macmillan had with President Eisenhower, but this shared progressivism clearly had a major impact on the development of the civil rights movement of the 1960’s. Gaitskell was criticised from some quarters for his (admittedly minor) support of Kennedy during the 1964 Presidential election, but the close ties cemented by Gaitskell between Kennedy and his successor in the Oval Office, Hubert Humphrey, remain a key component of Anglo-American Relations to this very day, especially in the creation of the North Atlantic Economic and Trade Organisation (NACTO) in 1967.
Soviet Union:
It is a common misconception that the Communist Party in Russia was motivated by a desire to see left wing Governments in Western Europe. This is a fallacy as the Labour party was never (unlike her European counterparts) Marxist. Although Gaitskell visited Russia in 1959 with the rest of the Shadow Cabinet, he was openly opposed to the regime in the Soviet Union. This was also true for the majority of the Cabinet although debate remains over the legitimacy of the conspiracy theories surrounding Harold Wilson’s position as a Soviet Agent. These rumours only increased when Wilson was demoted to Leader of the House of Commons and replaced by Roy Jenkins in the Cabinet reshuffle of April 1965. The unwavering support Gaitskell gave to President Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis is seen as being a primary reason behind the fall of Nikita Khrushchev and his replacement by Alexey Kosygin.
The 1968 General Election
With the sacking of Wilson as Chancellor, the uneasy peace between left and right plagued Gaitskell for his remaining two years in office. Although never really at risk from a formal split, the divisions between the various factions in the Labour Party, led by Wilson on the left and Gaitskell on the right certainly contributed to the reduction of public confidence in the Labour Government. The failure of the Conservatives to support the Universities Act, which would have increased the ease at which polytechnics could have become full Universities, forced Gaitskell to call a General Election for April 18th 1968. Labour was defeated by the resurgent Conservatives, although the victory was less pronounced than many had predicted.
Conservative (and Ulster Unionist): 343 (+75)
Labour: 276 seats (-91)
Liberal: 12 (+8)
SNP: 2 (-1)
Plaid Cymru: 2 (+1)
The Gaitskell era was over.
Aftermath
Immediately following the defeat, and following a spate of ill health, Gaitskell resigned as Labour leader and returned to the backbenches, where he would remain until his elevation to the peerage as Earl Gaitskell of Kirkstall in 1972. Although he left office leaving a divided party, he is consistently ranked as one of the greatest post-war Prime Ministers. He was succeeded, somewhat to the shock of many, as party leader by Barbara Castle who, whilst moving the party to the left, was able to see a Labour victory in the 1977 General Election when she forced a vote of confidence against Prime Minister Whitelaw’s Conservatives. For more information on Castle’s Premiership, please consult Chapter 18, “The Red Lady in Power”.
Gaitskell’s greatest legacies remain his reforms of the inefficient state-owned industries, the foundation of NACTO and the increased spending on education and healthcare that remain the cornerstones of the British state to this very day.
Questions:
1) To what extent were concerns over the economy the primary reason for the Conservative defeat in the 1959 Election?
2) How did Labour moves to the political centre affect Government policy from 1959 to 1964?
3) To what extent did left-wing opposition to the Common Market affect the formation of NACTO?
4) How did Hugh Gaitskell manage internal divisions between differing ideological groups during his second term in office?
5) “The Conservative victory in the 1968 General Election was due to Labour disagreements over foreign relations with the Soviet Union” Discuss
Further Reading:
“Diaries 1959-1968: The Reform Years” Anthony Wedgwood Benn: 1972
“British Progressivism: Britain during the Sixties” Tony Crosland: 1974
“The Rise of British Social Democracy” Ralph Miliband: 1981
“Gaitskell and Wilson: Ideological Differences in the Labour Party from 1959 to 1970” Roy Jenkins: 1982
“Butskellism: The Great Consensus” Donald Macintyre: 1995
“The Life of Hugh Gaitskell” Gordon Brown: 1999
The 1959 General Election
When Harold Macmillan went to the Palace on 12th September 1959, most political commentators were predicting a closely fought race between the incumbent Conservative's and Hugh Gaitskell’s Labour Party. Few would argue that Macmillan, who had emerged almost unscathed from the Suez Crisis, had pulled an extraordinary political comeback during his tenure as Prime Minister. In addition; with the economy continuing to grow and with a new found sense of national prosperity, the Conservatives could, on the surface at least, be said to be on firm footing for an election night victory.
However, numerous factors were in play that limited the pace of Macmillan’s electioneering. Gaitskell, whose early years as Leader of the Opposition had been fringed with infighting between left and right wing factions within his Party, was handed a surprising boon in early September when his great political rival, Aneurin Bevan died following a rapid decline in his health owing to cancer. Although the two had clashed numerous times between the correct direction to take the emitted Party, Gaitskell clearly felt Bevan’s death deeply as his moving oratory at Cardiff Cathedral, in which he praised “the founder of our great National Health Service”, demonstrates. Indeed, it is believed that this, coupled with a number of minor scandals involving a handful of Conservative backbenchers, was the primary tipping point in the closely fought General Election. The warning of the Shadow Chancellor, Harold Wilson, over lack of competitiveness in British industry in contrast with the members of the European Economic Community (EEC) also played a key part in attracting much needed votes from the middle class white collar workforce.
The Labour Campaign was a marked improvement on that of 1955. Working on the theme of “Britain Belongs to You” and utilising the increasingly influential medium of television, Labour ran a solid, respectable campaign that was able to project Labour as an experienced and progressive Government-in-Waiting. The Conservatives in contrast focused on the achievements of the past four years. Whilst the “Life is better with the Conservatives” message was popular, it tended only to attract traditional Tory voters. In contrast, Labour’s message of change and progressive social reform was far more attractive to the undecided members of the electorate who decide all British General Elections. Despite this, on the eve of the 8th October, most newspapers had declared the election as too close to call.
As the first constituencies declared however, it was clear that Labour was on course to win the election. As the Labour election strategist, Anthony Wedgewood Benn (later 2nd Viscount Standsgate) noted in the first volume of his diaries;
“As soon as we started to win in the Birmingham suburbs, I rang Hugh (Gaitskell) and Harold (Wilson) to congratulate them on our victory. Both were typically measured in their responses and Hugh himself requested that I hold off from submitting any formal announcement until the results became official”
Tony Benn: The Reform Years.
By early morning on the 9th however, it was clear that after 9 years in the political doldrums, Labour had returned to the Government.
The final results of the election were as follows;
Labour: 345 seats (+68)
Conservative: 279 (-66)
Liberal: 8 (+2)
The First Gaitskell Government
Hugh Gaitskell was very much a socialist in the mould of his contemporaries such as Clement Atlee. Oxford educated, he joined the Labour Party in the early 1930’s after seeing at first-hand the grinding poverty in inner city London. His progressive and modernising attitude he felt was needed in the Labour Party allowed him to assume the leadership in 1955 following Atlee’s resignation. Although his support for the nuclear deterrent made him many enemies on the left of the party, his rhetorical abilities and strong belief in building a political consensus made him popular both in and outside of mainstream politics all allowed him to build a cabinet that was well balanced between right and left wingers.
After kissing hands with the Queen on the morning following the election, Gaitskell announced his Cabinet;
Prime Minister: Hugh Gaitskell:
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Harold Wilson
Deputy Prime Minister and Home Secretary: George Brown
Foreign Secretary: Frank Soskice
Commonwealth and Colonies: Anthony Greenwood
Defence: Roy Jenkins
Health: Patrick Walker
Education: Barbara Castle
Science and Technology: Michael Foot
Transport: Anthony Benn
Employment and Social Security: Margaret Herbison
Board of Trade: Anthony Crosland
Labour: Roy Mason
Agriculture: Frederick Lee
Party Chair and Leader of the House of Commons: Ian Mikardo
Scotland: William Ross
Wales: Leo Abse
Abse, a future Home Secretary who would lead the campaign to decriminalise homosexuality had only been an MP for just over a year at his appointment to the Welsh Office. However, despite complaints regarding his inexperience, appointments such as Abse’s were seen as vital by Gaitskell, who had seen just how tired the last Labour Government had been in its final years. With younger and more energetic leaders, such as Abse and Benn, Gaitskell hoped that his Government would be seen as more representative of Britain as a whole.
To the surprise of some commentators, Gaitskell retained his old adversary Harold Wilson, who had resigned in 1951 over Gaitskell’s introduction of prescription charges during the Korean War, as Chancellor of the Exchequer and tasked him with the responsibility of improving British economic productivity and economic growth. Both of which had been lagging behind those of the continental powers within the EEC (see fig. XI, Appendix Four). This mix of left and right within his administration was a shrewd move by Gaitskell to attempt to heal the divisions between the various different factions within the Labour Party that had materialised during his period as Leader of the Opposition.
The Queens Speech, held in early December marked a watershed for many social movements within Great Britain. Abse had become the leading figure behind the homophile movement of the late 1950’s and consultation on the lowering of the voting age to 18, liberalisation of the censorship laws and various other acts to promote social equality. It is for this reason that Gaitskell and Abse are still regarded with great sympathy amongst the LGBT community.
The full economic legacy of Hugh Gaitskell’s Governments, together with the abolition of Clause IV of the Labour Constitution will be discussed in a later chapter.
The “Butskellism” Ascendancy
Macmillan was left to lick the wounds caused by his failure to predict the mood of the electorate, although many Conservatives wished for the man dubbed “Supermac” to continue on as leader, his age, coupled with an illness that he was informed (incorrectly) to be a sign of the early stages of prostate cancer forced him to resign as Conservative Leader in November. The man who was to emerge as his successor (Conservative Prime Ministers would not be elected until William Whitelaw changed voting procedures in 1978) was hardly a surprise to the rank and file party members or the general public. Despite some complaints from senior party figures that he was too far to the left, on 25th November 1959, Richard Austen (commonly known as “Rab”) Butler became leader of the Conservative and Unionist Party. Butler was known to be one of the most ardent supporters of Keynesian economics within the Conservative Party, and his moderate social views ensured that the post-war consensus between Labour and Conservative would remain at the centre of British politics for the duration of his tenure as Leader of the Opposition and later Premiership. Butler had been viewed as a highly competent cabinet minister during the Eden and Macmillan years and his leadership was greeted with praise even by his ideological opponents within the Conservative Party. His maiden speech to the Conservative Party Conference in Blackpool in March 1960 is seen as a defining moment in the end of the Victorian values that had dominated the Conservative Party since the days of Disraeli;
“Since time immemorial, Britain has been at the forefront of tolerance and liberal democracy. Angle, Saxon, Norman, Huguenot and during the last decade in particular, Indian and Pakistani have all come to share in those values that mark Britain as a true hero amongst the principles of equality.
Now, as we enter a new decade, we must look to groups that have for two long been subjected to cruel and morally abhorrent discrimination from successive Governments, both Conservative and Labour. I refer in part to those that identify themselves as homosexuals. I have been informed that the current Government intends to decriminalise homosexuality within the next parliamentary term. There may be some within this room who balk at the idea of such a move. Let me tell you now that as a Christian, I do not oppose such a move. I urge you fellow party members to understand that it is the differences within our society that make the United Kingdom the greatest nation on earth. Together, we Conservatives can preserve the future by changing the present. Liberty in the face of adversity is perhaps the greatest gift any Government can give her people.”
Although not relevant for discussion here, many political theorists have stated that many members of the Neo-Liberal movement trace their origins to Butler’s comments in speeches such as this. Enoch Powell, a future Home Secretary, stated that many of his actions later in life were motivated by the liberalism of Butskellism.
The 1963 General Election
Held on 13th September 1963, Gaitskell could count upon widespread support for the majority of his social and economic policies. The National Technological Institute had allowed for far greater investments in science and high-tech industries and Gaitskell’s less interventionist policies also created more competition amongst the directors of state-owned industries, who could no longer bank on state bailouts in the event of financial difficulties. Although criticised by some, least of all Chancellor Wilson, for involving Britain in naval operations in the Vietnam War, the election was fought primarily on domestic issues and the economy, both of which Labour was seen as performing strongly in. Gaitskell would later joke that the Election saved his life when on a photo call at a new health centre; he was warned that he was suffering from high blood pressure, a claim that prompted him to seek medical attention soon after.
The election saw Labour slightly increase their majority as well as the almost total breakdown in Liberal support (despite this, the Liberal Party would reform as the Free Democrats in 1978 and develop into the strong third party that they remain as to this day). The SNP and Plaid Cymru also won their first seats in the setting up of National Assemblies in Scotland and Wales respectively (a matter that would not be realised until the findings of the Home Commission of 1975).
The final election results saw moderate gains for the Labour Party and minor losses for the Liberals and Conservatives. Despite some comments from backbenchers, Butler vowed to fight and win the next election as leader of the Conservative Party (a claim that would prove true in 1978)
Labour: 357 seats (+12)
Conservative (and Ulster Unionist): 268 (-11)
Liberal: 4 (-4)
SNP: 3 (+3)
Plaid Cymru: 2 (+2)
Foreign Relations
Foreign relations will be discussed in closer detail in the next chapter, however, a broad overview of Gaitskell’s Foreign Policy during his two terms in office can be seen below.
Europe:
Charles de Gaulle, the French President initially welcomed the Labour victory. A supporter of the Franco-West German economic relationship, de Gaulle had already expressed opposition to British membership of the EEC. Now, with a party that was hostile, or at the very least, indifferent to British integration with Europe, the original aims of the Macmillan Government to open membership talks were cancelled after Wilson made it clear to Gaitskell that the party would not support British membership of the Communities. de Gaulle would later grow opposed to the perceived “ultra-liberalism” of the British Government, which he saw as being party responsible for the Paris riots of the summer of 1965. Despite this, Britain would remain as it had been since Waterloo, of Europe, but separate from its institutions. One lasting legacy of the Gaitskell years was the establishment of the first sections of Eurorail, the European wide system of high-speed railways masterminded by the Transport Secretary, Tony Benn, in 1953.
United States:
John F. Kennedy later in life stated that he believed that “social revolution” within Britain was the primary reason for his electoral victory in the 1960 election. Gaitskell and Kennedy never developed the close relationship Macmillan had with President Eisenhower, but this shared progressivism clearly had a major impact on the development of the civil rights movement of the 1960’s. Gaitskell was criticised from some quarters for his (admittedly minor) support of Kennedy during the 1964 Presidential election, but the close ties cemented by Gaitskell between Kennedy and his successor in the Oval Office, Hubert Humphrey, remain a key component of Anglo-American Relations to this very day, especially in the creation of the North Atlantic Economic and Trade Organisation (NACTO) in 1967.
Soviet Union:
It is a common misconception that the Communist Party in Russia was motivated by a desire to see left wing Governments in Western Europe. This is a fallacy as the Labour party was never (unlike her European counterparts) Marxist. Although Gaitskell visited Russia in 1959 with the rest of the Shadow Cabinet, he was openly opposed to the regime in the Soviet Union. This was also true for the majority of the Cabinet although debate remains over the legitimacy of the conspiracy theories surrounding Harold Wilson’s position as a Soviet Agent. These rumours only increased when Wilson was demoted to Leader of the House of Commons and replaced by Roy Jenkins in the Cabinet reshuffle of April 1965. The unwavering support Gaitskell gave to President Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis is seen as being a primary reason behind the fall of Nikita Khrushchev and his replacement by Alexey Kosygin.
The 1968 General Election
With the sacking of Wilson as Chancellor, the uneasy peace between left and right plagued Gaitskell for his remaining two years in office. Although never really at risk from a formal split, the divisions between the various factions in the Labour Party, led by Wilson on the left and Gaitskell on the right certainly contributed to the reduction of public confidence in the Labour Government. The failure of the Conservatives to support the Universities Act, which would have increased the ease at which polytechnics could have become full Universities, forced Gaitskell to call a General Election for April 18th 1968. Labour was defeated by the resurgent Conservatives, although the victory was less pronounced than many had predicted.
Conservative (and Ulster Unionist): 343 (+75)
Labour: 276 seats (-91)
Liberal: 12 (+8)
SNP: 2 (-1)
Plaid Cymru: 2 (+1)
The Gaitskell era was over.
Aftermath
Immediately following the defeat, and following a spate of ill health, Gaitskell resigned as Labour leader and returned to the backbenches, where he would remain until his elevation to the peerage as Earl Gaitskell of Kirkstall in 1972. Although he left office leaving a divided party, he is consistently ranked as one of the greatest post-war Prime Ministers. He was succeeded, somewhat to the shock of many, as party leader by Barbara Castle who, whilst moving the party to the left, was able to see a Labour victory in the 1977 General Election when she forced a vote of confidence against Prime Minister Whitelaw’s Conservatives. For more information on Castle’s Premiership, please consult Chapter 18, “The Red Lady in Power”.
Gaitskell’s greatest legacies remain his reforms of the inefficient state-owned industries, the foundation of NACTO and the increased spending on education and healthcare that remain the cornerstones of the British state to this very day.
Questions:
1) To what extent were concerns over the economy the primary reason for the Conservative defeat in the 1959 Election?
2) How did Labour moves to the political centre affect Government policy from 1959 to 1964?
3) To what extent did left-wing opposition to the Common Market affect the formation of NACTO?
4) How did Hugh Gaitskell manage internal divisions between differing ideological groups during his second term in office?
5) “The Conservative victory in the 1968 General Election was due to Labour disagreements over foreign relations with the Soviet Union” Discuss
Further Reading:
“Diaries 1959-1968: The Reform Years” Anthony Wedgwood Benn: 1972
“British Progressivism: Britain during the Sixties” Tony Crosland: 1974
“The Rise of British Social Democracy” Ralph Miliband: 1981
“Gaitskell and Wilson: Ideological Differences in the Labour Party from 1959 to 1970” Roy Jenkins: 1982
“Butskellism: The Great Consensus” Donald Macintyre: 1995
“The Life of Hugh Gaitskell” Gordon Brown: 1999
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