Primavera d'Italia: War, Love and Revolution

Tarabas · May 19, 2021

A Waterloo of Law and Order - Part 1

London - 12 April 1848, Afternoon
Lord Russell (1) and Lord Palmerston (2) were meeting at the London residence of the latter, at 4, Carlton Gardens. The scare of the great Chartist meeting held on 10 April at Kennington Common was finally over. There had been no tumult or riot: a vast crowd (3) had peacefully listened to rousing speeches, but the threatened march on Parliament had not happened (4). A small Chartist delegation had brought to Parliament a petition, signed by close to two million people, but the MPs had not budged and that was all (5).
Palmerston was positively beaming: "A toast, Lord Russell: to the 10th of April, a date which will stand in British history side by side with the 18th of June. It was truly a Waterloo of law and order, as well a confirmation that the British people will not succumb to the revolutionary fever which has infected all of Europe."
The Prime Minister, thoughtfully sipping his brandy, was less enthusiastic: "We have just overcome the first hurdle, and I grant you that everything went very well. Now we have to consider what we can possibly do to bring back stability to the continent. The balance of power in Europe has been significantly altered in less than two months, if not shattered for good, and I fear its restoration is unlikely."
"You may be right: the current events in Austria and Italy are the most significant, in my opinion. I will however start with France, which is experiencing its third revolution in 50 years. This said, I am cautiously optimist: the Provisional Government includes 7 moderates and only 2 Democrats; Lamartine is bending backward to let the European diplomacy know that the new France does not intend to repeat the shenanigans of the First Republic, even if the Provisional Government is not strong enough to clamp down drastically on Leftist agitators or to forcibly pre-empt foreign exiles from organizing expeditions to spread the revolutionary gospel in the Germanies, in Belgium, and in Poland. Truth to be said, they even failed to pre-empt a farcical invasion of Savoy by leftists aiming to secure the "natural borders of France": luckily the invaders were chased out by Savoyard farmers before they could create too much havoc. It was an egg on the face for the Provisional Government, who had to apologize to the king of Sardinia, but no disaster. Obviously, we have to wait for the elections called in 2 weeks time from now, but the Provisional Government has approved a universal franchise, which means that the elections will be ultimately decided by the conservative farmers of the countryside, who are already angered by the increase of taxation to pay for the relief measures against unemployment in the main cities. I predict the Left will be sorely disappointed by the electoral results, and there will be a large majority in the Assembly in favor of law and order since the moderates will be able to rely on the Orleanists to tame the Left." (6)

"I don't disagree with your appraisal, Palmerston, but keep our ambassador in Paris under short reins: I don't like Normanby's habit to make his own policy rather than follow government instructions (7)."

"Normanby is an old warhorse who must be put to pasture, and better sooner than later: he has to stay in place during the current crisis, though, given his good relations with Lamartine. France has to stay stable, and must not appear to be taking aggressive on its eastern border. In this respect, you will be relieved by what's happening in Belgium: there has been some tension there, but M. Charles Rogier, the Prime Minister, has been moving very quickly, anticipating the unrest and making some concession since when he formed a Liberal government in last July. There have been two attempts of Belgian expatriates to invade from France, but they were easily stopped (8). I believe that the high watermark of danger is over, and Belgium will stay stable, and very close to us, as guarantors of their independence. M. Rogier may become a good influence on the Netherlands too: I am informed that king William is thawing to liberal concessions, and this should help to keep stability there, and to improve the relations with Belgium (9).

Hanover is also pretty stable, there were a few disorders at the news of the revolution in France, but they were put down easily. I think that king Ernest Augustus may even be popular in Hanover, and he is even called "Father of the Country" (10), but the constitutional crisis of 1837 has left a shadow on his reign."

"Everyone who knew the Duke of Cumberland here was certainly relieved by his removal to Hanover. I personally toasted the health of Princess Royal (11) when she was born, and most of my glee was because there was another life between Ernest Augustus and the British throne ." quipped Lord Russell "But do go on, please".

"I suppose that the next item on the agenda is Prussia. You certainly know of the insurrection in Berlin on 24 March, the bloodshed trying to suppress it and the sudden turn around of the king, who put a stop to the repression, pulled the troops from Berlin and left himself with the Court for his palace of Sans Souci. As of now, Berlin is still in the hands of the insurgents, a Convention has been installed to write a constitution for Prussia, and no attempt has been made to take the city back,. There is also an insurrection in the Grand Duchy of Posen, where the Poles are up in arms, demanding self-rule: also, in this case, the king of Prussia has not taken any action yet, just sending one of his generals to negotiate with the insurgents. I have read many newspaper articles claiming that the Prussian throne is tottering, but I have also read the reports of our ambassador in Berlin, and I have full confidence in lord Westmoreland: after his minor, and in my view justified, faux pas in Naples in 1820 (12), his record has been impeccable. As Westmoreland reads the situation, the king of Prussia is in full control of the army and is biding his time, which is probably his best option at the time being; by avoiding immediate confrontation, he avoids the political temperature to reach a boiling point. Berlin is apparently under the control of the insurgents, but the city is ordered and not lawless, and anyway, Berlin has not the importance that Paris has for France or London for us. More importantly, the situation is stable also in the Rhein provinces: most of the agitators are either in Berlin or in Frankfurt, and cannot foment an insurrection at home, and anyway, the fear of a French invasion is a powerful dissuasion. Sooner or later the king will make his move: I predict that it will be to quell the Polish insurrection in Posen, which is not going to be difficult and more importantly will gain the sympathy of the German nationalists."

“Prussia is not a country with an army, but an army with a country. (13)” Lord Russell agreed.

Footnotes

Lord John Russell, third son of the duke of Bedford and British Prime Minister since 1846 (Whig Party)
Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston. Foreign Secretary in Lord Russell's Cabinet.
The organizers claimed an attendance of 300, 000: more reasonable estimates are in the range of 30,000 to 50,000
The protesters found themselves trapped in Kennington Commons, with the bridges across the Thames blocked by police (an impressive security had been put in place: besides the police, 15,000 special constables had been sworn - including Louis Napoleon - and 8,000 regulars were ready to intervene in case of need). After negotiation, the Chartists agreed that only a dozen of the would deliver their petition to Parliament
The petition had close to two million signatures, but a significant portion of them was probably not legit.
The events in France are historical
Constantine Henry Phipps, 1st marquess of Normanby: a Whig politician, former colonial secretary and home secretary. He was sent to Paris as ambassador in 1846.
In one case, the train carrying the insurgents stopped beyond the Belgian border, and they were immediately arrested; in the other, they crossed the border on foot but were confronted by two companies of the Belgian army at Risquons-Tout (an apt name) and easily defeated.
The liberal politician Johan Rudolf Thorbecke played an important role, first as leader of the Constitutional Committee empaneled by king William II on 17 March, and later on as prime minister of a moderate liberal government.
Ernest Augustus, duke of Cumberland, was the fourth son of George III of United Kingdom and Hanover. He became king of Hanover in 1837 (Hanover succession was governed by semi-Salic law, and Victoria could not inherit there). He started by abolishing the Hanoverian Constitution of 1833, which had been approved by his older brother William IV, under the pretext that his assent had not been asked (in 1833 he was already the heir to Hanover), but he also showed an interest in improving the economy of Hanover and was a great supporter of railway construction. In foreign policy, he was always anti-Prussian, fearing their expansionist policies (Hanover did not join the Zollverein until 1850 IOTL also for this reason).
Victoria, eldest daughter of Queen Victoria, was born on 21 November 1840 and became the heir to the throne of the United Kingdom. Before her birth, Ernest Augustus was the heir to the British throne.
John Fane, Earl of Westmoreland. A career diplomat, appointed as minister plenipotentiary to Prussia in 1841. At the beginning of his career he was attaché' at Naples, and was accused by Austria of sympathies for the constitutional insurgents.
This quotation is usually attributed to Friedrich von Schrotte, Prussian Minister in the second half of 18th century.

Made in @LordKalvan

Tarabas · May 20, 2021

An excerpt from “Springtime for Italy”

“After I had identified a few, / I saw and recognized the shade of him /who made, through cowardice, the great refusal”(1)

Upon hearing of the Pope’s refusal of the Presidency of the Italian confederation, I could not help but think about the immortal verses of Dante. I was feeling sick with a sense of betrayal and despair. Verona too was in a strange mood; no one had expected such news. That night marked a coming of age for me: I must admit with bitter shame that I was one of the fools believing that the Pope would ride through Italy to come at us, blessing our swords and rifles, to lead the final showdown on the Isonzo, a reborn Leo the Great to chase the Huns. Well, that dream was gone. I saw that my brother was in a grim mood, too. Since we were not on any guard duty, I resolved to take him to the Tricolore, our favorite tavern in Verona, to raise our spirit through spirits. Maybe it was not the best of ideas given his age, but after all, we were at war, had shot and charged and nearly got killed: we could well handle some grappa.
The Tricolore was teeming with volunteers and regulars alike, a true manifesto to Italian Unity: Tuscans, Lombards, Venetians, Piedmontese soldiers, even some of the Sicilians and Neapolitans. I could see my own sadness painted in each and every one of their faces. Professor Montanelli was there too, a hard look on his face. I wanted to greet him, but then I saw Augusto, and I thought that he should know something more: he was the Prince’s aide, after all (besides, what was he doing there in such a dire moment? And why was he not in his uniform? But these thoughts were kept in the back of my head by the alcohol and bad mood). However, I could not even reach him before, out of the blue, one of the Venetians said loudly:
“What is this, a funeral? Just because of the refusal of a priest? To hell with Pio IX, I say! Italy’s almost done, and we will be the ones who made her!”
“Italy has awakened, let the clergy sleep!” My brother blurted, fire starting to burn in his eyes.
All of a sudden, the room was filled with mockery, cheers, camaraderie, people toasting and drumming the tables with their hands. I could feel it inside me, too, but still, there was something amiss, among the ever-growing noise.
Professor Montanelli, always the academic, commanded the attention of everyone with his usual calm and gravity.
“Brothers of Italy! I understand and share your grief and anger. But remember: even though a man, the Vicar of Christ on Earth himself, can hide cowardly behind unjust laws, God keeps standing by our side, granting victory to our cause. The Austrians are almost gone, the tyrants have been thrown off their impious thrones, the Italian people have raised, body and soul, united in the most just of causes. And I say… what if we had a better guide? What if Pio IX was just a wisp-of-the-will? I have met the man whose name we all have been chanting, from Florence to Venice. I was granted an audience by the Pope, and, upon leaving him, I was already halfway to disenchantment. He looked like a priest with good intentions, more nervous than passionate, thrust into a world he could barely understand, easy-going, crafty, a man who loved to be loved. In the end, he's chosen to follow his Cardinals' advice rather than the will of the Sovereign People(2). But, fear not! Sometimes, such disillusions are necessary to allow one to see true. To see the one who can really guide us to victory, unity, and peace, to a future with freedom and justice for all. Let me ask you- forgive a professor's habit- who’s mortally wounded the eagle with a single shot, helped the Serenissima be born again, united soldiers and volunteers from the four corners of our sacred land? Do I need to say his name?”
I looked at Augusto, and was struck by a revelation. I remember myself shouting “Principe Ferdinando!”
A moment of silence, and then the whole room erupted in joyous assent. I got overwhelmed by clarity, excitement, passion, filled with inspiration as sweet as sin. The chant “Principe d’Italia” spread like wildfire in the Tricolore, and then on the streets, left as clear as day by the illumination. We all went to the Palace where the Prince was staying, needing to see him, hearing from him, lifting him on our shields as the Roman Imperators of old, those leaders who had proven to be worthy of leading the legions to victory. And then the final news: the Prince would address us all, in public. I did not know yet, but I was to be a personal witness to the moment that made Italy: the “Pronunciamento di Verona”. Io c’ero. (3)

Footnotes

Translation of the verses 58-60 of the Canto III of Dante's Inferno. The person to whom these verses refer to was never made clear by Dante, but the most common attribution is Celestino V, who renounced the Papacy after just a few months from his election, in 1294.
These words are a mostly faithful translation of OTL Montanelli's own words after meeting Pious IX in October 1847
"I was there" in Italian.

Made in Tarabas & @LordKalvan

Tarabas · May 29, 2021

Facilis Descensus Averno

Part 3: Semo tirannicidi, s'armamo de cortello e giù dal piedistallo lì famo ruzzica'! Viva la libertà! (1)

The events of 17 April 1848 changed the future history of Rome: if Paris had a "day of the Bastille" in 1789, Rome may be equally proud of the "day of Campo dei Fiori" (2). Count Terenzio Mamiani personally witnessed the unfolding of the events from the vantage point of a terrace facing the square, and wrote a moving newspaper article which was published by "Il Risorgimento" of Turin on 30 April, and subsequently syndicated to many Italian newspapers as well as to European and American ones. We are grateful to the Terenzio Mamiani Foundation, which has kindly given permission to reprint it here.

Justice for Lucrezia, by Terenzio Mamiani della Rovere

It was a beautiful morning, April is the best month in Rome, but nothing would appear less appropriate for the masque of death that was planned here today.
The choreography had started yesterday: placards had been affixed on the door of the many churches in the vicinity of the square, inviting the faithful to pray for the souls of the condemned, while workers assembled an elevated platform on which two identical gallows were erected, side-by-side. A trapdoor was installed under each gallows, and their operation was tested.
This morning I woke up early, and by 8 o'clock I was standing on a terrace with my good friend signor Gioberti: Campo dei Fiori was filling quickly with people. Roman citizens are usually fond of public executions, "giustizie" as they are called by the people, and the mood is usually almost festive. Not today: the crowd was mostly silent, and the traditional sellers of food and beverages were absent.
Suddenly, a cry from the border of the square: "Mastro Titta ha passato il ponte!" (3)
After a few minutes, the crowd started to part: a big man completely dressed in red slowly approached the platform, greeting his assistants. They started to prepare the ropes for the hanging, and to test again the trapdoor.
Another half-hour passed, then I heard loud prayers and the crowd parted again: a monk, completely dressed in black and his face hidden by a pointed hood of the same color, entered the square holding up the Black Christ (4); he was followed by a dozen monks in the same attire, chanting and praying (5) and by a fat, hawk-nosed monsignore (6). The procession continued with a dozen policemen, guarding the condemned men, and two companies of regular soldiers.
I could finally see the two condemned men when they passed under my eyes on their way to the gallows: Gaetano Tognetti, from Rome, and Giuseppe Monti, from Modena. They looked to me very young, and pale in the face, but they were holding their heads up with pride, and I could not see any fear in their eyes.
There were a few cries from the crowd, "Innocenti, sono innocenti!" (7), but no incident occurred and the procession reached the platform: the soldiers stood at parade rest in front of it, while the others mounted the platform.
The tableau was arresting: the two condemned men, dressed in white smocks and in chains, surrounded by priests and monks all in black, inciting them to repent and to pray. On one side, a bulky figure all in red: Mastro Titta, waiting to proceed with the execution.
I saw that both the young men refused to bend, to admit their guilt. I heard the murmurs of the crowd become angrier and louder. Some movement at the edge of the square: a couple of companies of the Guardia Civica taking position. On their right, I could glimpse a squad of papal dragoons, a bit farther away from the piazza.
For a moment everything stood still, then the assistants of Mastro Titta started to drag the prisoner towards the gallows.
I looked at them with sadness, knowing that nothing could save their lives, praying for them. It was then that everything started to happen.
The crowd parted again, revealing a huge man dressed as a common laborer pushing a handcart: on the handcart, a young woman, in a white smock, covered in flowers. I had no doubt she was dead, but what was the meaning of this?
The laborer slowly pushed the handcart to the center of the square, repeating over and over the same words in a deep, sonorous voice: "Justice for my Lucretia! Justice for my daughter, raped by an unworthy priest". Quickly the appeal was taken up by the crowd, and expanded: "Justice for Lucretia! Justice for the innocent! Death to the defiler!".
I saw the Monsignore speaking in urgent tones to the officer in command of the troops, then the order rang out: "Fix bayonets!"

"Hear me, Romans!" a man had climbed on the fountain in the center of the piazza (8), and I recognized him: Pietro Sterbini! "Hear me, Romans!" The noise abated, and Sterbini harangued the crowd in ringing tones:
"Twenty-three years ago, I was in Piazza del Popolo when two patriots, Angelo Targhini and Leonida Montanari (9), were beheaded in a travesty of justice like the one we are witnessing today. On that shameful day, we were unable to raise against the injustice. Today history repeats itself: once again two innocents are going to be executed on trumped charges. The first time we failed to act, but today God has sent us a sign which we cannot ignore: Lucretia" Sterbini pointed to the young body on the handcart "More than two millennia ago, a young Roman matron with the same name was raped by the king's son, and killed herself in shame. Her husband brought her body to the Forum, denouncing the misrule of the kings and asking for justice. The rule of kings was ended, and the Roman Republic was founded. (10)" A shot rang, and a bullet chipped the marble near Sterbini, but he went on unmoved: "Romans, is your blood so watered down you cannot raise against a tyrant as your own ancestors did ? Are your eyes so blind you cannot see the sign that God Himself has given us? Raise, Romans! Redeem your long years of servitude and reclaim your God-given free..." A second shot, and this time Sterbini slowly crumpled down, a bright splash of blood on his torso.

The crowd snarled, and surged towards the platform: "Down with the king! Kill the hangman! Kill the guard dogs of the tyrant", and a wave of song swept the piazza: "Only a dog has a master, no master for a man! Freedom forever."
A ragged volley from the soldiers guarding the platform only managed to enrage the crowd even more: the soldiers were quickly overpowered, and the insurgents were on the platform.
Two crisp volleys rung from the edge of the piazza: the Guardia Nazionale, no doubt. Was I going to be the witness of a massacre? I quickly turned my eyes toward the source of the sound, and saw with relief that the companies of the Guardia Nazionale had wheeled right: their volleys had stopped the charge of the dragoons. Another two volleys followed, and the dragoons turned on their heels and retired in haste.

I looked back at the gallows platform: the policemen were down, stunned or killed I don't know, the young men had been freed, and two bodies were hanging down from the gallows like fruits from a leafless tree (11). One of them was dressed in black, the other in a bright-red cape.

"A sign from God! The force of history and the will of God lie within the people, the Italian people. not in the words of false prophets. Or wily Cardinals." Gioberti had been silent until now, but when I turned to look at him, his eyes were bright and feverish and the despondency of the last few days was gone.
"I have to go, join the people in their just fight, spread the Word of God. Good bye, Terenzio." He left quickly, and I couldn't help to think that in this momentous days I had witnessed again another wonder: the thin and mousy Abbé Gioberti had suddenly metamorphosed into a reborn Marat.

What about Pietro Sterbini? "Vidi quel Bruto che caccio' Tarquino" (12): this verse of Dante haunted my thoughts. Sterbini's words had fired up the crowd, and started the insurrection. If he can survive his wound, he's going to be a force to be reckoned with, but Brutus the Elder was never praised for his generosity or clemency.

What about the Pope himself? Being compared to Tarquin the Proud is not going to be taken well, and having to renounce to Temporal Power is going to be taken even worse.

I don't know the future, but I can see that the Days of Campo dei Fiori have started with a vengeance, and Rome is going to be be changed forever. How? It is hard to tell, but as Lord Byron once said:the best prophet of the future is the past.

Footnotes

"We are killer of tyrants: let's get our knives and push them down from their pedestal! Freedom forever!" It's the third verse of a Jacobin song dating back to the Roman Republic of 1798
Campo dei Fiori (Flower-filled Meadow) is a piazza of Rome between the wards of Parione and Regola, so named because until the early XV century it was a quilt of vegetable gardens and grass meadows dotted with flowers. A horse market was held here twice a week, but it was also routinely used for executions (Giordano Bruno was burned at the stake here in 1600).
"Mastro Titta has crossed the bridge!". Mastro Titta, whose real name was Giovanni Battista Bugatti, had been the hangman of Rome for over 50 years, starting his career with the first hanging and quartering in 1796, when he was barely 17 years old. He was not allowed to stay in the city, but had to live on the right bank of the Tiber, and was allowed entry in Rome only for carrying out executions. He had to cross Ponte Sant'Angelo, and in the parlance of the common people "Mastro Titta crossing the bridge" meant not only that the hangman was coming but also that there would be an execution. IOTL, Mastro Titta would stay on as chief executioner until 1864, when he would be 85 years old: during his career, he carried out 514 executions. He would die in his bed in 1869, 90 years old, leaving behind a detailed list of all the executions he had carried out and his memoirs.
The Black Christ (the Savior on a cross, all painted black), was traditionally displayed only for executions.
The black monks are Brethren of the order of St. Jerome of the Charity, and attended men condemned to be executed, praying for them and beseeching them to repent and save their souls.
A senior representative of the Secretariat of Justice
"Innocent, they are innocent"
In 1848, Campo dei Fiori was smaller in extension than nowadays (IOTL the piazza was expanded on the north side in 1858) and the Fontana della Terrina was in the center of the piazza.
Angelo Targhini and Leonida Montanari were two Carbonari, arrested for the attempted murder of a police informer, tried and sentenced to death for Lèse-majesté and beheaded in Piazza del Popolo on 23 November 1825. The executioner was Mastro Titta, it goes without saying.
Titus Livius tells the story of the rape of Lucretia Collatina, her subsequent suicide and the revenge taken against the Gens Tarquinia in his History of Rome (1.57.7). Lucretia was a semi-legendary character.
The bodies of Mastro Titta and the Monsignore were left hanging for a day and a night, until the Brethren of St. Jerome were allowed to lower them down and provide for a burial.
Titus Livius tells also how Marcus Junius Brutus (another semi-legendary character) took the opportunity to incite the plebs to revolt against the king, and was the founder of the Roman Republic and one of the first two consuls. Dante placed him in Limbo, among the virtuous pagans. (Hell, IV Chant)

Made in @LordKalvan & Tarabas

Tarabas · Jun 1, 2021

Il Pronunciamento di Verona

The news of the Pio IX’s “great refusal” had spread like wildfire throughout Verona. As the soldiers and volunteers met in the taverns and the streets of the fair city, an emergency meeting of the Provisional Conference of the Italian States was called. The sun had already set, and with all the candles in the room and the public illumination down the streets, a strange, almost festive brightness took possession of the city. The meeting itself looked more like an informal night gathering than an official occasion, mainly because the delegates were called with a notice so short that they hardly had the time to dress properly. Even Prince Ferdinand was in a plain uniform, and Maria Cristina... was as beautiful as ever, no matter how relatively plain her dress was.
Count Mocenigo, still acting President of the Conference, opened the dances:
“Signori Delegati, I assume you already know the dire news we just received from Rome: the Pope has rejected the offer of the Presidency of the Italian Confederacy. I know we all have barely had the time to process this information, but we cannot hesitate in taking our stance in this situation. For the first time since the War of Italian Liberation, the unthinkable, the unexpected, instead of being on our side, is standing in our way, and we are given the challenge to face it-and overthrow it. What I ask you, signori delegati, is… how do you wish to proceed?”
Camillo Benso di Cavour asked for the leave to speak.
“Signor Presidente, Signori delegati, I am as upset as any of you for this refusal. I do agree with Signor Presidente that this is an unexpected challenge, but I ask you, shouldn’t we avoid acting on impulse? Shouldn't we wait a causa vinta? There is still war in Friuli, and the situation is Rome is reaching a breaking point, with riots at every corner and General Ferrari on his way to the Eternal City with his volunteers to protect the people and reestablish order. I suggest we wait for the conclusion of war operations to make our next move.” Next to him, Prince Ferdinand stood still, with an impenetrable expression on his face.

There were some moments of silence, until Marquis Capponi stood up, without even asking for permission.
“With all due respect, Count Cavour, the time for caution and restrain is over and done: Italian patriots are waiting with bathing breath for our announcement, and postponing it would only cast doubts on our resolve. I have always bowed to any decision His Holiness has made in matters pertaining to the Catholic doctrine, but the political asset of Italy is not a matter of dogma. Since His Holiness has chosen to spurn our offer, an unwise decision in my view, there is only one possible alternative I can see: I propose to offer the Presidency of the Italian Confederation to His Highness Ferdinando di Savoia, to lead us in peace and freedom as he has been successfully doing in this war against the Austrian oppression."
As soon as Capponi stopped speaking, Gabrio Casati stood up: " On behalf of the Provisional government of Lombardy, I second the wise proposal of Baron Ricasoli. All hail Ferdinand, President of the Italian Confederation!"
The Venetian and the Cispadianan delegations, as well as the Sicilian one, were quick to give their own approval, as in a volley of light artillery.
"Will Your Highness accept the offer of the Presidency of the Italian Confederation?" Count Mocenigo was a stickler for formalities.
At this point, all the delegates were on their feet shouting their approval, with the only exception of Ferdinand who was still sitting.
The prince stood up only when the roaring became muted: " Signori Delegati, I thank you for the honor you are doing to me and to my House. I do accept the Presidency you are offering me, and I do swear that my honor and my sword will always be the shield of Italian freedoms. I also pray the Almighty God that He may allow me to lead the Confederation of the Italian states in peaceful endeavors after the hostilities are ended.” As he was speaking, his expression changed from grave to confident, and it looked like he was smiling without actually smiling. Maybe it was just his eyes, a confident, powerful gaze. Like the stream of a fall, better let it take you with it rather than try and resist it. Apparently, no one dared or was willing to resist: his words were met by another, louder roar of approval.

A Sardinian Lieutenant entered the room, with a message for the Prince. Ferdinando read it, gave an imperceptible half-smile, and said: “It would seem that the good people of Verona and the volunteers have made the same choice as you, Signori Delegati. It would be wise to speak to them. I shall issue a formal proclamation in a short time, with your approval, of course.” The proclamation, which would become known in history as the “Pronunciamento di Verona” (Manifesto of Verona) was ready in an hour.

Prince Ferdinando would have loved to read it to the cheering crowd, but the lungs of steel of one the Sardinian sergeants served better for the purpose. That being said, it would have been unnecessary: the crowd was already in ecstasy just to see him, with his sister by his side: the Prince of the Italians and the Queen of Hearts, as they were already known. A gesture of the Prince, and the crowded square fell silent, as silent as if no one was there, people holding their breath to hear his words.

"Brothers of Italy! Italy has woken! I am greeting you with the words written by a brave young soul, a man barely in his twenties, a bold volunteer (1), the pride of our Nation without a State, one of the brightest shoots in this Springtime for Italy (2). Yes, for Italy, long divided and oppressed by foreign tyrants, is anything but a beautiful tree, and all its beautiful leaves shall have their place under the sun to thrive and prosper. These momentous days have seen changes no one ever dared imagine: the people of Lombardy and Venetia and the Cispadanian Duchies have freed themselves from the Austrian chains, Dalmatia is free again, and the last remnants of oppression are not anymore hidden cowardly behind the walls of fair Verona. Behind the sacred water of the Isonzo river, the forces of evil (3) are hastily assembling to try and undo the great achievements of these weeks, to try and bring back the winter of our oppression, but our brothers are already there, ready to be our shield and our sword.
I, Ferdinand of House Savoy, Lieutenant of the Kingdom of Sardinia, on my King's and my people's behalf and my own honor, do solemnly swear that they shall not pass! (4) No more shall the eagle cast its impious shadow over our sacred land. The soldiers and the volunteers from all over our beautiful peninsula will strip her of every last feather should she ever try to do so. For the winter of our souls is ended and the spring of our freedom and glory is in full bloom. We are not warmongers; we just seek to reclaim what is ours by God's very will: liberty, and justice for all. We do extend our hand to the Emperor, who hides in his Palace, unable to listen to the song of rebellion shaking his very capital, and offer the simplest yet fairest peace: begone, and let the people of all Italy rule themselves: you will keep your lives! For no longer can the Throne and the Altar ignore the will, the strength, the soul of the People! A recent friend of mine (5) has recently so graciously greeted me: "I shall not bow to the Crown of Sardinia- but I will gladly shake the hand of the winner of Goito!" I took off my gloves and shook his hands, for liberty cannot be earned wearing silken gloves! (6) Princes and peasants alike will grasp this freedom... to build the brightest of futures for Italy. A future of peace, watered by the blood of our martyrs and baptized in fire. "Italia Libera! Dio Lo vuole!” (7) Together with the other representatives of the Italian peoples, we have discussed and dreamed of a new Italian Confederation, a Confederation of Constitutional states, with free elections, free circulation of people and goods, under a President who would be only the first among equals in a council of the Italian rulers. We deeply wished Pio IX to be our President: in goodwill and free heart, we entrusted Vincenzo Gioberti to go to Rome, the Capital of all our souls, and deliver this offer to His Holiness. Sadly, the Pope has refused. We hope that the Father in Heaven grant him wisdom to reconsider, and he may become truly our Father on Hearth. Until that day, the delegates of the Italian states have turned to me as President, and I have humbly accepted. I take this title as a duty towards the Italian People and our sacred Land, and with the guidance of God, I do solemnly swear I shall always act in the interest of the Italian People. God Almighty Bless Italy, and these Italian States. (8)"

Now the silence was no more: the piazza was ringing with joyful cries. It has been alleged that the cries of "Principe d'Italia" and "Viva Ferdinando" could be clearly heard in Vienna, Rome, and Naples. Of course, this is just a legend, but later events showed that someone in each of those cities should have done better to listen to that call.

Footnotes

This is of course Goffredo Mameli, who TTL enlisted as a Volunteer in the Genoese Legion
Originally "Springtime for Ferdy, and Italy". A Lamarmora rifle with one year stock of Verdi bullets to whom catches the OTL reference
Yet another OTL reference
The Bridge in Moria is nothing compared to the ones on the Isonzo, trust us
This is Carlo Cattaneo, when he met Ferdinand in Venice
Just a little bit inspired by an OTL quote by Stalin
These words were on the Tricolor flag of OTL (and TTL) Milanese Provisional Government
One of the authors have been watching too much "Designated Survivor" and "House of Cards" during quarantine, sorry.

Made in Tarabas & @LordKalvan

Tarabas · Jun 15, 2021

Facilis Descensus Averno

Part 4.1: E' l'omo che propone, ma 'r popolo dispone: er cane c'ha 'r padrone ma l'omo nun ce l'ha! Viva la libertà! (17-18 April) (1)
[from the Diaries of Count Terenzio Mamiani]

17 April: Gioberti had left, chasing his vision, and my attention was focused on the tableau of Campo dei Fiori. People madly cavorting on the raised platform, two bodies hanging from the gallows, the crowd milling on the square, apparently without a clear purpose, the crumpled bodies of the soldiers slain in front of the platform. A few oases of order: a doctor dressing the wounds of Sterbini, an empty space where I could see the laborer, clearly dead, reversed on his handcart, his blood staining the white shift of his equally dead daughter, the ordered lines of the Guardia Civica on the northwestern border of the piazza. Then a shout, in a well-known voice: "With me, Romani! To the palace of the Inquisition (2)! Let's break the chains who are holding us in servitude!". Gioberti again, pushing across the crowd, towards Via del Pellegrino, more and more people following him. On the spur of the moment, I decided to go after him myself. I was a little out of breath when I reached Piazza del Santo Uffizio. A huge bonfire in the center of the square: in front of it Gioberti was haranguing the crowd. I say Gioberti, but the speech I witnessed might as well be delivered by Cola di Rienzo, or by Savonarola in front of his Bonfire of Vanities. I have just a partial recollection of the speech: my friend spoke of breaking chains, of reforming the Church, of free thought, of the Rights of Man, in a jumble of concepts not really consequential with each other. It did not matter: the crowd was taking it to its heart, cheering wildly. A line among others earned the most resounding roars: "It has been said that the most wicked of beasts is the lawless man. But I tell you: there is no more wicked beast than the man who hides behind the unjust laws!"(3)
I learned from people standing by that the crowd had broken the doors of Palazzo Pucci, pouring in and starting to throw papers and furniture from the windows. Priests and clerks of the Inquisition had been manhandled and chased away, but luckily no one was killed: after the bloodletting in Campo dei Fiori, the mood of the crowd had been festive rather than angry. After some time, I left, to walk across Rome assessing the situation. The worst incidents had occurred in front of the Viminale, housing both the Secretary of State and the offices of the Vicar of Rome: I guess that the latter, cardinal Patrizi Naro, had been the target of the crowd. The Viminale had been protected by a cordon of troops, and the attack had met with a bloody failure, leaving many bodies strewn in front of the building. Another attack had been carried out against the palace of cardinal Della Genga (4): after a failed attempt to breach the door and to set the palace on fire, the cardinal had lost his nerve and tried to reach the Vatican. His carriage had been stopped by the crowd, and the cardinal had been murdered in the affray. The other most notorious conservative cardinals (Lambruschini, Bernetti, Macchi) had been more prudent and kept to their palaces. Significantly, no attack had been attempted against the Vatican or the Quirinal: the figure of the Pope was still respected by the crowd. On my way home, I was relieved to see that all the main doors in the city wall were manned by the Guardia Civica, and no barricades had been erected within the city.

18 April: I was woken by the arrival of an urgent message from Card. Orioli (5): I have an audience with the Pope scheduled for noon at the Quirinal Palace. On my way there, I stopped to peruse some of the many newspapers which have sprung up like mushrooms. Last night had been a time for acts of revenge and settling of accounts. A number of policemen and police informers were murdered, and a few Monsignori and priests from the Santo Uffizio and the Judiciary met the same fate. Ominously, a death sentence, imposed by a self-appointed "Tribunal of the People", was found pinned to the breast of some of the bodies.
It was also reported that all the lay ministers of the Constitutional Government submitted their resignation to the Pope on the day before yesterday, an obvious reaction to the "non semel" allocution. Now I know why I am summoned by the Pope.
It was a very formal meeting, with the Pope in full regalia and a number of cardinals attending him. Curiously, it was Card. Antonelli to speak. The resignation of the Constitutional Government had opened a parliamentary crisis, and His Holiness would be willing to charge me with the forming of a new government. Just what I thought. I waited a minute or two before giving my answer, but I was not in any doubt. I informed His Holiness that I could not in good conscience accept the offer. No one tried to convince me to change my mind, if anything they were happy with it. Then I was quickly dismissed, the whole affair barely lasted half an hour, and returned home. More and more curious: the whole thing looked like a charade, a fictitious offer to solicit a refusal, and delivered by Antonelli who had no official role after his resignation as Secretary of State at the end of March. I am almost convinced that Antonelli is playing one of his games, which may only aim to convince His Holiness to do something he doesn't like. Patrizi Naro was also present, but didn't say a word: then he is in cahoots with Antonelli, but sets the latter up as the spokesman in order to keep his hands clean. It's quite possible that the two of them want the Pope to leave Rome, but for different reasons.
Two other messages have been delivered: one from Prince Bonaparte, asking me for a meeting at Circolo Popolare late this afternoon, the other from my friend Marco Minghetti (6), letting me know of his resignation from the government and of his departure for Bologna. No news, unfortunately, from Gioberti: I am quite worried.
Prince Bonaparte was waiting for me at Circolo Popolare, and led me to a meeting room. A group of people was already there, and quite an unexpected one: Prince Aldobrandini, dott. Pietro Sterbini, a bit pale but sitting erect, dott. Luigi Masi (7), Gioberti, looking more wane than ever, but with a fierce light in his eyes, a few other men I did not know well. Aldobrandini, Masi, and a couple of the others were in the uniform of Guardia Civica. I should have gone first to Gioberti, but the most surprising man in the room was Luigi Masi , who had left one month earlier as Adjutant Major to General Ferrari, and should have been very far from Rome. No time, anyway, for pleasantries. Prince Bonaparte was clearly in charge of the group and started to speak by complimenting me for my refusal to form a new government (as usual, his sources in the Curia were very effective), then went on: "The Pope's refusal of the Presidency of the Italian Confederation, and even more, the decision of His Holiness to pull out of the war against the Austrians have dangerously fueled the flames of a crisis which had been barely contained until now. The first two effects are already evident: the lay ministers in the Constitutional government have immediately resigned, and the events of yesterday have shaken the very foundations of Temporal Power in Rome. A number of Cardinals have already left Rome for the safety of the countryside, and many noble families have followed their example. The remaining members of the Curia are divided, and, as usual, His Holiness cannot make up his mind. It is clear that repression of the insurrection by force is impossible since the Guardia Civica has made very clear they would not support it." a respectful nod to Prince Aldobrandini "There are two alternative plans under discussions at the moment: to stay holed in the main palaces of Rome, confiding in a military intervention of one or more Catholic powers to rescue the situation, or to extract the Pope from Rome and place him in a more secure location, while the papal Nuncios will work to set up a coalition to bring him back in triumph to Rome. Neither plan is good, but possibly the latter is not as bad as the former. The third possibility would have been to make concessions to the crowd, and this is the reason count Mamiani was summoned to the Quirinal today: since the concessions would never have been enough, or even honestly offered, it was a good thing that this possibility has been taken from the table. I understand that Patrizi Naro and Antonelli are most insistent that the Pope should leave Rome, to repair in safety at Gaeta, in the portion of the kingdom of Two Sicilies still controlled by Ferdinando di Borbone. As a matter of fact, Prince Aldobrandini has already been contacted by card. Antonelli to make sure that the Guardia Civica will not oppose the flight of the Pope. I do strongly recommend that the Pope is allowed to leave Rome: in my opinion, it would simplify the solution of the crisis, while a continued presence of the Pope in Rome, claiming to be a "prisoner in the Vatican" would complicate things. Before discussing our options, I would like to ask Major Masi for a report, if Prince Aldobrandini agrees."
At a nod from the Prince, Major Masi spoke: "As everyone here knows, I left Rome in March, as Adjutant Major to General Ferrari, commanding the Roman Volunteers. Over these weeks, I have seen action in Dalmatia, from where, you will be happy to know, the Austrians have been completely expelled. Gen. Ferrari and I took ship to Ancona, where we met three thousand Roman Volunteers who had been shipped there from Ferrara. Gen. Ferrari has been on the march since his landing and is now about three days of march from Rome. He plans to enter the city on the morning of 21 April."
A murmur of surprised pleasure met these words. Prince Bonaparte turned to Prince Aldobrandini: "Is the arrival of these troops enough to secure the city?"
"Without any doubt. The Guardia Civica is already in control of the main doors in the city wall, and also of Castel Sant'Angelo, with its armory. The additional troops brought by Gen. Ferrari will be more than enough to secure Rome, even in the unlikely case that Ferdinando di Borbone feels bold enough to try to invade."
"I then so move that Prince Aldobrandini will negotiate the safe escape of His Holiness with Card. Antonelli. The mercenary regiments still in Rome will follow the Pope. In exchange, the Government of Rome will be taken up by an Emergency Committee, made up of Prince Aldobrandini, Count Mamiani, dott. Sterbini, sig. Gioberti and myself. No need to go into details with card. Antonelli, though. Just let him know that both the Viminal and the Quirinal will be handed over upon the departure of the Pope, while the Vatican palace will be held inviolate, waiting for his return. Is everyone in agreement?"
There were no objections, and the prince continued: "If everything goes well, the Pope will leave sometime tomorrow afternoon. A proclamation to the people of Rome must be prepared, for publication only after the Pope is no more in Rome: it will inform them of the departure of the Pope, of the establishment of the Emergency Committee, and of the future arrival of Gen. Ferrari. It will be also an invitation for all Romans to be at the Coliseum on 21 April, to celebrate Holy Easter and the traditional date of the foundation of Rome as well as the arrival of Gen. Ferrari. I believe that Count Mamiani and Dott. Sterbini should be in charge of the Proclamation as well as of the organization of the celebrations. Major Masi, will you be so kind to inform Gen. Ferrari of the situation in Rome and of our deliberations?"
"It will be my pleasure, Prince Bonaparte. Lieutenant Porzi (8), who has accompanied me in this explorative mission to Rome, will leave tomorrow morning to report to Gen. Ferrari. I beg your indulgence if I grant him a night with his young wife. I will meet gen. Ferrari on next Sunday, at dawn, before he enters Rome. Also, the pages of "Il Contemporaneo(9)" are at your complete disposal, to publish the proclamation and further notices to the good people of Rome."

I did spend some time afterward with Gioberti and Sterbini, mostly making sure of their health. The former seemed to have recovered from his previous depressive state and now seemed to have found a new purpose in life. The latter was obviously still in pain, but luckily he had been hit by a glancing shot, the damage limited to some loss of blood and a couple of cracked ribs.

Gioberti declined my invitation to stay at my house, so I walked alone home. Along the way, I played again in my mind the events and the news of the meeting just ended. It was obvious that Prince Bonaparte had assumed a leading role in the planning of the future events in Rome, and that Prince Aldobrandini had equally decided to be equal to his role of Commander of the Guardia Civica. The thing was that the two men had never been particularly friendly in the past and that politically they were not exactly on the same page: Bonaparte was mostly on democrat position, while Aldobrandini was a confirmed moderate liberal, as well as a strong supporter of the Pope. Notwithstanding these differences, they had smoothly collaborated during the meeting. In a few days, another major player would be present: general Ferrari would be the only true experienced soldier in Rome, and would have at his back six regiments of Guardie Civiche, who had been hardened by long marches and by continuous training, and whose morale had been boosted by the successes in the war. Three roosters in a single coop was not anything to take lightly. The most intriguing puzzle was another, though: Gen. Ferrari must have started his voyage in the first few days of April, to be in a position to enter Rome on 21 April. Who had been so prescient to issue the necessary orders so early?

Footnotes

"A man can propose, but only the people can order: a dog has a master, no master for a man! Freedom forever!". It's the fourth verse of a Jacobin song dating back to the Roman Republic of 1798
The Holy Roman Inquisition (also known as Santo Uffizio) was housed in Palazzo Pucci, in the Borgo Ward, not far from Piazza San Pietro. In 1848, it was necessary to use Ponte Sant'Angelo to cross the Tiber (the modern bridges had not yet been built).
Various (and somehow different) texts of Gioberti's speech have been published over the years, most of them by alleged witnesses. The very coherence of these texts is somehow suspicious, given Mamiani's appraisal of the state of mind of Gioberti on 17 April. It is also worth mentioning that Gioberti himself never wrote down his most famous speech. The only sentence reported by Mamiani is also believed to be apocryphal by some since it is based on a famous quote by Savonarola.
Card. Gabriele della Genga Sermattei, born in Assisi in 1801. He was notoriously positioned on the most conservative side of the Curia and behaved in a very harsh way during his tenure as Cardinal Legate of Pesaro and Urbino. IOTL, his palace was also attacked by rioters, and he was rescued by a carriage sent by Pio IX. ITTL, his luck does not work.
Secretary of State, after the resignation of Card. Antonelli at the end of March.
Marco Minghetti, born in Bologna in 1818, of a rich bourgeois family. After studying law, he was elected to the first Parliament in Rome and selected as Minister for Public Works in the Constitutional Government. A man to keep track of, he is going to leave a large footprint in Italian politics.
Dott. Luigi Masi, born in Petrignano di Assisi in 1814, of a bourgeois family with strong liberal sympathies. After completing his studies of Medicine, he became a confidential secretary and friend of Prince Bonaparte, and cooperated with him in the organization of the Italian Scientific Congresses of the 1840s. He enrolled in the Guardia Civica as a captain and was among the founders of Circolo Popolare in Rome. When Gen. Ferrari left Rome in command of the Volunteers, Masi followed him as Adjutant Major. IOTL , he fought with distinction in Veneto (Cornuda, Vicenza, siege of Venice) and was quickly promoted to colonel. ITTL, he has fewer opportunities for distinction on the battlefield but is going to enjoy a much more satisfactory and rewarding life.
Lieutenant Luigi Porzi, also enrolled in the Guardia Civica and with Ferrari's Volunteers. His "young wife" is Colomba Antonietti, a cousin of Luigi Masi on his mother's side. IOTL Colomba would die 23 years old, fighting against the French troops during the last days of the Roman Republic. Another person who gets a new lease in life ITTL, and may leave a larger footprint.
Daily newspaper directed by Masi himself, which IOTL was very influential in the Roman democratic debate. Masi's education of the masses through the newspaper, with a position that has been dubbed as "lovely rebellion" is generally acknowledged to have been pivotal in avoiding excesses during the days of the Roman Republic. ITTL, "Il Contemporaneo" will become the de facto official gazette of the Roman Republic.

Made in @LordKalvan & Tarabas

Tarabas · Jun 18, 2021

Facilis Descensus Averno

Part 4.2: E' l'omo che propone, ma 'r popolo dispone: er cane c'ha 'r padrone ma l'omo nun ce l'ha! Viva la libertà! (17-21 April)
[from the Diaries of Count Terenzio Mamiani]

19 April: I spent the first half of the morning drafting the Proclamation for the people of Rome. I am not so sure that my efforts will please Pietro Sterbini, since I tried to pour oil on the troubled situation in Rome: the departure of the pope was obviously mentioned, but I chose not to announce the end of the Temporal Power and the birth of a Roman Republic, even if I myself believe that there is no other way forward; the arrival of Gen. Ferrari in Rome on Easter Day was also revealed, and the Romans were invited to the celebrations in the Coliseum Sunday afternoon; an Emergency Committee had been formed, to handle the transition to a Constitutional Government, formed of lay Ministers and answering to the Parliament; new elections would be held in a short time and a Constitutional Convention would be empaneled; the commitment to the prosecution of the war against Austria would continue. The Proclamation ended exhorting the people of Rome to enjoy their freedom but also to respect law and order.
This task done, I decided to go to the Circolo Romano, in search of further news. I found the streets of Rome tense and quiet at the same time, as if the people was just starting to realize the magnitude of the step they had taken, and was looking with mixed hope and apprehension to the future. Unsurprisingly, the news about the departure of the Pope and the arrival of Gen. Ferrari was already widespread: it is almost impossible to keep secrets in Rome. On my way, I met sig. Brunetti and stopped for a few words: Ciceruacchio would always be a good indicator of the feeling of the lower classes. He was obviously elated for the events of Campo dei Fiori, and revealed that he was mustered with the Guardia Civica there, on that fateful day, under the command of Francesco Sturbinetti (1), and it was Sturbinetti who had given the order to the Guardia Civica to wheel and volley when the dragoons had started their charge. Ciceruacchio had no qualms about this, and was very proud of his commanding officer and his comrades: the process had been a sham, and topping it with a massacre of the crowd could not be countenanced. He was less pleased with the disorders which erupted afterwards: this stout burgher had a natural leaning for law and order, and the burnings and the killings which followed for a day and a night disturbed him deeply. Finally, he was very sad for the future departure of the pope: even now, after all the contradictions of the papal rule he had to witness, sig. Brunetti held in his heart a deep reverence and love for the pope.
Pio IX could never be wrong, could never make a mistake, much less betray his subjects: he was deeply sure that the Curia was at the root of each and every evil which had happened, in particular the Austriacanti (2) Cardinals who had conspired in the shadows to thwart the true desires of the Good Pope. There was nothing I could do to change his mind, so I didn't even try, and after a few soothing words I left, mulling in my mind on the most surprising news I got: I had been wondering who had been in charge of the Guardia Civica in Campo dei Fiori, but I would never have imagined that Sturbinetti would had taken the snap decision to stop the charge of the dragoons. I know well Pietro Sturbinetti, and he is a good and upright man, a convinced liberal and an ardent patriot, but making this momentous decision? Once again, the spring of 1848 was proving to be a veritable cornucopia of surprises.
I found Aldobrandini and Sturbinetti at the Circolo Romano, just returned from their meeting with card. Antonelli. All the conditions discussed yesterday at the Circolo Popolare had been accepted: the Pope would leave Rome at dawn tomorrow for Gaeta; a few Cardinals would go with him (Lambruschini, Bernetti, Patrizi Naro, Gizzi, Orioli) as well as the ambassadors of Austria, Spain, Two Sicilies and Modena (all the other ambassadors would remain in Rome); the papal cortege would be escorted by the two remaining Swiss regiments and a dragoon regiment. Antonelli himself would remain in Rome, with the title of Cardinal Vicar pro-tempore, and would reside in the Lateran: his request of keeping a regiment of Swiss as security force for the Vatican and Lateran was refused, security would be guaranteed by the Guardia Civica. The Quirinal and the Viminal would be handed over to the Municipality.
Everything was quite satisfactory.

I met Sterbini at the Circolo Popolare: as I anticipated, he was not elated by my Proclamation draft, but after a brief discussion he agreed that it would be better to keep a low profile for the time being. He also mentioned he was writing an editorial for Il Contemporaneo, which would be published tomorrow: I only hope it will be not too divisive.
The Principe di Canino and dott. Masi were also there, and they both confirmed the political situation in Rome was quite good.
The prince was quite buoyant: "It's going to be the best of possible worlds: a revolution in Rome, and the man responsible for it is the Pope!"(3)

20 April: I had to witness the papal cortege leaving Rome, heralding the end of an age and the dawn of a new one: there was no pomp and no glory, a squadron of dragoons leading the cortege, followed by a string of coaches with the curtains drawn (I couldn't even guess which coach the pope would be in); the procession was closed by two regiments of Swiss, marching smartly. The Guardia Civica was present in force, but there was no incident: plenty of Romans were lining the road, in silence. If anything, it looked like a funeral.
There were no catcalls, no applauses: what a difference with the early days of Pio IX's papacy, when every outing of the pope was celebrated by excited crowds, calling all the blessings of God on his head.
Nothing else worth of note happened today, except only the publication of Sterbini's editorial on Il Contemporaneo: titled "The Demands of the People", it recounted a gruesome incident happened in Baden in September 1847 (4), when a peaceful electoral rally of the Democrats had been dispersed by a gruesome attack of the Baden dragoons, resulting in more than twenty casualties, and scores of arrests and subsequent sentence to jail. A leaflet listing 13 Demands of the People had been printed by the organizers of the rally, and, after the rally had been bloodily broken, had been reprinted in thousands of copies, becoming a cause célèbre in all the Germanies, being also the spark for the insurrection of Baden last month. Sterbini listed the 13 Demands, which, he argues, are most suitable also for the people of Rome and should be the basis for the future freedom. In all honesty, I could myself subscribe these demands, even if a couple of them advocate for a strong interference of the state into the rules of a free market: they may be right in principle, but their adoption would be likely to polarize the political debate, and potentially damage the alliance between liberals and democrats. I admit being somehow relieved, though: knowing Sterbini, I was expecting something much more incendiary.

21 April: This morning, at dawn, Gen. Ferrari and Major Masi entered Rome, followed by six regiments of Guardie Civiche, smartly attired in their uniforms and marching like veterans. Their route was lined by thousands of Romans, cheering wildly, applauding, throwing flowers. Gen. Ferrari with a single regiment went straight to Piazza San Pietro, where a solemn Easter Mass was celebrated in the basilica. Then the General and his men marched to the Coliseum, where further celebrations were planned.
The celebration of the founding day of Rome may be at odds with the celebration of Easter, but this year the resurrection of Our Savior coincided with the resurrection of the ancient freedoms of Rome, no one, from the loftiest aristocrat to the humblest laborer could deny it. Here also the third most important celebration took place: I never mentioned this before even in my diary, being sworn to secrecy, but the Emergency Committee had voted for offering Gen. Ferrari the dictatorship of Rome, for a period of 6 months, and Bonaparte and Aldobrandini had managed to convince Parliament to back this proposal. It had been justified by the the need of bridging the unsettled period between the departure of the Pope and new elections to be organized, and a new Constitution to be approved, but even more by the danger that Ferdinando di Borbone might decide to bring back the Pope to Rome with the bayonets of his soldiery: in such a case, who better than an experienced military man with an impeccable democrat and republican past history to be the shield of the new fledgling state? I saw the surprise in the eyes of Gen. Ferrari, I saw he was ready to refuse: at that point, 24 members of the Guardia Civica marched forward, each one holding a Republican axed fasces, according to the hallowed tradition of ancient Rome, and the thousands of Romans sitting in the amphitheater erupted into a mighty cheer.
Ferrari relented, and, drawing his sword, spoke in a ringing voice: "I accept the honor you do to me, Romani, and I do swear on this my sword that I will fight without fear or hesitation to uphold the newly regained freedom of the Roman people and that I will give back the laurels of dictator at the end of the prescribed period, or earlier if this is the will of the Senate and the People of Rome. So help me God. Lictors, keep your axes sharp and be ready to use them on me if I prove forsworn."

Footnotes

Federico Sturbinetti, born in Rome in 1807. A lawyer by trade, and a patriot, but late in entering the realm of politics. He joined the Guardia Civica as Captain in 1847, and in February 1848 was chosen as Minister of Public Works. Later on, he became Minister of Justice. Not exactly the man to start a revolution, but, hey, it's 1848.
Austriacanti (i.e. Austrian supporters) was the nickname of the conservative faction in the Curia most closely aligned with Austria's interests
The Prince of Canino wrote exactly these words in his OTL memoirs
The rally of Offenburg, in Baden, was held on 12 September 1847, organized by radicals and democrats and the 13 Demands of the People were printed and widely distributed. IOTL, the rally was dispersed by the dragoons, and there were many arrests and sentences to jail, but only minor casualties occurred. ITTL, things go much worse, and the rally becomes much more significant.

Made in @LordKalvan

Tarabas · Jun 21, 2021

A Waterloo of Law and Order - Part 2

London - 12 April 1848, Evening
"It doesn't mean that we can be confident that the Germanies are stable, though. The Grand Duchy of Baden may become a significant concern on the map of Germany, small as it is. In September last year, the radicals organized a political rally in a small town named Offenburg: ostensibly, it was a campaign rally for a by-election to the Lower Chamber. It shouldn't have been worthy of notice, but Offenburg appears to be a node of the western Germany railways, and instead of the few scores of people that such a rally would have attracted, over a thousand radicals arrived in Offenburg, not just from Baden but also from Frankfurt, Hesse, and the Prussian Rhineland. For reasons I find very hard to fathom, the government of Baden had the brilliant idea of dispersing the rally, even if by all account it was quite a peaceful demonstration: a lot of speeches, a list of demands, the signing of petitions. If I had to guess, I'd say that Metternich is the true culprit for what happened: since the rally was notified in advance to the authorities, some petty bureaucrat in Frankfurt must have decided that the rally contravened the Carlsbad Dictates, and put on notice his counterpart in Baden. They didn't send constables to keep an eye on the rally and disperse it if it was going to become too bumptious: they sent two hundred dragoons, probably under the command of some aristocratic blockhead, and things went from ugly to worse. There was a score of casualties, three scores of arrests, but that was not the worst." Lord Palmerston stopped for a moment, to sip from his glass of sherry, then went on: "There were a number of journalists covering the event, and by next day the news of the Offenburg Night-of-Blood (1) was reported all over Western Germany, including the list of demands presented by the radicals and all the gory details of the affray. Overnight, a folk hero was born: a Friedrich Heckler, who was portrayed killed in cold blood, defending women and children.
The government of Baden didn't even have the good sense to let things go: the arrested were put on trial, and suddenly there was a cause célèbre, with all the proceeds reported on a daily basis. There was a lively parliamentary debate in the Lower House of Baden, with motions and interrogations which failed to carry a majority, but had the effect of pushing liberals and radicals into closer cooperation. When the news of the French revolution reached Karlsruhe, there were rallies and riots, and on 4 March the Lower House approved almost unanimously the Charter of Offenburg, as it came to be known. The old government was replaced by a new one, a coalition of democrats and liberals, a National Guard was formed, and armed. Even the army had to swear fealty to the Constitution and Parliament. It goes without saying that the events in Karlsruhe influenced all its neighbors: Hesse and Wurttemberg have already granted a National Guard, and even Bavaria, where king Maximilian was only recently crowned after the Estates forced his father to abdicate for being a spendthrift and also for his scandalous relationship with a dancer (2), is seriously considering it.
Similar events happened in Saxony too, although without violence. A petition based on the Charter of Offenburg was submitted, there were rallies in Dresden, and in the end, the government resigned, and the Charter was approved. Now there is a liberal government there too, a National Guard has been created and the army has sworn an oath on the constitution.
The situation is potentially very unstable, because a preliminary parliament has self-installed itself in Frankfurt, with a significant radical presence, and German political expatriates in France and Switzerland have crossed the border of Baden. The turn of events in Baden has kept everything on best behavior, for now at least, but let us not become complacent."

"It looks to me that the future French behavior will play a critical role: M. Lamartine has played very nicely for now, but there are going to be elections in France and things might take a turn for the worse, in one way or another." Lord John Russell allowed himself a minimal smile: "Maybe the next turn of the wheel will see revolution exported from the Germanies into France: wouldn't it be a new and fresh thing?"

"I fail to share your mirth" Palmerston's tone was astringent: "Western Germany will be even more influenced by the turn of events in Prussia and in Austria. The latter, in particular, keeps me awake at night. However, before dealing with Austria and Italy, let me finish with the other pieces on the board.
There have been rallies and riots in both Sweden and Denmark: the unrest in Stockholm has been put down with a mailed fist, there have been casualties and arrests, but the government appears to be in full control now; the situation in Copenhagen is better and worse at the same time. Frederik VII (2) was crowned on 20 January last and started his reign with the announcement of Constitutional reform. I don't want to bore you, the issue is long and complex, so I will simplify: the king of Denmark is also duke of Schleswig and Holstein, and before the proposed reform each of these three portions was entitled to its own laws and Estates. The king's proposal featured a Constitution which would have covered all the parts of the kingdom: Denmark proper and the two Duchies jointly would be entitled to equal representation in Parliament. This proposal displeased everyone: the population of Denmark proper is much higher than the population of the Duchies, and resented the bigger weight the latter would have in Parliament, while the population of the Duchies, in particular Holstein, simply did not want to change the previous arrangement which granted them many devolved powers. To further complicate the issue, the population of Schleswig is majority Dane, with a significant German minority, while the population of Holstein is almost completely German, and the Duchy is a member of the German Confederation. The outcome was a major rally in Copenhagen on the 20th of March, which forced the hand of the king. A more liberal constitution was demanded, a new government, and the unification of Schleswig with Holstein, with the former also joining the German Confederation. This was accepted by the king, with the only exception of the status of Schleswig, which would remain an integral part of Denmark, although with some devolved powers, and with the same Constitution. Holstein would have their own constitution and would continue their membership in the German Confederation.
These reforms satisfied the Danes, and might even be satisfactory for the Germans: unfortunately, by the time this proposal was delivered to the Duchies, Holstein was already in armed insurrection. Here we stand for now: I have no particular interest in this row, except that a weakening of Denmark might whet Prussian appetites, and Great Britain cannot tolerate the Baltic straits to be under the control of Prussia.
Of course, an independent Denmark is also in the interest of Russia, and I plan to involve them in the dispute if necessary.
Now, finally, Russia: after some sabre rattling when the news of the French revolution reached St. Petersburg, the Czar has decided to move his army to the border with the Germanies. It's not there waiting to invade, but rather as a cordon sanitaire to prevent revolutionary fevers to infect Holy Mother Russia, and to keep a close eye on the activity of Poles, both in Poland proper and in the Duchy of Poznan. All Russians abroad have been ordered to return, which is quite a stupid move if the Czar wants to avoid news of the revolutions to become known in Russia, and every foreigner, merchants, and diplomats include, who wants to enter Russia need to apply for a special permit. The only activity of Russian troops outside the borders has been in the Danubian Principalities, in particular in Moldova, where they have quashed without difficulty a few rallies in favor of constitutional developments.
Thank God for small mercies: at least we don't have to worry about Russian armies rampaging in Central Europe.
Now let's adjourn to the dining room, before delving into the two most intriguing and potentially problematic areas: Austria and the Italian States."

Footnotes

The Offenburger Blutnacht is where the political history of Germany diverges from OTL. The harshness of the repression did much to shatter the complacency of the Western German liberals. It didn't happen in Baden, the German state with quite a decent constitution, by happenstance: the most astute political observer that is playing a center-stage role in this TL, the Count of Cavour, commented that granting a Constitution is not the end of a political process, but rather the start of it, and its effect cannot be truly understood until things start to change in a macroscopic way. The press coverage of the massacre gave unexpected publicity to the Offenburg Charter, a German folk hero was born (and not the usual caricature of a revolutionary or an anarchist: for good or for bad, Friedrich Heckler became overnight a byword for a stout German burgher who stands firm in defense of women and children. It's doubtful that he had time for any significant last word, but all the reporters wrote that in his last defiance he spoke the same words that Luther spoke at the Diet of Worms: "Hier ich stehe. Ich kann nicht anders", "I stand here. I cannot do otherwise", and even nowadays these words remain an integral part of his legend). The divergence started slowly, first the horror for the massacre, then the sympathy for the Demands of the People, followed by a tentative rapprochement between liberals and radicals, and finally the integral adoption of the Charter by the Lower Chamber of Baden. By the end of March, the divergence had become quite evident, and the alliance of convenience between liberals and democrats had become very hard to stop, unless by force of arms. IOTL, the forces of reaction proved to be willing and capable to squash the popular insurrections, but this started to happen only in the second half of 1848. ITTL, the princes should oppose in arms the insurrections in April, and they are not in a position to do it.
The figure of Maximilian, king of Bavaria, is ambiguous: let's say that he was a follower, rather than a leader, and lacked a strong political ideology. Just crowned, after the forced abdication of his father, and without a clear lead, it is quite likely he would bow to the prevailing liberal wave.
Frederik of Denmark is another king who just recently got the crown. It is quite possible that his constitutional plans were born more from a desire to shed the responsibilities of an autocrat than from a true belief in a constitutional setting. His handling of the constitutional crisis was less than inspired, and at the same time, the insurrection of Holstein was motivated by reactionary and particularistic reasons rather than by the liberal ideals of 1848 or even by pan-Germanism. Being the result of two equally faulty approaches, the crisis of Schleswig-Holstein proved difficult to solve through a reasonable compromise.

Made in @LordKalvan

Tarabas · Jun 23, 2021

A Waterloo of Law and Order - Part 3

London - 12 April 1848, Evening

Palmerston and Russell had, by tacit agreement, refrained from discussing foreign affairs over dinner. Now they were sipping a decent Port, and it was time to go back to work:
"We both have been aware for almost a year that the situation in the Italian Peninsula was unstable enough to justify serious concern, and the decision of sending Lord Minto on a roving mission to Italy was a very good idea. One could see the writing on the wall since the election of the new Pope. Since then, other events have conspired to bring the Italian pots to a boiling point: two years in a row of bad harvests, food prices rising and the economy in a slump, the Austrian policies in Lombardy-Venetia and the Duchies, the Sicilian separatism and the incapacity of the Bourbon king in Naples to change his policies. At the very least, we have been less blind than Guizot in Paris and Metternich in Vienna have been, which is why we are still in power and they have been sent in exile, but we have misjudged the order of magnitude of the upheaval. To give Minto his due, his reports from both Rome and Naples were right on the money: the Pope in Rome was on his way to make a big mess by trying to please, in turn, progressives and reactionaries; the king in Naples is less perceptive of the way the world is changing than the Czar of Russia. Minto's appraisal of the situation in Turin and Florence was equally correct, even if I was somehow skeptical that the king of Sardinia would be so flexible. To my justification, it was impossible to anticipate that Carlo Alberto would cede the reins of both the war and the diplomacy to his son, and that prince Ferdinando would prove so skilled and bold in both fields. I met the prince a few times in London, and he certainly made a good impression on me: very polite, intelligent, with a keen interest in mathematics and sciences, and a habit to think before speaking which is not usually associated with continental royalty. What he has achieved in less than one month is staggering, and his military victories are possibly the least of it: Radetzky is an old war-horse, who may be past his prime, the Austrian army has not fought a real war since 1815 and the news of the insurrection in Vienna didn't improve the morale of the soldiers."

"Prince Albert has been touting his high opinion of the heir to the throne of Sardinia for years, and since the reports on the war in Northern Italy have started to arrive, he's become almost insufferable. I had not been aware that Sardinia had started to militarize so heavily, though. Did sir Ralph fail to keep us appraised?" Lord Russell interjected.

"Apparently it was not a traditional upgrade, but rather a brainchild of Prince Ferdinando: better rifles, a lot of training, and emphasis on logistics and planning. In one word: quality. I don't want to sound too impressed, but it appears that prince Ferdinando had already planned the whole campaign from the beginning, and not just the first part of it: the day after his victory at Goito, he was already sending his troops forwards, not just to invest Verona, but further east across the Adige into Veneto, and north into Trentino. He looks like a chess player who has already played in his mind the next 5 or 6 moves of the game. Bold, but neither rash nor just insanely lucky.
However, his wildest successes have been political rather than military. The first of his coups is, in my view both the boldest and the most valuable: two days after Goito, he left for Venice, with a minimal escort, and in Venice, he was the midwife for the new Republic of St. Mark. He was very lucky, I admit it: the day he arrived in Venice was also the day on which the former Austrian ships dropped anchors in the lagoon, after the success of the mutiny of Pola, but to behave like he did can only mean that he had already planned the republican solution in Venice in advance. Not exactly what you would expect from royalty, but it was inspired and paid huge dividends: now the Serenissima is the most faithful and trustworthy ally he could hope to find, and his generosity has started a rush of supporters flocking to his banners: not just Tuscany, but also all the Provisional Governments which have sprung up in Italy, from Lombardy to the Cispadanian duchies to Sicily. Thanks to his.. sorcery, let's say, now a Confederation of Italian States has sprung to life, like Athena from the head of Jove. And did the humble Prince even ask for the presidency of the Confederation? No, he offered it to the Pope, who has turned it down. I just got a cable from Florence, but, even before receiving it, I was sure that such an offer would not be acceptable to Pio IX: it was a poison pill, covered in sugar and perfumed, but deadly. Sir Ralph Abernathy is firmly convinced that this gambit was devised by the Count of Cavour, who has become the most trusted and the closest advisor of the prince, and his political agent among the representatives of the Italian States which signed up for the Confederation. Whoever thought it up, the Confederation is not going to fold up because the Pope said no, and I can easily predict that once the refusal becomes public, the prince will be offered the presidency without even having to ask for it."

Lord Russell made a moue: "Just what we need: a demigod rampant in Northern Italy, smart enough to realize that honey is better than vinegar to catch flies, and with a reborn Machiavelli as his advisor. The war in Northern Italy has turned against the Austrians, and I doubt they may turn the tide. Why there has not yet been a move to end the war before it creates even more instability? I know the Austrian emperor is not competent to rule but is his affliction contagious? Have the Regency Council and the ministers lost their minds too?"

"The war started barely three weeks ago, when the Sardinian army crossed the Ticino, and it is just one of the many woes of the Austrian empire, even if it is the most grievous one. Prague and Vienna are both in the hands of insurgents, Hungary has all but revolted, even if for the time being they are playing nice, provided that the Imperial Government agrees with all their demands. The Slavs and the Rumanians under the Hungarian crown are for the time being faithful to the empire, but only because they hate the Hungarians. Since the resignation of Prince Metternich, the Regency Council has been paralyzed by fright, and the only thing on which they have been able to agree is to play for time by accepting the requests of the insurgents and hoping in a miracle to save them. Not only such a miracle is unlikely, but the reverses in Italy have weakened the charisma of the Austrian army, which has always been the strongest pillar of the dynasty. My best guess, the Regency Council is trying to find enough courage for a last roll of dice in Italy, hoping to improve the standing of the army and, hopefully, to recover some of the lost provinces. As of now, the Italians have taken Lombardy, Veneto, Trentino, Friuli up to the Isonzo, all of Dalmatia. If they ask for a ceasefire and a negotiated peace, these provinces would be lost, and Lombardy and Venetia are the most profitable provinces of the empire. On top of that, the Adriatic is again a Venetian lake, which means that their main ports, Trieste, Fiume, and Pola, could be easily blockaded. Can you see an Austrian Archduke signing on that? The current Chancellor is Franz von Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky (1), a man with liberal leanings, at least if you compare him with Metternich. The other two members are Archduke Ludwig (2) and Archduke Franz (3). Von Kolowrat is mostly a money man, his background is in finance and commerce; of the two Archdukes, Ludwig is the most forceful, and is very conservative; his brother Franz is a cipher, without much interest in politics. I am informed that von Kolowrat would like to start peace talks, but he cannot impose his will on the Archdukes, and his tenure as Chancellor may come to an end soon. Among the ministers, the most important ones are Karl Ludwig von Ficquelmont (4), another superannuated general turned minister of Foreign Affairs, and Theodor von Baillet-Latour (5). It looks like the Austrian Government is where ancient generals spend their last years before being called to their ultimate reward. Not exactly the people who can be convinced by logic: von Ficquelmont is rumored to become soon the next Chancellor, and von Baillet-Latour is a notorious firebreather.
Given these players on the field, I anticipate another major battle in Eastern Friuli, but I do not anticipate an Austrian victory: the commander of the Austrian army in Gorizia is Laval Nugent von Westmeath (6), coetaneous of both von Ficquelmont and von Baillet-Latour. Good wines improve with age, generals usually don't."

Lord Russell was a bit pale now: "The picture you're painting is dire. The Austrian empire has been our traditional anchor to ensure stability in Central Europe, and from what you say, it might collapse entirely."

"I don't expect Austria to collapse completely: it still controls large swaths of Central and Eastern Europe, and there is a limit to the tricks that prince Ferdinando may extract from an empty hat. This said, I suppose we must consider the probability of a new player just in the center of the Mediterranean, and an Austria cut down in size and prestige. The Sardinian ambassador has always made friendly noises, and Sir Ralph is adamant that the Italian Confederation cannot afford to be hostile. The world changes, Russell, and we must change with it: Great Britain has never had permanent allies, only permanent interests. (7)

Footnotes

Franz Anton von Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky, Austrian politician and moderate liberal, born in 1778. On the Regency Council since it was formed in 1835, and an opponent of Prince von Metternich. He was appointed Chancellor after the resignation of Metternich, and replaced by von Ficquelmont one month later.
Archduke Ludwig, an uncle of the emperor Ferdinand I, born in 1784. On the Regency Council since it was formed in 1835. He was also president of the German Confederation. Conservative.
Archduke Franz, younger brother of the emperor Ferdinand I. On the Regency Council since it was formed in 1835. Scarcely interested in politics or in government responsibilities. IOTL, he renounced his rights as heir when his brother abdicated in November 1848. The crown went to his eldest son, Franz Joseph.
Karl Ludwig von Fiquelmont, Austrian politician and general, conservative. Born in 1777. IOTL, replaced von Kolowrat as Chancellor on 19 April 1848.
Theodor von Baillet-Latour, Austrian politician and general, conservative. Born in 1777. IOTL, he was lynched by rioters on 6 October 1848, at the beginning of the second Vienna uprising.
Laval Nugent von Westmeath, Austrian general, born in Ireland in 1777. Currently in command of the Austrian army in Gorizia
An actual quote of Lord Palmerston

Made in @LordKalvan &Tarabas

Tarabas · Jun 25, 2021

Easter Eggs

Verona, 21 April

Ferdinando and Maria Cristina attended Mass in a small chapel in the Guardia Nuova, early in the morning on Easter Day.
The prince could not really concentrate: he was continuously thinking about his father, who was still at Villa Pindemonte to rest and recover. By all accounts, he didn't look very well, and the doctors said he showed no sign of recovery. He had aged fast, since his arrival in Isola della Scala: not just the heart attack he suffered, but also his chronic liver problem was affecting him badly. However, the last time he had seen him, Carlo Alberto's eyes were bright, his spirit high, and the prince prayed to God to spare his father, he wasn't yet ready to give him the last goodbye.
After Mass, he and Maria Cristina broke their fast together in a small room nearby. The conversation languished a bit, as the both of them were far away with their thoughts. As if reading her brother's mind, Maria Cristina suddenly said: "You know, Ferdi, it would be wonderful if Father could have been with us today. I believe I never enjoyed a private breakfast like this, with him and you." Ferdinando nodded: Carlo Alberto had always been a distant father, their mother had always been quite cold with both of them, and the strict protocol of the Court in Turin had never contemplated such informal moments. Maria Cristina's eyes were getting wet, and she broke into tears when at the end of the breakfast a note by Carlo Alberto was brought in by an attendant. A single sentence, but by far the greatest sign of affection he had ever shown them: "I am so proud of you, my children. I have made many mistakes in my life, but I also received from God the greatest price a father could hope for."

There was going to be a more formal Easter Mass at noon, in the Verona Cathedral, dedicated to Santa Maria Assunta, to be followed by a solemn Te Deum, but Ferdinando could not relax for even a couple hours. When he left his sister, he found the count of Cavour waiting for him in the corridor, and they went to seclude themselves in the prince's study.
"Good morning, Ferdinando. Happy Easter"
"You look very smug: did you get good news in the morning mail?"
Cavour looked very satisfied with himself: "I can say I did. Case Rubicon is coming very close to a satisfactory conclusion: gen. Ferrari is expected in Rome today, but the big news is that the Pope has left Rome, on his way to Gaeta. The situation in Rome is a bit confused, but the Guardia Civica appears to have things well in hand, and the order has been restored in the city."
"I was not expecting the Pope to leave Rome so soon. Who was left in charge of the city?"
"Card. Antonelli, as pro-tempore Cardinal Vicary, but the real power appears to be in the hands of an Emergency Committee. Prince Bonaparte and Prince Aldobrandini are the most influential men there. I don't personally know either of them, but I heard Solaro della Margherita slandering Prince Bonaparte, and this is enough for me to say he's a good guy. However, I do know Count Mamiani, who is another member of the Committee, and I can swear he's a reasonable man. There is a rumor, picked up by our ambassador in Rome, that gen. Ferrari is going to be offered a time-limited dictatorship. That is very interesting, don't you think?"
"Gen. Durando has quite a high opinion of prince Aldobrandini, who has been Minister for War. Anyway, the Romans have to sort out the mess on their own. That was very clear from the beginning. The Legations of Romagna are a different matter, though. Send a message to Marquis D'Azeglio and to Brigadier Bignami, appraising them of the developments in Rome. I do not expect Cardinal Legate D'Amat to make problems, but tell them anyway the silk gloves are a must."
"I thought you said that one cannot make a revolution wearing silk gloves..." Camillo replied, waiting for a quip in reply, but none came. "Which strange paths are you threading in the secret of your mind, my Prince, which convoluted conundrum are you trying to solve?" mused the count, knowing very well that he would know only when Ferdinando would be ready for it.

Naples, 21 April

King Ferdinand had decided to celebrate Easter at the Villa Reale of Capua, with close family only. This has not been received very well by the poorest segment of the population of Naples, who relied on gratuities and food gifts from the Court on High Feast days, but the king had been adamant: he was positively sick of Naples, and all its problems.
The king was walking the gardens of Villa Reale together with his youngest brother, Leopoldo, count of Siracusa, while his twelve-years-old son and heir Francesco was playing with (or better said, being bullied by) his younger half-brother, the nine-years-old Luigi. Ferdinand was carefully observing the two children, and complained: "I do not know what these priests are teaching to Francesco, the lasagna(1) he's so fond of has more spine than him..."
"He needs to grow up, brother. We all had to, remember?"
"I was barely older than him when I took charge of the Army, brother... Better, simpler times! When ruling was an adventure, and I did not have to suffer the homilies of Lord Minto, who feels entitled to come to my royal palace and give me instructions, coaxed in a mealy-mouthed diplomatic language, but still instructions. To a God-anointed king! I'm sick of this Scottish lord, and I am even sicker of his master, the never-enough reviled Palmerston. Do you remember how Palmerston refused to listen to my just complaints regarding the unfortunate marriage of our brother (2)? A potential threat to the succession to the throne of Two Sicilies and the dynasty, and yet..."
The Count of Siracusa bit his tongue: his brother discussing marriages in front of him was at least in bad taste. Not that this was his main problem, though: he was already convinced that this Easter Day was going to be a long and dreary one, and the very first topic his brother the king had picked up, digging up an old but not forgotten slight, made it clear his fears were going to be confirmed (3).
"The only saving grace is that Minto left yesterday for London. Good riddance to him, I am not going to miss his supercilious advice. Unfortunately, I cannot get rid as easily of all the others who prove to be a pain in my royal arse. Carlo Troya (4) is a case in point: he is my prime minister, and as such he should be completely dedicated to following my instructions, and should not presume to give me his unsolicited advice. He has been appointed less than three weeks ago, but my patience has already evaporated: could you believe he was lecturing me about my obligations as a constitutional king? I am not a constitutional king, I am a God-anointed king!"
"Any man who needs to say "I am the king" is no true king", Siracusa thought, but he knew better than saying this aloud. He kept silent, listening to his brother ranting about his powers and claiming to be a good father he was for his subjects.
"It is unfortunate that I am surrounded by traitors, by people who don't want to understand that they cannot object to my decisions, that they have just to obey. Take Guglielmo Pepe (5): an old general from Calabria, who spent most of his life in exile because he was a traitor and a Carbonaro to boot. My generous amnesty allowed him to come back to Naples last month, but when I asked him to be my Prime Minister he refused, on flimsy excuses. Then I asked him to prepare an invasion of Sicily, to punish those traitors, and he refused again: he wants to go to Northern Italy to fight the Austrians, and he wants to take most of my army with him. He's crazy, or he's a traitor too. I will never spend my gold and my soldiers to allow Carlo Alberto to expand his kingdom and gain Lombardy. Never, Never, Never!!!"

"I understand that His Holiness is no more committed to the war against Austria, so you should not feel any obligation in that respect. I also heard that he has left Rome, after a popular insurrection, and should be in Gaeta by now..."

"Those fat priests were not even able to keep their position secure in Rome, and now they are coming here to ask my support for regaining their throne. I cannot send my regiments away, there is a peasant insurrection in Abruzzi, and another one in Calabria, and those thrice-damned Sicilians.... Traitors, I am surrounded by traitors..."
"I know how lonely you feel, brother. I know... I mean, I am no King, and I can just imagine the burden of our Nation on your shoulders, but.. somehow I know how you feel. You are not surrounded just by traitors, though: you have your family to rely upon."
The king looked startled and somewhat wary. Not far away, Francesco started to cry: Luigi had hit him hard and was chortling and taunting his brother. For some reason, this apparently relaxed the king, who said: "Yes, family. This whole kingdom should be my family, but for some things, I can only rely on blood ties, my father's blood. You share my blood, brother: can I trust you?"
Leopoldo smiled. "Of course, brother. I can be to you what statues are to me: a refuge from that huge disappointment that we call humanity." The king laughed hard. He was going to say something, when Francesco rushed towards them, looking for help against his brother.
"What am I going to make with you, son?" the king mused. Instead, Leopoldo whispered to his nephew's hear:
"We will make a great king out of you, but you will need to grow. Fast." A piece of strange advice coming from a stoic and patient man, Leopoldo admitted to himself, but as a sculptor, he had learned that each block of stone required to be carved in its own proper way.

Footnotes

This is OTL: Francesco II was so fond of lasagna that he earned the nickname of "King Lasagna" or simply "Lasa" (though he is mostly remembered as Franceschiello).
Carlo Ferdinando di Borbone-Due Sicilie was the younger brother of King Ferdinando II (as well as the heir to the throne, until a male heir was born). The relation with his elder brother was never good, and Carlo wanted a throne himself. There was a possibility for him to be chosen as king of Greece, but the window of opportunity closed soon. Carlo started traveling all over Europe, spending like a lord, and in 1835 he fell in love with a Miss Penelope Smyth, a British national. Ferdinando refused to sanction this morganatic marriage, but the two lovebirds married anyway at Gretna Green in Scotland (a town that did not require a marriage license). The kingdom of Two Sicilies sued for the annulment of the marriage, but Penelope was a God-daughter of Lord Palmerston, and the complaint was tossed out of court. The two brothers have been estranged since the marriage, and in 1848 Carlo Ferdinando is living in England, with Penelope.
Leopoldo di Borbone-Due Sicilie was the youngest brother of King Ferdinando II, was born in Palermo, in 1813, and kept always a strong connection with the island. In 1830, he was appointed as Lieutenant for the kingdom of Sicily, and generally, he was well-liked by Sicilian liberals. The breakup between the king and him happened in 1834 when negotiations were started with Louis Philippe of France to marry Leopoldo to one of his two daughters, Marie. The negotiations went sour, ostensibly for a disagreement on Marie's dowry and the unrest in France, and the wedding was canceled. There was an unofficial theory, however, that the true reason was a rumor started by Metternich, according to which Leopoldo wanted at least the title of Viceroy of Sicily (if not the outright separation of the two crowns), while Louis Philippe, whose other daughter had married the king of the Belgians, wanted a crown also for Marie. The unofficial explanation makes somehow more sense than a mere squabble on the dowry and is also credible since not only Leopoldo was recalled to Naples, and stripped of the Lieutenancy, but the separate status of Sicily was also terminated a couple of years later, and the island was governed directly from Naples (which was one of the hottest grievances of the Sicilian insurgents in 1848). There was a serious breakdown between the king and Leopoldo, but by 1838 they were again on speaking terms, and Leopoldo married Maria Vittoria di Savoia-Carignano, a cousin at some remove of Carlo Alberto. The marriage was not very successful, and the newlyweds soon started to live separate from each other. In the 1840s, Leopoldo refused to take any official position in the kingdom and mostly dedicated himself to artistic pursuits (he was a decent sculptor and painter).
Carlo Troya, born in Naples in 1784, of a noble family close to the dynasty. After his participation in the insurrection of 1821, he had to go into exile in Tuscany, where he struck many strong friendships with other exiled. In 1826 was pardoned, and could return to Naples, where he dedicated himself to linguistic and historical studies. By the 1840s, he was clearly a supporter of the liberals and advocated a federal Italy under constitutional regimes. Ferdinando II tapped him as prime minister on 3 April 1848 (after Guglielmo Pepe refused to form a government). His premiership was difficult since the king refused to respect parliamentary rules and ended on 15 May 1848, when parliament was dissolved by royal fiat.
Guglielmo Pepe, born in Calabria, the youngest of 22 brothers, from a patrician family. He pursued a military career at the military academy of Naples, got involved in the revolution of 1799, then fought under Napoleon and Murat with distinction. He was one of the commanders of the Neapolitan army in 1821, when he tried, without success, to oppose the Austrian army that was marching south to quash the constitutional movement (his commander in chief was Laval Nugent, the same who in 1848 commands the Austrian troops in Gorizia). Condemned to exile, he lived in France and England, where he became well known as a writer of military treatises. After the amnesty of March 1848, he returned to Naples and re-enlisted as general in the army. He refused the offers to become prime minister, and also to command an invasion of Sicily.

Made in @LordKalvan & Tarabas

Tarabas · Jun 30, 2021

The Empire Strikes Back

Vienna, 19 April 1848 - StaatKonferenz

Count Kolowrat Liebsteinsky, Chancellor of the Austrian Empire and member by right of the Geheime Staatskonferenz (1), had a bad feeling for the meeting that was going to start, and, looking at the other persons sitting around the table in the ornate meeting room in the Hofburg, he was almost sure that his premonition would come true. He wished he had better health to help the other members see sense.
There were four other men in the room: Archduke Ludwig, uncle of the emperor and president of the Staatskonferenz, always a strong advocate for conservative positions; Archduke Franz Karl, brother of the emperor and heir presumptive to the throne, and as such member by right, but also a vacuous man with little to no interest in politics; Count von Fiquelmont, a recent addition to the membership of the Staatskonferenz, where he had replaced Prince von Metternich, Minister for Foreign Affairs and also a notorious conservative; and the last man, Count Latour, the Minister for War, who was not a member of the Staatskonferenz, but had been expressly invited to this meeting by Archduke Ludwig.

The President opened the meeting: "Just a little more than a month has passed since the beginning of this crisis, with the insurrection of Vienna, and not a week has passed without receiving news of disasters. The last one is that the fortress city of Verona has surrendered with all its garrison, and now, for the first time since 1815, Austria has no military presence in Italy. Archduke Ranieri will have to explain why he decided to surrender a strong fortress just a few days after a formal investment had begun. The news on the political side are no better: there is a revolution in Baden, Wurttemberg, Hesse, even the king of Bavaria has granted liberal reforms, and the contagion of the Parliament which has been set up in Frankfurt has reached Vienna, where the German tricolor has almost displaced our black-and-yellow flag (1). We cannot simply wait for the storm to abate, gentlemen. Let's consider the situation, and make some decisions. You can start, Chancellor, briefing us with the internal situation of the empire."

Count Kolowrat Liebsteinsky took a deep breath before speaking: "I would say that the internal situation has slightly improved. The order has been restored in Vienna and Prague, although is being kept by the National Guards which have been spontaneously mustered, with the support, in Vienna, of the Academic Legion. The Constitutional Convention in Vienna is orderly debating a Constitutional Draft. The Emperor's approval of the April Laws demanded by the Hungarian Parliament has avoided a full break-out with Budapest, and the situation is quiet enough, at least in Hungary proper. The Parliament of Budapest is encountering difficulties in dealing with Croats and Serbs in the south, and with Rumanians in Transylvania, and this may work to our advantage in the future. A similar situation is also developing in Bohemia, where the Germans are unhappy with the refusal of the Bohemians to send delegates to the Parliament of Frankfurt. While I would prefer a better ordered situation in the empire, I submit that our Fabian tactics have worked well enough to defuse the crisis, and that time is working in our favor: let the insurgents bicker among themselves, cautiously exploit the fault lines between the different ethnic groups, and in time the empire will be fully recognized as the only guarantor of all the peoples under the House of Habsburg."

"Ask me anything but time (2)" Archduke Ludwig retorted: "The situation in Italy denies us such leisure, and we are coming under strong diplomatic pressure to end the hostilities. It is quite obvious that the other Powers are starting to think that the Austrian empire might collapse, and they don't want a vacuum in Central Europe. Count Fiquelmont, you may bring up to date on diplomatic matters."

"The British have become very insistent about the need to end the war in Italy, and they have offered to organize a peace conference in London, once a cease-fire is agreed. The French government has made similar entreaties. The Russian ambassador is friendly but has been very cold about any possible intervention in Central Europe. There has been no comment from Prussia, and I have not approached them, as per your instructions, Your Highness. The situation in Italy is very bad, of course.
The Grand Duke of Tuscany has rebuffed all of our approaches and has diplomatically recognized the Republic of St. Mark and the kingdom of Sicily. The Swiss Confederation has done the same, they still resent our support of the Catholic Cantons during the Sonderbund civil war. Ferdinand of Two Sicilies has been sympathetic but will do nothing, alleging internal disturbances and his need to tame the Sicilian insurgents. The good news comes from Rome, where the Pope has refused the offer of the Presidency of the Confederation and is trying to extract himself from the war in Northern Italy. His refusal is likely to set back sharply this arrogant confederation, and might even induce some members to reconsider. However, I regret to say that the war is popular in Rome, and the Pope's actions may be the spark for further riots in the city. My advice is to act quickly and decisively: time is not in our favor."

"I do agree, the Austrian empire cannot be seen as a weak puppet, caving in to the insolent requests of insurgents or to the diplomatic pressures of the Powers. Count Latour, it's your turn: can you propose some strategy which can be put in place quickly and improve our standing at the peace negotiation?"

"I believe I do, Your Highness. The War Office, under my supervision, has planned a bold strategy that would set back the Italians, and potentially deliver a decisive blow, even leave Veneto open for us. General Nugent is in Gorizia, with some 17,000 troops. The strategy that we consider would call for 6 regiments of Croat infantry to muster to war standing, and march towards Postumia. From there they would continue towards the bridges of lower Isonzo, wheel right, and march north along the right bank of the river, keeping out of sight of the fortress of Palmanova. General Nugent will engage the forces investing Gorizia and Gradisca: the unexpected arrival of 15,000 Croats in their back will seal the fate of the Italian army. They will take the bridges on the Isonzo, and pin the enemy against the army of gen. Nugent and the guns of the Gradisca fortress. We have named this plan "Cannae", in remembrance of the great victory that Hannibal won on the Romans. If everything works as planned, our troops will cross again the Isonzo, and retake Friuli at the very least."

There was a moment of silence, then von Kolowrat spoke in harsh tones: "This is a counsel of madness. You want to risk the last army the empire can put in the field: the war is lost, this cannot be conveniently forgotten, and defeat cannot be turned into victory by a single battle. I recommend we accept the offer of the British and the French, and ask them to negotiate a cease-fire on our behalf, to be followed by peace talks."

"I don't want to hear defeatist talks, Count von Kolowrat. The strategy proposed by general Latour gives us a reasonable chance to win a major victory, and to turn the table on the enemy. I am sorry to see that your poor health has affected your judgment. You're excused from this meeting." Archduke Ludwig's words were trenchant.

Von Kolowrat stood, his face white like a sheet: "I still cannot countenance putting the empire at risk for a matter of pride. Your Highness, and therefore I am forced to resign with immediate effect from my position as Chancellor." He bowed to the two Archdukes and left the room without turning. "I may be sick, but at least I am not mad, and Latour should remember what happened to Carthage after their great victory at Cannae", he thought while leaving.

Archduke Ludwig sighed: "You will excuse me, gentlemen, if I skip the part where I thank the former Chancellor for his efforts in dire times: Von Kolowrat was always too ready to appease our enemies, and never willing to strike back. Count Fiquelmont, you are hereby appointed Chancellor. Count Latour, who will command the Croat column?"

"Count Jelacic, Your Highness. He is in command of one of the Croat regiments on the Military Frontier, well-reputed for his courage and competence, and eager to tame the Italians. A good man, I met him when he came to Vienna to offer his sword to the emperor at the end of March. Since then, I have kept in touch with him, and also kept him supplied with arms and funds." A brief, sharkish smile: "Even if I should have sent everything to Budapest, according to the laws of April."

"Well done, Count Latour. In war and love, if you don't cheat you are not doing enough. You are authorized to promote him to general, and also to promise him the Governorship of the Military Frontier, if he is successful. Unleash our Croat hound."

Footnotes

The emperor was spotted waving a large tricolor banner from a balcony of the Hofburg
A famous Napoleonic quote
Count Josip Jelacic, Ban of Croatia from 23 March 1848. Much respected by the Croat regiments and also by the Serb ones. Not an outstanding general, his first attempt to invade Hungary in September 1848 ended up in humiliating failure, notwithstanding his advantage in numbers.

Made in @LordKalvan & Tarabas

Tarabas · Jul 4, 2021

Mice in the Granary

Torino, 16 April 1848 - Prime Minister Office
"Another annoying, although not unexpected, potential trouble", thought Count Balbo, welcoming Marquis Vincenzo Ricci (1) and Count Federigo Sclopis (2).
"Please be seated gentlemen. I understand that Marquis Ricci has found some potential troubles to report, and, given your position, your input might be required, Count Sclopis."

"Thank you, Signor Primo Ministro." Ricci replied "10 days ago, you raised the possibility that ultra-Catholic critics of the Statute granted by His Majesty the king, and even more so of the war against Austria, should be kept under discreet surveillance. This has been done, and unfortunately, it was discovered elements of the aristocracy traditionally close to the Societa' dell'Amicizia (3) and the Order of the Jesuits have recently increased their activities, sowing discontent and publishing incendiary articles on "La Verità" (4), a newspaper which is funded by the above-mentioned aristocrats, as well as, through intermediaries, by the Archbishopric of Torino. La Verità enjoys quite a wide distribution across the countryside, through a network of Catholic associations and many parish priests. On the face of it, nothing of this is really actionable under the law, and in normal times I would not even raise any issue: it'd be like having mice in the granary, a minor unavoidable nuisance that has to be tolerated. We are not living in normal times, though: on the one hand, we are seemingly winning an impossible war against the Austrian Empire, on the other, the refusal of the Pope to assume the Presidency of the Italian Confederation and his current position about the war has been received very badly by most of our citizens. There have already been scuffles, minor ones by all means, but some Jesuits who have been too outspoken in public have been roughened up by the crowd, and the archbishop himself have been booed by the crowd while leaving the Cathedral after a function. I would certainly like to stop this trend before something bad happens, and the best way is to do it is to rein back these provocations by the ultra-Catholics."

"Thank you, Marquis Ricci. You have done well to report these events. Count Sclopis, I would welcome your advice on this matter."

"I would need to examine the facts reported by Marquis Ricci in more detail" A jurist by education and trade, Count Sclopis was always averse to giving an opinion on the spot. "Assuming the representation matches the reality, there is not much that can be done by legal means. There is always a possibility to bring the newspaper to trial under libel laws, but I do not think you want to go this way, Count Balbo. I do agree that something should be done to defuse the matter, though, and my advice would be to speak directly to the Archbishop of Torino. In addition to this, the aristocrats who are involved in these ... shenanigans should be reminded of their allegiance to the kingdom and the dynasty and their obligations thereof. It would be easier if the king were in Torino, of course, but, given the circumstances, it will be a task for the Lieutenant-General."

Torino, 16 April 1848 - Later in the day
"Your Royal Highness, thank you for receiving me on such short notice." Count Balbo bowed to Prince Eugenio di Savoia-Carignano, Lieutenant General of the kingdom of Sardinia (5).

"I know you would have not asked for an audience without good reason, Count Balbo. What are you bringing to my attention?"

Count Balbo briefly recounted the information received from the Ministry of Interior, as well as the advice given by the Ministry for Justice, and Prince Eugenio thought for a few seconds, before answering: "You have done well to bring this news to my attention. I will arrange to meet Baron Sallier de la Tour (6): even if he has ostensibly retired from politics, he is still the grand old man of the aristocratic party most unhappy with the Statute. At the same time, I understand that he still has a strong allegiance to the dynasty, and I am convinced he will listen with attention. Please send an invitation to the archbishop, for a private audience on the 19. You will attend too, but no other ministers are necessary. In the meantime, I will send a telegram to Prince Ferdinando: he may have some additional insight to share."

Torino, 19 April 1848

When Giuseppe Fransoni, archbishop of Torino (6), was admitted for the private audience, Prince Eugenio and Count Balbo were already waiting for him, and dutifully bowed to kiss the ring proffered by the prelate.
From the stern expression of the archbishop, it was immediately clear that this was not going to be an easy meeting. Fransoni had been unbending in all his ecclesiastic career: he was a man of the previous king, Carlo Felice, who had strongly sponsored his elevation as bishop of Fossano in 1825 and had negotiated a very favorable agreement with the monarchy when the ecclesiastic properties seized during the Napoleonic period were returned to the Church in 1828. In 1831, Carlo Alberto, still under the spell of Carlo Felice, had nominated him for the seat of Torino, and soon after the archbishop had become notorious for his opposition to any kind of reform in the field of public instruction and charities, and for his persistence (which many named "witch hunt") in sniffing out any possible taint of Protestantism: his pastoral letter of 1841, in which he denounced the modernist idea of teaching to read to everyone, which would have certainly ended up in a collapse of law and order, was still notorious. It goes without saying that he had refused to countenance the emancipation of Valdensians and Jews, and his strident denunciations had already resulted in some riots and catcalls.

He listened in silence while Balbo spoke about the problems which had been witnessed recently, and diplomatically suggested that the Church and her most militant partisans should tone down their criticism, but, after the Prime Minister went silent, Fransoni spoke: "For all my life, I have been faithful to the Holy Father in Rome and to the Catholic dogma. I will never change, I will never retract, I will never stay silent when I need to speak against the perfidious blandishments of Protestantism and modernism. I was not cowed by the misguided souls that protested against me, and through me against the Catholic Church, after the Te Deum to celebrate the insurrection of Milan (7), I will not be cowed if they again threaten the person of an ordained bishop. I will never advise the faithful ones to keep their silence."

Prince Eugenio had been silent, until now: "Your Eminence, I beg you to reconsider. The world has been changing very fast, and even faster during the first months of 1848. Freedom and progress are not enemies of the Catholic Church unless the same Church turns them into enemies by her refusal to look into the changes and understand why they happen. On a more legalistic note, I feel compelled to remind you of your oath to the king of Sardinia, upon being invested with the archbishopric of Torino. And furthermore, I also want to draw your attention to the recent events in Rome, the very seat of the Papacy and the Church. Pope Pio IX has lost control of his states, and I am informed that today he leaves Rome: at this very moment, he is traveling towards Gaeta. Don't throw away everything for your pride."

"If the Holy Father has chosen to leave Rome, it is because the Anti-Christ is loose in the city. He will be back in triumph, in time, when the swords of the faithful have defeated the minions of evil as the Archangels defeated the hounds of Satan. I will leave myself, Your Highness. " There was a biting sarcasm in his tone " I will leave for Geneva, hoping to find among Protestants that tranquility which has been stolen from me by Catholics who rejoice in Te Deum and funerals to celebrate those who gave their life for a country which does not even exist (8). May God grant me a return to my seat of Torino in the fullness of time"

After the archbishop had stormed out of the room, Count Balbo turned to Prince Eugenio, and bowed: "Thank you for your words, Your Royal Highness: I am a confirmed Catholic, but I cannot countenance prelates like him: they can only bring woes and tears to the Church and to their flocks."

Footnotes

Minister for Interior Affairs, see Interlude 21
Minister for Justice and Ecclesiastical Affairs. Count Sclopis was a renowned jurist, as well as the author of a universally acclaimed three-volume Story of Italian Legislation, which was quickly translated into French, German and English and contributed to cementing his fame in Europe. He was not really enthused by politics and accepted the nomination as Minister for Justice only out of respect for the dynasty. IOTL, he became the government voice in Parliament, since Balbo was with the king, and found himself in a difficult position, in particular with regards to the annexation of Lombardy (which he did not want). It is quite likely that TTL would work better for him too since it's going to happen in a way that doesn't change the structures of the kingdom, but it is a given that he will be a critic of Cavour's approach to the reform of the Church/State relations (IOTL, he was firmly opposed to the Siccardi laws, which he considered too adventuristic).
The Societa' dell'Amicizia was a society of Catholic hard-liners, already mentioned in Interlude 5
"La Verità" (The Truth) was a Catholic newspaper published in Torino, advocating the defense of all the privileges of the clergy and supporting ultra-Catholic and reactionary positions.
Eugenio Emanuele di Savoia Villafranca was born in 1816 in a cadet line of the Savoia Carignano (the Counts of Villafranca), which started in 1770 when his grandfather contracted a morganatic marriage. Eugenio arrived in Torino only in 1825, and in 1830 was enrolled in the Navy Academy of Genoa, destined to a naval career. In 1835, Carlo Alberto regularized his position, enabling Eugenio to style himself "Principe di Carignano" (his sister, Maria Adelaide, was also entitled to style herself princess, and in 1837 married Leopoldo di Borbone, Count of Siracusa). Three years later, Eugenio was granted the title of Royal Highness, and in the same year, was promoted to the rank of Senior Captain: he was given the command of the frigate "Regina", which left Genoa for a round-the-globe trip. The trip was never completed: Eugenio landed in Brazil and was warmly received by the Imperial Court. He stayed there for a full year, during which he fell in love with the younger sister of the emperor, Francisca, 15 years old. Upon his return to Torino, he petitioned Carlo Alberto for permission to marry Francisca, and the king, who was also keen to see him married, gave the permission for the negotiations to start. The marriage was celebrated in Brazil, in 1842, when Francisca was 18 years old, and after a few more months in Brazil, the happy couple returned to Torino, where Francisca gave birth to a healthy boy, Emanuele Pietro Giuseppe. Eugenio went on with his naval career, becoming a rear admiral in 1843, and a full admiral in 1848 (in the meantime, Francisca gave birth to another son, Eugenio Carlo, and a daughter, Maria Francesca). When the king and Prince Ferdinando left for the war, he was appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. The divergence with OTL starts in 1838 when Eugenio was granted the title of Royal Highness (IOTL, the title was granted only in 1849 by Vittorio Emanuele). The trip to Brazil and the stay at the court is also historical, but there was no infatuation with Francisca. However, in 1840 Carlo Alberto entered in negotiation with the empire of Brazil to marry Eugenio to the slightly elder Januaria, another sister of Dom Pedro. These negotiations failed, apparently because Eugenio got cold feet, or more likely because Januaria was the heir apparent to the Brazilian throne, and would not be allowed to leave Brazil until the emperor produced an heir. Whatever the reason, Eugenio never married until 1864, when he contracted a morganatic marriage, but continued to serve well the dynasty (he was Lieutenant of Tuscany in 1859, and Lieutenant of Naples in 1861. ITTL he gets a love marriage, a passel of kids, and an even better career, but that's a story which will be told later.
Giuseppe Fransoni was born in Genoa in 1789, of a noble family. He was ordered in 1814, and seven years later he was chosen by king Carlo Felice to become bishop of Fossano. In 1831, Carlo Alberto chose him as archbishop of Torino. The brief description of his career given in the Interlude is historical.
IOTL, there was a major riot on 24 March, after a Te Deum in the Cathedral celebrating the liberation of Milan, caused by his outspoken political positions. After this riot, Marquis Ricci sent two canons, A. Peyron and O. Bravo, to convince him to take a leave of absence from Torino, and he chose Geneva. He came back to Torino in 1850, but his strenuous opposition to the Siccardi laws ended up with a second exile in 1854, this time to Lyon.
Historical: Fransoni said these words on the day of his departure for Geneva.

Made in @LordKalvan

LordKalvan · Oct 6, 2021

Endgame in Friuli - Part 1

Castle of Gorizia, 4 May 1848, Early Afternoon
General Laval Nugent von Westmeath (1) read the message with a scowl. The last few weeks had been hard for him: the Austrian army, in which he had served with distinction for more than 50 years, had suffered a string of defeats which had resulted in the loss of all the Austrian possessions in Italy. The empire itself was tottering, with Prague and Budapest in all but open insurrection, never mind the mealy mouthed protestations of fealty to the emperor. The Pope himself had been forced to flee Rome by a revolution, and no one resented it more than himself, who had occupied Rome on 30 April 1815, welcoming back Pio VII from exile, and later went on defeating Murat at Ceprano and San Germano. However this, and worse, had happened before, when Napoleon was rampaging across Europe: emperor Francis had been wise enough to accept the situation, negotiating and compromising with the upstart Corsican, even granting him his daughter as wife, until the opportunity had come to defeat him, recoup all the losses and securing the dominance of Austria in Italy and Germany. The same strategy should be adopted now: accept defeat, negotiate a peace treaty and restore the order in the empire. Once this had been achieved, the right time to put in their own place the uppity Italians would come. Unfortunately, the empire had been paralyzed almost since the day of the insurrection in Vienna, and even now that they were starting to wake up from their own torpor, the Ministers of State were unable to do the right thing and accept defeat. They wanted a victory on the battlefield, to restore the image of the Austrian army and in the illusion to gain better terms at the peace table. When he had received the instructions from Vienna, he had been flabbergasted: the strategy was madness, it would be impossible to coordinate the actions of two army corps at such a distance, and even if they succeeded in defeating the Italian armies in Friuli, such a victory could not be decisive, and its benefits would be paltry. He had not been shy in pointing out this to War Minister La Tour, but it had availed nothing: his orders had been reconfirmed, and the message he had just received informed him that a Croat column would be in Comeno (2) today, would march to Dobardo' (3) tomorrow and would secure the bridge at Sagrado (4) early morning on the 6, to make a surprise attack from the south and relieve the siege of the fortress of Gradisca.

Duty is duty, mused Nugent with an even deeper scowl. I will sally from Gorizia with all the garrison on the morning of the 6, engage the Italians and hope that miracles still happen. I would be really more confident about the outcome of the battle if I could truly believe that an infantry column 12,000 strong, with an artillery and logistic train could march from Lubiana to the bridge of Sagrado without being noticed by anyone.

Duino, 4 May 1848, Early Afternoon
General de Sonnaz (5) was much more confident in what the future would bring while he was poring on a large scale map of Lower Friuli: "Colonel Cavedalis (6), once again I feel compelled to thank you and your jaegers for an outstanding job. The advance information they provided about the march of a Croat column has allowed me to concentrate my forces here in Duino (7), and to send a portion of them forward toward Dobardo'. They should already have reached the town, by now and by this evening they should have prepared suitable earthworks for the main roadblock on the rural road between Jamiano and Dobardo'. I have also decided to accept your suggestion for its location: it is a somehow fancy plan, and I was a bit doubtful at the beginning, but it gives us a very good chance to achieve a complete victory. The road is constrained by marshy land on the lake side, and by a wooded area to the west: the Croats will be obliged to march in column, quite a long one if I may say, and the roadblock positioned just after the sharp bend of the road towards Dobardo' will be a nasty surprise for them. Three regiments will do: one behind the roadblock, one deployed in the woods and the third one as a reserve. Plus a battery of horse artillery (8) to give them real teeth. I have also sent 2 squadrons of Carabinieri, with another two batteries of horse artillery: their task is to interdict the road to Gorizia, if the Croats decide to take that instead of marching towards the bridge of Sagrado, and they will be positioned a few kilometers north of Jamiano (9). My main force is now bivouacking near San Giovanni (10), midway between here and Jamiano. Five regiments of infantry and the field guns, plus your volunteers, the Lancers of Parma and my remaining squadron of Carabinieri. Once we get confirmation about the route the Croats will take, they will move immediately towards Jamiano, half an hour of march, on a good road. Who knows, duke Ferdinando Carlo may even have an opportunity to prove his mettle on the battlefield. He has been pestering me since the start of this campaign, but for now his lancers have been only used for scouting."

"I do thank you for your kind words, General, and I will certainly relay them to my jaegers. They are not well versed in military courtesies and discipline, but they are worth their weight in gold in scouting and they know very well the lay of the land. I also thank you for accepting my suggestions: my men heard Croat officers talking about Dobardo' and Sagrado, or better about Doberdob and Szaraj, they were using the Slovene names. Of course, they might use the road north of the lake, rather than the one to the south, but I think the southern road might offer more cover and look therefore more attractive. In any case you have covered the northern approach too. Whichever route they take, I am at a loss to understand what their objective is. The only possible explanation might be a concerted move, where the garrison of Gorizia sorties and the Croats arrive unexpected from the south. It would be madness anyway: how can they hope to complete such a long march without being detected? And even if they succeed in that, I doubt that general d'Orleans would fail to stop their advance."

"I do agree, Colonel Cavedalis. I am certainly unable to find rhyme or reason in the Austrian strategy, at least as we are able to see it. I am also completely confident that general d'Orleans would be quite capable of dealing with both the sortie of the Gorizia garrison and the Croat attack. It would be however quite discourteous to leave all the hard work to him and his soldiers, while we take our ease in Duino. We can take care of this minor threat ourselves, can't we?"

The smile on the lips of de Sonnaz was feral, and was matched by a similar smile on the lips of Cavedalis.

"We certainly do that little thing for him, Sir. We are prepared, the troops are rested and waiting for the game to begin."

Castle of Udine, 5 May 1848, Early Morning
General Henri d'Orleans was reading all the reports which had arrived in the morning when his aide came into the room.

"Urgent news from Gorizia, Sir. It has been reported that the city is like a beehive, and word is around that the garrison is preparing for a sortie.

"Well, well. A confirmation of the message which arrived from De Sonnaz: a Croat column is marching from the east, five regiments strong. De Sonnaz has put all his pieces on the board, and is ready: he expects to engage them around noon, or possibly a bit later, on the shores of Dobardo' Lake. From his report, he has prepared a cunning trap for them, and I have full confidence in him. I have replied that we are also prepared here in front of Gorizia, and that - at his discretion - he should move his troops towards Comeno and Postumia, but to avoid moving farther east. We are prepared here, aren't we, Captain?"

"We are fully prepared, Sir, even if the Austrians decide to sortie this afternoon. Bersaglieri, Jaegers and Carabinieri are on the left, at a distance from the plain of Gorizia. Gen. Durando is on the right, with five regiments of troops from the Papal States; he is also continuing the investment of Gradisca. Five regiments are behind earthworks in the center, under gen. Bava.
The batteries on the left side of the Isonzo are behind earthworks too, and ready. The same is also true for the masked batteries on the right side of the river, where there will be another two regiments of regulars and two regiments of volunteers in reserve."

"Very good, Riccardo. " Henri gave a warm smile to his aide "Now, let us make sure that we do not look too antsy. The enemy has its own spies too."

Footnotes

Laval Nugent was born in Ireland in 1777, and enrolled in the Austrian army in 1793, under the sponsorship of an Austrian uncle. Participating to all the campaigns of the Napoleonic wars, by 1813 he had earned a general rank, and fought in Dalmazia and Italy from 1813 to 1815, occupying Rome (for which he was ennobled by the Pope) and subsequently defeating twice Murat. From 1817 to 1820 he commanded the army of the kingdom of Two Sicilies, resigning when the constitutional crisis became impossible to control. He re-enlisted in the Austrian army, and spent the following decades up to 1848 in garrison duties or as administrator of Austrian territories. In 1848 he was the governor of the county of Gorizia and Gradisca as well as the commander of the troops stationed there. By the end of April, he will have slightly more than 22,000 men under his command, besides the garrison troops of Gorizia and Gradisca. IOTL, Nugent crossed the Isonzo on 11 April, with 17,000 men. His decisiveness. and the fecklessness of his opponents, allowed him to retake all of Veneto and Friuli in less than a month, and to join his troops to Radetzky's forces. ITTL, it doen't appear he will be so effective.
Comeno (Komen in Slovene) is a village some 20 miles east of Dobardo' Lake
Dobardo' (Doberdo' del Lago in Italian, Doverdob in Slovene) is a small town on the north-western tip of Dobardo'Lake, some 15 miles north of Monfalcone
Sagrado (Szagraj in Slovene) is a small village a couple of miles south-west of Gradisca. It's importance is due to the bridge over the Isonzo river.
Ettore Gerbaix, Count de Sonnaz. Born in Savoy in 1787, he spent all his life in the army, fighting in 1848-49, 1859 and 1866. One of the best generals of the Sardinian army. ITTL, the events of 1848 are certainly more satisfactory than IOTL, and his career will benefit.
Giovanni Battista Cavedalis, born in Spilimbergo in 1794. He studied at the School of Artillery of the kingdom of Italy, and, after the fall of Napoleon, became an engineer, specialized in the construction of railways. In 1848, he was a director of the Vienna-Lubiana railway, supervising its construction. He was an ardent patriot, and after the news of the insurrection in Vienna he resigned his position, going to Udine to offer his sword to the Provisional Government. Notwithstanding his efforts, he couldn't stop Nugent's onslaught, and went on to Venice where he was active in the defense of the city during the Austrian siege and also in the political life (at the end, he negotiated the final surrender of Venice). Cavedalis is another guy for whom a different 1848 is going to bring plenty of benefits.
Duino is a fishing town of the Adriatic coast, to the immediate east of Monfalcone
Horse artillery was fast moving , fast firing light artillery, which could provide support not just to infantry but also to cavalry. A train of 4 or 6 horse was pulling a caisson (for ammunitions storage) to which the gun's limber was attached. It could be deployed quickly and limbered up again as quickly. A battery featured 6 three pounders, and could fire solid shot, canister or grapeshot; the complement of a battery was usually 260 men. A three pounder, served by a trained crew, could fire two shots per minute. Round shot was mostly effective at 4-500 meters; at shorter distances grapeshot and canister were used.
Jamiano (Jamlye in Slovene) is a hamlet at the south-eastern tip of Dobardo'Lake
San Giovanni is a hamlet on the Timavo river, a few miles north of Duino.

LordKalvan · Oct 8, 2021

Endgame in Friuli - Part 2

A Road on the Southern Shore of Dobardo' Lake, 5 May 1848, Early Afternoon
The Croat forces had reached the hamlet of Jamiano without any difficulty, but the rural road crossing the woods of Dobardo' Lake was a nightmare for a column of 12,000 men with artillery and a logistic tail. Colonel Stjepan Sarkotić, commanding the 2nd Regiment and tasked with leading the march, had argued at length with Ban Jelacic, but to no avail. The Ban had sternly refused to modify his plans: the road coasting the northern shore of the lake was likely to be no better than this one, and added the risk of being spotted while marching in the open. The southern road would have to do, and in any case the village of Dobardo' was barely 5 or 6 miles away: even if the poor conditions of the road were going to delay the march, it was not a problem. Which was why one-and-half hour later the 2nd Regiment had barely covered 2 miles. Luckily there had been no problem with the enemy: an ambush in these cramped conditions, constrained between the marshy shore of the lake and the thick woods surrounding it, would be a disaster. Truth to say, there had been no problem on the long march from Lubiana, not even enemy pickets had been spotted. Sarkotić was well aware that the few companies of light horse they had with them were more keen in foraging in the countryside than in looking for enemies, but in truth launching a column from Lubiana to the bridge of Sagrado was certainly so far outside conventional strategy that bordered on genius. Or folly, of course: time would tell.

The answer to the question came suddenly and viciously: a volley from the woods, raking the slow moving column, then a second one less than half a minute later, leaving dozens of wounded and killed. No more than a couple of companies, thought the colonel, hearing the noises of the enemy retreating deeper in the woods. Jaegers, or volunteers: in either case, there was only one answer to this problem. Crisp orders rang out, the regiment fixed bayonets and moved towards the bend of the road at a looping run. Find a clearing to deploy his men, and the problem would go away; if the opponents wanted to contest the road, they would be brushed away easily.
Clearing the bend, the colonel could see some earthworks, with a pitiful abatis in front of them and a few dozens of riflemen behind the rampart.
"Charge!" : the order came out automatically, dictated by long experience on the field. The earthworks were less that 300 meters away, and the defenders would have time for three volleys at best. Assuming that they would keep their nerve, seeing a Croat regiment charging them with naked bayonets.

The second surprise came then: four gun muzzles protruded above the earthworks, and fired in unison. "Grapeshot!" was the last coherent thought of Sarkotić: two more guns fired from the woods, and a grapeshot hit his neck, decapitating him. Now there were more riflemen manning the earthworks, and their crisp volleys were counterpointed from even more rifles firing from the cover of the woods. The guns fired again, and the road started to look like an abattoir.

Four more times the Croats tried to rush the earthworks, and all the times they were repulsed: the 2nd Regiment was completely gutted, and the 3rd Regiment was badly maimed, before they relented and try to flee back towards Jamiano.

De Sonnaz had timed his attack with exquisite precision: when the noise of the guns reached the edge of the woods, the Lancers of Parma were already cantering towards the artillery and logistics tail of the column. Ferdinando Carlo was riding at the center of the first line, for the first time in his life completely focused on the task, shouting "Forward men, for Parma and Italy". Two hundred meters away from the enemy a trumpet rang, and the lancers accelerated to full gallop. Another hundred meters and the trumpet rang again, commanding the charge. They struck like a hammer, lancing and sabering the enemy.
Then they were beyond the enemy, and a trumpet rung again. The lancers stopped and turned, and an order went around: "Dress your lines, sabers out. We're going back for another round". The trumpet rang again, and the sabers flashed in the May sun like a ripple of steel. Ferdinando Carlo was shouting almost incoherently, like most of his men, but his mind was clear and sharp: "I feel no fear at all, I am in full control and my men would follow me against all odds: this is what I was born for." His horse suddenly stumbled, and he automatically kicked the stirrups, preparing for the fall. He managed not to be crushed under his horse, but felt a sharp pain in his left arm. Then his head hit a rock, and he fainted.

De Sonnaz had moved forward his guns, and they were methodically shelling the road near the border of the woods, preventing the Croats' escape. His infantry was adding the weight of its volleys to the hammering of the enemy. The blocking force to the north rode to the sound of the guns, tightening the nose. It went on for another hour, before the Croats surrendered: they had lost over one third of their effectives, a loss rate which would have crippled any army in the world.

De Sonnaz accepted the sword of the colonel who had come forward to negotiate the surrender.
"Where is your commander?"
"Ban Jelačić was killed while trying to rally the men for a last attempt to force a break out from the woods" answered Colonel Pilić "Of course he had no real hope to succeed, but the Ban could not accept such a crushing defeat."
Josip Jelačić had received his investiture as Ban of Croatia exactly two weeks ago.

"I will make provisions for your wounded, and your men will take care of the burial detail" De Sonnaz continued "Your men will stack their guns leaving the woods, but I will allow officers to keep their swords. You will be kept in a prison camp until the end of hostilities".
De Sonnaz got the impression that Colonel Pilić had not understood completely his words, so he nodded to Cavedalis for a translation. Colonel Pilić nodded his acceptance of the terms.

Some time later, De Sonnaz and Cavedalis were quietly drinking some wine in a tavern of Jamiano, discussing the events of the day.
"A very good job today, if I say so myself, my dear Colonel. Our losses were minimal, and 5 regiments of Croats have been taken from the board. Maybe it will help to convince the Austrians of the futility to continue this war. I have already sent a dispatch to General d'Orleans with the outcome of the battle. I will write a more detailed report for him once we are settled in Dobardo'. The prisoners can be settled near Monfalcone: the weather is improving, and it will be no hardship to sleep in tents. I am also sending 4 infantry regiments, the Carabinieri and 4 batteries of horse artillery towards Comeno and Postumia, as per the orders of General d'Orleans. I trust that your Jaegers will be available to scout for them."

"No problem there, General: I will speak to them at once. If I may be so bold, add also two companies of the Lancers to the troops you are sending east. I know they suffered casualties today, but they performed very well, and are full of fight. They will take this as a compliment: I know because I spoke to Colonel Ferrari, the second in command of the Lancers, and he's looking forward to more action."

"It's a good suggestion, and I will speak myself to colonel Ferrari in this regard. Pity for what happened to the duke, though. Risks of the trade, which I know very well being a cavalry officer myself. I spoke to the doctor myself, and he confirmed to me that the duke is just concussed, but there are nothing to worry about: just a few day of sleep and rest. His left arm was broken, but the break was clean and the doctor has already set it while the duke was in a stupor. Do you think I should send him to Udine? I can arrange a horse litter for him."

"A good friend of mine, count Martino Della Torre, owns a very nice villa just outside Dobardo'. I am confident he can provide suitable accommodation for the duke, and also for the other wounded lancers. It would give him a quiet and restful place for his recovery. Then, once he is over the concussion, he may decide what to do. The duke behaved impeccably today, General, and I blush to say that I was somehow surprised by this. I feel I must do something for him, to atone for my skepticism."

"Let's do this way, then. Can you ride to the villa and make sure the facilities are adequate?"

"I will leave immediately, General."

Villa Della Torre Valsassina, Dobardo' - 6 May 1848, Morning
Ferdinando Carlo, heir to the Duchy of Parma, woke up suddenly, with a strong migraine and feeling nauseous. He was in an unfamiliar bed, his left arm was immobilized and he had trouble in focusing his eyes. An unknown man - a doctor? - spoke to him in soothing tones, gave him a bitter potion to drink and then held up a basin while he vomited copiously in it. Then he fell asleep again.
The second time he woke, the sun was shining from a window, and a young lady - judging from her dress she could not be a servant - was gently cleaning his face with a wet cloth. The migraine was not completely disappeared, but he felt better and had no more any trouble focusing his eyes. He was also ravenous with hunger.
"Who are you, Lady? An angel from Paradise? Where am I?" he managed to croak.
"Hardly an angel, Your Highness. I am Rosalinda Della Torre, and you are in a bedchamber of the villa my father, count Della Torre, owns near Dobardo'." The young lady had blushed in a charming way, but had not stopped cleaning his face "Are you hungry?"
"I certainly am, my Lady".
Rosalinda rung a bell, and two footmen entered the room, carrying a covered tray. The footmen helped him to raise in a more comfortable position, and then Rosalinda herself spoon-fed him. The meal was disappointing, just chicken broth and bread, but he felt much better at the end, and the drowsiness was back. With an effort, he manage to whisper "Will you be back, my Lady?" She smiled, and nodded, and Ferdinando Carlo closed his eyes and relaxed. "Rosalinda: a beautiful name for a beautiful woman. Maybe I shall dream of her" he thought, before succumbing again to slumber

LordKalvan · Oct 16, 2021

Endgame in Friuli - Part 3

Near Aquileia Bridge, 6 May 1848, Early Morning
General d'Orleans had called his commanders for a last briefing before the battle.
"Gentlemen, good news first: Gen. De Sonnaz has completely defeated the strong Croat column which we knew was marching towards the Isonzo, and, according to his latest dispatch, we can be confident that no news of this defeat has reached Nugent in Gorizia. Our spies in Gorizia confirm that the garrison is still preparing for a sortie: today we have the opportunity to fight a decisive battle against the last significant Austrian forces in Friuli. It may well be the last battle of the war, since the liberation of Istria is completed, Pola has fallen and gen. La Marmora has occupied Fiume with his bersaglieri, repulsing a Croat counterattack with heavy losses."

Henri d'Orleans stopped for a moment, leaving time for the appreciative murmur of his officers to subside, then continued:
"No battle is ever without risk, but today we will fight from prepared position, our artillery is much stronger than the enemy's and we also have a slight advantage in numbers. Our troops have had the time to rest and prepare for the battle, and their morale is high.
Our assumption is that the enemy will try to force the Ponte di Aquileia (1): our earthworks and trenches are located at a distance of some 600 meters from the bridge, and the Austrians will have to cover a little over 1 kilometer to reach them, more than enough time to winnow them before they get close. I also anticipate a cavalry feint towards the Ponte del Torrione (2), north-west of Gorizia: this will be covered by our Carabinieri, supported by a regiment of bersaglieri, companies of Jaegers and two batteries of horse artillery. The Austrian artillery will be arranged in a traditional Grand Battery, but if they do not advance towards the earthworks, their fire will not be effective; if they advance, the masked batteries of 6" howitzers (3) on the right bank of Isonzo will fire in counterbattery to silence them. The 12 pounders covering our earthworks will fire only on the attacking columns: start firing at 800 meters, switch to grapeshot at 400 meters; canisters only when the enemy is at 200 meters or less. Our engineers have managed to plant ranging stakes starting at 800 meters from our lines: the artillerymen will not have to guess. The brunt of the attack will be on our center, but your troops, General Durando, you will have the opportunity to shoot on enfilade. Leave a regiment of regulars and the volunteers to mask the fortress of Gradisca and to protect our siege guns. A sortie from the fortress is unlikely, there are less than one thousand men there, but it never pays to neglect some reasonable precaution.
No heroics, please: follow the plan and be steady, and always remember that our duty today is not to die for our country, but rather to force the enemy to die for their own (4). Dismissed, gentlemen. God be with you, your men and Italy."

Near Aquileia Bridge, 6 May 1848, Late Morning

Trumpet started peeling inside Gorizia, and the gates of the city started to open, infantry streaming out and starting to arrange in columns. Then the field guns were towed out.
Captain Riccardo Broglia run to break the news to his commander: "The Austrians have started to deploy, Sir. They have been pretty sluggish in starting, if I may say so."
"There is no reason to criticize them for being late to the party, Riccardo. They are obviously trying to coordinate their attack with the Croat column, being unaware of what happened yesterday in the woods of Dobardo'. " D'Orleans looked across the plain with a spyglass, before continuing "It looks like they are going to form five columns. A tactic straight out from the Napoleonic playbook, and probably the only one they can use. Of course they know that there will be a hell of a butcher's bill to play, and they are ready to pay it. Unfortunately for them, they have to attack earthworks, and the rifled guns of our men will be a nasty surprise: their effective range is quite higher than smoothbores, and their rate of fire better as well. I would say it will be at least another half-hour before they will attack, anyway."

Colonel of artillery Amedeo Scarampi, commander of the 1st and 2nd masked batteries on the right bank of Isonzo, was carefully inspecting the deployment of Austrian artillery from an observation tower: it looked like they were going to form two batteries at 600 meters from the earthworks. Which meant that they would be more or less 1500 meters from his guns, well within effective range of his guns. He signaled to two of his runners: "Urgent message for Colonel Pelletti and Colonel Garretta. Their batteries will start ranging shots 15 minutes after receiving this message. One gun from each battery, explosive shell. Once they have found the range, fire for effect".
It did not take more than 3 shots from each battery to find the range. Two minutes later, twelve 6-inch howitzers fired together, raining explosive shell on the Austrian batteries. The shells fired were not excessively powerful, being filled with black powder, and a few fuses did not work properly: still the shrapnel mowed the artillery crews, and the guns had to be re-aligned before they could shoot. More artillerists came running from the reserve, and the Austrian batteries fired against the earthworks. The 12-pounders were however firing round shot, and the effect on the earthworks was not very significant. Then a lucky shot of Masked Battery #1 hit an ammunition caisson, and a ball of fire enveloped the left Austrian battery.

D'Orleans was still observing the battlefield through his spyglass, and saw the infantry columns starting their advance at a double step. When they passed the 800 meter stakes, the 12-pounders on the earthworks started to fire: grazing shots, thought Henri with appreciation. The cannon balls hit the ground short of the advancing columns, and rebounded hitting the advancing men waist high. The Austrian infantry closed the gaps after each it, and continued their advance.

There was a disturbance at the north-west gate of Gorizia, and the Austrian cavalry came out boiling, raiding at a fast canter towards the Ponte del Torrione: the second sortie, as anticipated. The Austrian cavalry spurred their horses, towards the bridge, and Henri d'Orleans attention was fixed on this arresting pageant. The trumpets sounded the charge, which looked unstoppable. Then suddenly all changed: the muzzles of 6-pounders appeared on top of a low earthworks, and their volleys of grapeshot stopped abruptly the charge. While the Austrian cavalrymen were milling around trying to start again the charge, rifle volleys raked them: the bersaglieri and the jaegers were shooting from a tenement at the right of the bridge, while the carabinieri were shooting from the earthworks. Then a squadron of carabinieri, hidden behind the tenement, countercharged, completing the rout of the Austrians, who retired in disorder towards Gorizia.
"C’est magnifique, mais ce n’est pas la guerre: c'est de la folie (5)" d'Orleans murmured.
"Did you say something, Sir?" his aide asked.
"I said that it is magnificent, but it is not war; it is madness. At least the timing of our men was perfect, and the countercharge was carried out smartly. Even more importantly, there was no attempt to pursue the fleeing enemy, and I know by experience how this must have been attractive for our Carabinieri." His attention was again on the main front.
The Austrian columns had just passed the 400 meter mark, and the sound of the guns changed: they were shooting grapeshot now, cutting swaths through the attackers.
300 meters, and the riflemen started to shoot themselves: 3 crisp volleys, before the first Austrian crossed the 200 meter mark.
At 200 meters, the guns switched to canister: the attack began to falter. The Austrians reached the 100 meter mark, and stopped for a volley of their own. Some casualties on the earthworks, but the volleys and the canister never stopped, and suddenly the enemy broke, and turned to run towards Gorizia, still pursued by grapeshot and rifle volleys, leaving hundreds and hundreds of dead and wounded on the ground.

Henri d'Orleans made up his mind, and turning to the trumpeter at his side ordered: "Sound cease fire!"
As the notes started to ring across the front, the general spoke to his aide: "Are you surprised by my order, Riccardo?"
"Sir, it is not for me to show surprise or comment your orders in any way. I admit being puzzled, though: we could be inside Gorizia in less than an hour, though."
"It is very simple. I am a general and not a butcher, the battle is won and kill more men without any need would be just a stain on my honor, and the honor of the flag under which I serve. Prince Ferdinando told me these words after the battle of the Goito bridge: it is good that war is so horrible, or we might grow to like it (6). He said this after a great victory, and his words rang so true that I will never forget them, or act as if I did. I suggest you remember them too, Riccardo: they will help you to become a better officer and a better man. Now take a couple of troopers and a white flag, and ride to Gorizia. Arrange for a parley with general Nugent, and a two-hour truce. Maybe the general will see that there is no alternative to a honorable surrender."

The two generals met at a table arranged in front of Gorizia main gate, each one of them accompanied by a single aide. Captain Broglia could not fail to remark the striking differences between them. Even leaving aside the difference in age (one was not yet thirty, the other in his seventies), d'Orleans was impeccably groomed, relaxed but conveying confidence; Laval Nugent was a bit disheveled, with a bandage on his left arm, his face grayish and sagging (a favorite saying of his own grandmother came to Broglia's mind: he looks like death warmed over).

D'Orleans spoke first: "Good morning, General Nugent. Let me congratulate you and your troops for a gallant sortie: your men fought well and with outstanding courage, against impossible odds. No one could have done better. However, the sortie towards the bridge of Aquileia has been repulsed with heavy losses to the attackers, and the sortie against the Tower bridge has not fared better. The battle has been decided by now, and I do believe that all the requirements of honor and duty have been complied in full. Let me add that the relief column you were looking for will never arrive: the Croats were completely defeated yesterday afternoon near the lake of Dobardo'. I do not want to go on killing without no need or purpose: this is the reason for which I asked for a ceasefire and a parlay. I want to offer you the possibility of a honorable surrender, which would spare your remaining men."

Nugent was silent for a moment, before answering: "General d'Orleans, I thank you for your kind words, also on behalf of my men who paid dearly during today's fight. You are right: I was advised that a relief column would have arrived today, and the sortie was part of the plan." Nugent stopped for a moment, an expression of disgust on his face "I made very clear to Vienna that this strategy would fail, and that it would have been better to evacuate Gorizia and save our troops, but no one listened. In truth, I wrote that even if the relief column had arrived on schedule , it would be very unlikely that we might achieve a decisive victory. No one listened, I had my orders and so, against my better judgment, I had to order the sortie. I do accept your offer of a honorable surrender: Gorizia is yours. I only ask you to help taking care of my wounded men."

"I do appreciate your moral courage, general Nugent. I had already ordered that your wounded should be taken care of during the truce, and that will continue now. I will release you and your top officers on parole, and an escort will accompany you to the Austrian border in Cadore. I would also suggest you might argue for a general ceasefire, once you reach Vienna. Dalmatia, Istria, Trieste, Fiume and now Gorizia are in our hands. My orders are to secure the border of the County of Gorizia: I have already troops in Postumia, and tomorrow Tolmino will be in our hands. Within a few days, we'll reach the Idria river (7). My orders are to stop there, for now. But, as you may well understand, orders may change."

By late afternoon, Italian troops had entered Gorizia, and the command post of the army was moved to Gorizia castle.

Footnotes

The Ponte di Aquileia (Aquileia bridge) is on the road from Gorizia to Udine. It was built in the 1830s, and also a railway bridge was planned to be built parallel to it.
The Ponte del Torrione (Tower bridge) is much older, and dates back to medieval times. It was rebuilt in the current version during the XVI century. It is located near the hamlet of Piuma (Pium in Slovene)
The 6" howitzer (or more properly the Obusier de 15 cm Valee) was developed in the early 1830s in France, according to the new Systeme Valee which replaced the older Gribeauval technique).
The quote is attributed to George S. Patton, USA general in WW2
The quote is attributed to Pierre Bosquet, a French general during the war of Crimea: the comment was referring to the Charge of the Light Brigade during that war.
The quote is attributed to Robert E. Lee, Confederate general during the American Civil war
The Idria river is named Idrijca in Slovene. In strict terms, the district of Idria (on the far bank of the river) was also part of the County of Gorizia, but the river itself looks to be a more defensible border.

LordKalvan · Oct 30, 2021

The End of the Beginning
Part 1: The Parmesan Gambit

Verona, Guardia Nuova - 10 May 1848, Early Morning
Ferdinando di Savoia, Lieutenant of the Kingdom of Sardinia, Heir to the Throne and most recently acclaimed as Princeps Italiae, was already in his study, reading through the reports arrived from Friuli, via Venice, overnight. It was clear from the expression on his face that the news was good.

"My confidence in Henri d'Orleans was well placed, Camillo! He has perfectly managed the war on the Eastern Front, achieved all his objectives, and proved to be very good at delegating. I was nurturing a few worries about De Sonnaz: he's a good general, but at times he seemed to be affected by tunnel vision. I have to admit that I'm quite impressed by how well he managed the campaign in Lower Friuli, and the battle of Doberdo' Lake was impeccably handled."

Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour and recently appointed First Secretary of the Italian Confederation, had already read the same reports: "De Sonnaz put up as good a performance as any, but I am quite convinced that the praise for his successes must be shared with Colonel Cavedalis: the intelligence his jaegers gathered allowed De Sonnaz to anticipate the Austrian moves, and I believe that even the tactics employed at Dobardo' Lake were suggested by Cavedalis, based on his knowledge of the land. No criticism intended, though, rather the contrary: De Sonnaz managed his task quite well, was smart enough to recognize and accept good advice, and never stopped and got sluggish. I share also your appreciation of General d'Orleans: he was good, very good I should say, at delegating, and also at managing the investment of Gorizia and the final battle. This time around he commanded from the rear, which will meet the approval of your sister for sure, as well as mine own, but I was truly impressed when he refused to continue what had become an unnecessary massacre of enemy troops, and offered Nugent a ceasefire and a chance to surrender: war is hell (1), but it doesn't mean that soldiers should behave like demons. On a lighter note, I am still the editor of "Il Risorgimento", which means I cannot but like a man who can turn out nifty sentences. "Gorizia è nostra, e conquistata con onore (2)" : this is going to be the first-page title in every Italian newspaper, and in most of the European ones as well."

The Count stopped for a sip of coffee, before continuing: "Then there is Federico Carlo, and his cavalry charges at Jamiano. You may remember what I told you on the day the Expeditionary Force left for Friuli. Federico Carlo may do something stupid, or he may die in the war or he may come back as a hero: in any case, he would provide us with an opportunity. It looks like that our wayward Duchino has come out of the war smelling of roses, which is the best outcome for everyone. He's going to be lionized as the hero of Jamiano, and his wounds on the field are more grist to the mill: trust newspapers to milk it to the last drop. With your permission, I will make some delicate inquiries, and see if the delegates of the Provisional Government of Cispadania are equally impressed by the news. It might offer a practical solution for Cispadania, avoiding either the Lombard and Tuscan appetites for annexation or the establishment of a republic: I do not see the former to be acceptable to Cispadanians, and I am pretty sure that a republican solution would not be supported by a majority of the voters either. The considerations I made for Lombardy are also valid for Cispadania and for the Romagne, and I don't need to remind you that Ruggero Settimo followed the same line of reasoning in Sicily: a successful insurrection and a parliamentary vote sanctioning the decadence of the former sovereign, followed by the establishment of a constitutional parliamentary regime negotiated with the democrat wing of the insurgents and the choice of a suitable monarch.
Over the last few months, the political chains imposed on Italy for over 30 years have been broken, Sicily has become independent, the Republic of Venice has been reborn and the Pope has fled Rome: the old balance has gone forever, but a new balance has to be found, and one which can be acceptable not only to the citizens of the various Italian states but also to the other European Powers. It's a fine conundrum to solve, but we must unravel it if we want to succeed, and be quick to do it."

Camillo Benso fell silent for a moment, looking a bit sheepish, then said: "I fear that I've been lecturing, Ferdinando. A bad habit of mine, for which I do apologize."

"No apologies required, Camillo. I am intrigued by your words, and I would appreciate it if you would unveil your master plan for me." Ferdinando smiled thinly "Because I am pretty sure that you have an ace or two up your sleeve."

"Very well. Let's start with our Italian Confederation. The first major change is that Austria has been kicked out of the peninsula: the start has come with the insurrections of Milan and Venice, but those have been followed by conventional war, fought by professional armies, although with the support of volunteer corps. The war has been short, barely seven weeks; there has been no great disruption, no major siege and casualties have been limited. More importantly, law and order have been immediately restored, without opposition, and the former Austrian territories in Northern Italy have been neatly rearranged, dispelling the fear that the kingdom of Sardinia was on a conquering spree. The restoration of the Most Serene Republic has been a brilliant coup, and can hardly be branded as a revolutionary act: I will be happy to argue that it can be seen as the proper and dutiful restoration of a state which was brutally canceled by the Corsican ogre 50 years ago. Lombardy has been set up as a separate kingdom, and the people of Lombardy have overwhelmingly supported this change.
Austria has to accept full responsibility for this outcome since it was caused by the myopic and repressive policies that they enforced for over 30 years in Lombardy-Venetia.
The second major change happened in the Papal States. The incapacity to address necessary reforms was already castigated by the Powers almost 20 years ago, but nothing was done to ameliorate the situation; then a new Pope was elected, proved unable or unwilling to push through real reforms reform, and ultimately his contradictory policies completely alienated the population, forcing him to flee Rome. There was no civil war in the Papal States, and even the insurrection of Rome lasted for a handful of days. I will add that the restoration of the Papal States in 1815 didn't find unanimous consent among the Powers, and ultimately happened mostly by default. I will never cry for the disappearance of such a medieval relic, but the political situation there is still formally unsettled, and we must work hard on that.
It is almost a given that the former Papal States will give birth to two new states: one in the former Legations in the north, and one in Lazio, Umbria, and Marche. It makes sense, since there is no economic reason to keep the former borders, and there is deep lingering resentment in the Legations: they will not accept to continue being governed from Rome. Luckily, it seems that the Provisional Government in Rome will not oppose a "velvet divorce": we will know better when the delegations from Rome and Bologna will arrive in Verona in a few days, but their arrival means that both will apply to join the Confederation. It's too early to know for sure which kind of government will be installed, but I predict that the state centered in Rome will be a republic: I will not bore you by giving all the very obvious reasons for which I'm in favor of this solution, even if I am certainly not a republican. On the other hand, the assembly recently held in Imola appears to be more inclined towards a monarchy, although there is also a vocal minority advocating for a republic. At least this is what Marquis D'Azeglio has reported, and he should certainly know what's happening there.
The problem is that finding a suitable candidate for the throne is far from easy, the more so since it is almost sure two monarchs will be required: Cispadanian political attitudes are quite similar. There are just two potential candidates: your own cousin, Prince Eugenio di Savoia Carignano, and our errant-but-hopefully-reformed Duchino, Ferdinando Carlo di Borbone Parma.
You have certainly realized that I cannot consider as an acceptable candidate the former Duke of Modena, or the second son of Granduca Leopoldo di Toscana or any member of the Borbone branch currently on the throne in Naples.
Francesco di Austria-Este has always been a willing pawn of Austria, in deeds as well as in thoughts, and has also been consistently intriguing with the most reactionary figures on the continent (3); as they say, the apple falls close to the tree, and his father too was a champion of reaction and sent to death many patriots after the insurrection of 1831.
The second son of your uncle is barely nine years old, and I don't want to inflict a very long regency on anyone, in particular a regency masterminded by Grand Duke Leopoldo.
None of the close relations of king Ferdinando II of Naples stands really out, and as a matter of fact, all the past attempts to find any of them a place on a throne, even as Prince Consort, has consistently failed: even leaving aside the awkwardness of negotiating a deal with Ferdinando II of Naples, a horse spurned by all previous potential buyers cannot be a good bargain."

"A cogent presentation, Camillo. The problem of the decadence of the Pope from Temporal Power is not going away soon, but it doesn't need to be addressed in the immediate: let us see what the Roman delegation suggests.
I do agree completely with your reasoning in discarding some potential candidates for the thrones of Romagne or Cispadania. My own cousin should be eminently acceptable to either polity: in his forties, happily married to an Imperial Princess who has given him four children, a long and outstanding career in the Sardinian Navy as well as a significant administrative experience since the king appointed him as Lieutenant of the Kingdom when the war started.
Now tell me why you consider Ferdinando Carlo equally suitable to ascend a throne. His passion for the army was never counterbalanced by an equal interest in studying and understanding our world, an as Thukydides wrote: The society that separates its scholars from its warriors will have its thinking done by cowards and its fighting by fools."

Although Ferdinando certainly embodied a rare ideal of warrior-scholar, and Ferdinando Carlo might be easily regarded as a true fighting fool, this wasn't an unexpected question, and Camillo was up to the challenge.
"First of all, I believe that the Duchino may not be truly intellectually gifted, but at the same time he's certainly courageous and of good heart. Second, he (and his father too) always resented the heavy-handed Austrian interference in the affairs of Parma. Note that his father did not abandon immediately the duchy after the insurrection, and tried to find a way to appease the insurgents, leaving for Florence, and not Vienna, only when this last-ditch attempt failed; Ferdinando Carlo decided to join your troops at Goito, bringing 500 lancers with him, and this should certainly be counted in his favor. He missed the battle of Goito, but fought in Friuli, and not only avoided doing anything stupid but also gave good proof of himself at the charge of Jamiano. He's come out of the battle smelling of roses, as I said, and his wounds are also good to further burnish his hero's halo.
Last, but certainly not least, he has certainly a valid claim on the throne of Parma, and our propagandists can easily parlay this into a claim on both the Cispadanian Duchies: a side benefit of this is that we will show Europe that we are making an effort to provide continuity of rule, even if I might say under different management.
Obviously, once the necessary spadework has been done, his father will need to abdicate, but I don't think this will be a major issue: Carlo II has always shown little interest in ruling, and there were rumors he was going to abdicate earlier this year, before the insurrections. There is just a little speck on the résumé of the Duchino: his wife is the sister of the Comte de Chambord, the Bourbon pretender to the French crown, and I understand that she shares in full her brother's reactionary and ultra-catholic beliefs. The marriage was purely dynastic, sponsored by Austria, and there is not much place for love in it, even if she has already produced a daughter and is again heavily pregnant. A little speck, I said: a female consort would not be allowed to openly express political disagreements with her husband, and if she does... there are "possibilities". Federico Carlo will never be a scholar-warrior, but we scarcely need such a mythical figure in today's Cispadania. Does this answer your question?"

"Even in this mad 1848, I was certainly not anticipating using Ferdinando Carlo as the key to solving a political problem.
You have succeeded in turning a sow's ear into a silk purse, Camillo: let's call it the Parmesan Gambit!" Ferdinando replied, laughing aloud.

Camillo thought it was good to see his Prince benefitting from genuine laughter: it did not happen often enough.

Footnotes

"War is hell" is attributed to IOTL Gen. William T. Sherman, during the American Civil War
"Gorizia is ours, and fairly won". IOTL Gen. William T. Sherman telegraphed to Washington on 3 September 1864: "Atlanta is ours, and fairly won"
The elder sister of Francesco V of Austria-Este married the Comte de Chambord on 7 November 1846, while his younger sister Maria Beatrice married the Carlist Pretender to the Spanish crown, Juan Carlos of Bourbon-Spain, on 6 February 1847. These marriages created some scandal, since the brides' father, Francesco IV of Austria-Este, had died on 21 January 1846, and the mourning period was not respected.

LordKalvan · Nov 4, 2021

The End of the Beginning
Part 2: Roman Politics

Verona, Guardia Nuova - 10 May 1848, Late Morning
Cavour was not surprised when the moment of mirth did not last long.

"Tell me your take of the situation in Rome, Camillo. I have to admit that I am not fully up-to-date, although I have certainly read the dispatches of our ambassador there."

"Gen. Ferrari has moved with commendable caution, and apparently without stepping on too many toes. The order in Rome has been quickly restored, and the city is apparently quiet. Three regiments of the National Guard were sent to cover a potential Neapolitan invasion, should the king there feel rambunctious: I don't think that's the case, but it is a reasonable precaution to take. The Parliament, in joint session, has confirmed the appointment of Ferrari as a dictator, has petitioned him to call new elections for a Constitutional Convention and to apply to join the Confederation. As the last act, they voted for the dissolution of the Chambers. The government also resigned in the hands of the dictator, but most of the ministers will stay on as caretakers. I understand that the Prince of Canino has been instrumental in these developments, but neither the role of the Pope nor the future form of government have been discussed, as he had originally proposed. Speaking frankly, I am quite relieved: I was afraid that Carlo Luciano Bonaparte might refuse to stop where he did, and we all know how these Bonaparte are-or wish they were - but luckily he did stop.. A vote of parliament in favor of the end of Temporal Power and the proclamation of a republic in Rome would have been quite premature: it is much more reasonable to defer the final step to a legitimate and freely elected assembly. Time is on our side now, so it's better to leave the first move to Pio IX, while the dictator shows restrain and respect for the legality. Free elections and a constitutional convention should leave no doubt about the future of Rome.
The dictator immediately responded to the parliamentary petitions by calling new elections for the first Sunday in June, on the basis of a universal male franchise. Ferrari is showing a very good perception of politics, or, as I believe, he has a good advisor. He also appointed a triumvirate, the Giunta di Governo, to oversee the day-to-day operations until a new government may be democratically installed, and decreed that a delegation would be sent immediately to Verona. The triumvirate originally included Prince Tommaso Corsini, Senator of Rome, Count Francesco Camerata, Senator of Ancona, and Count Gaetano Zucchini, Senator of Bologna. Prince Corsini is a very good choice, according to my friend Mamiani, and while pretty old is still very active: a moderate, but with good relation with the democrats and a personal friendship with Ciceruacchio. There is not much to say about Count Camerata, his appointment was an obvious bone thrown to the people of the Marche. Count Zucchini declined the offer, and this news came back to Rome together with a copy of the deliberations of the assembly at Imola, declaring the separation of the former Legations from the main body of the Papal States. Ferrari replaced Zucchini with signor Francesco Guardabassi, from Perugia. The latter is a former member of the Carboneria and a friend of Mazzini, but his record as Commander of the Civic guard of Perugia in 1833 tells that he's a honorable and sensible fellow, highly regarded in Perugia. I hear he's been active in modernizing agriculture in his estates, and that he is a fine wine-maker, too.
Finally, Ferrari openly declared that the people of the Legations were entitled to freely choose their form of government, and to go their own separate way, if they so choose: he would never countenance forcing the Legations to remain in union with Rome. "

"I judged Ferrari to be an upright and honest man, and a good military man, but was not anticipating he would also be such an adroit politician. I agree that there must be someone advising him on the political side: any idea who might be? And who will be sent to Verona?"

"My friend Count Mamiani, Prince Aldobrandini, the former minister for war, Pietro Sterbini, of Campo dei Fiori fame: a moderate, a liberal and a democrat. A reasonable mix. You will be surprised by the additional two roving members personally chosen by Ferrari: Count Pellegrino Rossi, the former French ambassador to Rome and a close friend of Guizot; and our very own Savonarola reborn, Vincenzo Gioberti, the same who went overnight from neo-Guelf champion to a wild-eyed revolutionary preacher.
I was not expecting at all that Count Rossi would be back in politics so soon. I was informed that, after the fall of the Orleans, he retired to private life, but now I am quite convinced he may have been advising Ferrari during the first critical weeks of the dictatorship.
I met Rossi in Paris 10 years ago: a very intelligent man, well versed in constitutional law and in diplomacy, a bit self-centered though. Given his long relation with Guizot and his personal friendship with the Pope, I would describe him as a conservative and a pious Catholic; however, I have seen the events of this 1848 easily change the political beliefs of many persons, myself included, so I will reserve my judgment for now. For what is worth, his son Odoardo enrolled in the Sardinian army and fought at the bridge of Goito. Luckily, he is now posted at the fortress of Peschiera, and can come to Verona upon short notice."

"I'd also like to know what is the Pope planning right now, Camillo: it might be advisable to start an informal negotiation."

"Marquis Pareto sent us some rumors from Rome, which were apparently leaked from the Office of the Cardinal Legate. The Pope arrived in Gaeta, and immediately sent a letter to King Ferdinand: the gist was that he had been forced to leave Rome by unruly mobs and Jacobins. Gaeta was only the first step of his voyage since he didn't want to create any disturbances in the kingdom of Naples. King Ferdinand was in Gaeta two days later, and the result is that the Pope is apparently going to stay.
The Pope has apparently issued a brief, condemning the "sacrilegious and unjustified violence" which forced him to leave Rome, appointing a Commission to govern the city and praying God to forgive those who "raised their impious hands against the Vicar of Christ". Nothing else, I am afraid, aside from a tidbit Pareto added: Cardinal Antonelli has been spotted moving in Rome, but dressed as a layman, not a cardinal. It may be nothing, or it may be Antonelli's way to keep open a door: to which purpose, I don't know yet. My recommendation is to do nothing at this stage."

"You mentioned that you do not anticipate any rash action from the other Ferdinand." Camillo was ready to answer the implicit question, but he could not but smile seeing that even his Prince was using the nickname the Bourbon King had recently earned.

"There have been disturbances in Naples on 4 May: it was the feast day of San Gennaro, but the traditional miracle of the liquefaction of the blood of the saint didn't happen. This is considered a bad omen in Naples, in particular among the poorest classes, the "lazzaroni". To add insult to injury, the equally traditional distribution of food to the poor was canceled, same as the distribution of food for Easter was canceled this year. The lazzaroni rioted, although it was not a true insurrection.
However, the Neapolitan Parliament is going to be inaugurated on 15 May, and there is already a lot of tension around. The king has not yet released the program for the inauguration, and wild tales are already spreading: there is fear that the king will delay the inauguration, or even cancel the Constitution. The truth is probably less dramatic, but it is true that the deputies elected to the Lower House have all intentions to legislate changes to the Constitution, obviously not in a way the king would approve. A constitutional crisis is very likely to flare out on the day of the inauguration, and the king is not going to send his regiments to sort out the Roman troubles of the Pope. Proving once again that he deserve to be called 'the other Ferdinand'.
You wouldn't be caught with your pants down, would you? I can bet you would have had the plans for a Case Tiber already prepared." he quipped.

There was a thin, sharp smile on the lips of Prince Ferdinando, but his dark eyes were unreadable.

LordKalvan · Nov 9, 2021

The End of the Beginning
Part 3: Vom Krieg, L'Art de la Guerre and Case Suez

Verona, Guardia Nuova - 10 May 1848, Late Morning
"Of course I had plans prepared for a Case Tiber: it was a very unlikely eventuality, I was very confident that General Ferrari would have restored law and order in Rome with ease. However, it is always be better to be prepared, since war is very different from other human endeavors. As Karl von Clausewitz wrote in his seminal book: "Everything in war is simple, but the simplest thing is difficult. The difficulties accumulate and end by producing a kind of friction that is inconceivable unless one has experienced war." I found these words eminently sound, and accordingly I have always striven to plan in advance, and to be prepared for the unexpected or the unlikely. It is also a very good tool to train the young officers of the General Staff, teaching them to plan carefully before acting.
After I got the news that Ferrari had managed his task, but also that the Pope had left Rome for Gaeta, I had Case Tiber updated to factor in the new events: now it covers a potential Neapolitan invasion of Latium.
While we are on the subject of books and the art of war, there is another one which I discovered by happenstance in the library of the Royal Palace in Turin: it's titled "L'Art de la Guerre" (1), and it was translated from the original Chinese text some 70 years ago by a French Jesuit returned from China. The translator claims the original text was written by a famous Chinese general centuries before the birth of Christ: I don't really know about that, but the book is full of practical suggestions, some of which I have been able to put in practice with good results.
“Let your plans be dark and impenetrable as night, and when you move, fall like a thunderbolt.”: my plan for the dash to Goito took inspiration from these words. Or take my impromptu visit to Venice after the battle. There is another quote which I found applicable as well: “In the midst of chaos, there is also opportunity”. There was chaos in Veneto, and therefore I went to look for opportunities: you know the rest. But the best quote is the one which inspired my strategy after Goito: “Supreme excellence consists of breaking the enemy's resistance without fighting.”. This is what happened with the capitulation of Verona, but also the immediate dispatch of the Expeditionary Force to Friuli comes out of a similar approach. Nugent's army in Gorizia was effectively sterilized before it could play a role in the war. Admittedly, two battles had to be fought, but the enemy was in both cases forced to fight on a ground of our choosing, and the outcome was never in doubt.

But enough with self-praise and aggrandizement. I have heard that you have been impressing a number of young officers in your service. Are you building your own army, Camillo?" The smile on the lips of the prince took away any sting from the question.

Cavour laughed: "You caught me, Ferdinando, but I can assure you I am not preparing any coup. My problem was that there are too many things I have to take care of, here in Verona, obviously, but also in other Italian capitals and even abroad. I have always had a good number of friends, well placed in position where they can keep me abreast : Scialoia, Casati and Mamiani, for example, or Princess Belgioioso, but also my uncles in Geneva, and many new friendships found in Isola della Scala, like the redoubtable count Mocenigo or the learned professors Ferrari and Montanelli. Even with these people helping me to keep track of events, I needed a few aides on whom I might rely. My nephew Augusto has come to the rescue, introducing to me a number of young officers who are currently quartered in Verona. Some of them are truly precious gems, who only need to be polished a bit and nudged a little. I do anticipate that these men will serve well the Confederation once the war is over.
I have been interacting with them for just a couple of weeks or so, but I have been deeply impressed by their dedication and their energy. In some ways, they remember me of myself, when I was young, although they are luckier than me having the opportunity to fight for a worthy cause and taste the heady wine of victory. At the same age, I was a bit like a ship lost at sea: the end of the reign of Carlo Felice and the first years of your father's reign were not a good time for me, even leaving aside ... never mind what (2). The past is a closed book."

Camillo stopped for a moment, a sad expression on his face. He recovered quickly, and continued:
"Anyway, there are two of them whom I consider the cream of a good crop: Costantino Nigra (3) and Isacco Artom (4). The former is barely 20 years old, born in Villa Castelnuovo, near Turin, of a bourgeoise family. He was studying law at the university of Turin, but enrolled in the army when the war started. I understand he fought at the battle of Goito, where he was slightly wounded.
The latter is one year younger, and was born in Asti, of a rich Jewish family. He also started to study law at the university, but he had to go to Pisa, since Jews were not allowed to enroll at the university of Turin before your father decreed their emancipation a couple of months ago. He was studying under prof. Montanelli, who has a lot of consideration for him: no surprise that he also enrolled at the start of the war, in the Volunteer Battalion he raised and commanded. Isacco fought with distinction at the bridge of Zevio.
A bit outside of the inner circle, there is Major Luigi Corsi, eldest son of Marquess Corsi from Savona. He raised and commanded a Volunteer Corps from Genoa, who participated at the siege of Mantua."

"I know Major Corsi" Ferdinando interjected "He is the officer who court-martialed and hanged a squad of Austrian stragglers who were caught committing atrocities on a farm close to Mantua. I read his report, and endorsed his actions in full. Fighting a war is no license to behave like animals."

"Major Corsi is a good officer, from what I know of him" Camillo continued "However what is most interesting for me is that his family owns a largish shipping company in Savona: I regard him as my own advisor in terms of the nuts-and-bolts of sea commerce. Of course he is still commanding his battalion, so he cannot work for me full time, but every bit helps. Anyway, the mention of Major Corsi and sea commerce has reminded me of a very interesting man who arrived in Verona a week ago: Luigi Negrelli (5). He was introduced to me by signor Cattaneo, who had in the past consulted with him in regards to the Venice to Milan railway. Signor Negrelli is an engineer of European renown, who has worked all over Central Europe in the field of large infrastructures: roads, bridges, hydraulic works and obviously railways. You know my love for railways, which I consider the sinews for the industrialization of the country as well as a great boost to commerce, so I had no hesitation in giving him a very warm welcome. There were some pointed comments about this welcome, since sig. Negrelli was born in Trentino, studied at Innsbruck and is an Austrian citizen. I don't hold his birthplace or his citizenship against him, after all all the people living in Lombardy and Venetia were Austrian citizens until now: the important thing is to see if they accept the new world which has been born, of if they don't. I believe that sig. Negrelli is an intelligent man who has read the writing on the wall: after the end of the war, every Italian living in the Austrian empire will live under a cloud of suspicion; even more importantly, Cattaneo knows of my keen interest in infrastructures, and will have made sure that Negrelli is well aware of it. The interesting thing is that talking with Negrelli I discovered that in 1847 he had submitted a technical proposal for a canal through which ships could sail from the Mediterranean to the Red sea, and vice versa obviously, and his project had been chosen by the technical commission in charge for the review of different proposals. It looked very interesting to me, but I also checked with Major Corsi to see what he would think of such a venture: he was absolutely ecstatic, and elaborated at length on the benefits which Italy would gain if such a canal were to be built, in terms of commerce with India and the Far East. I think you should add this project to yours to-do list, Ferdinando. Call it Case Suez, since you have invented this kind of wording, and Suez is the Red sea end of the canal. Be warned, though: the Khedive of Egypt is obviously supportive of such a project, the French are interested too, or at least were before this wave of revolutions, but the British don't look to be in favor (6). I think it is because they are not so eager to give France an opportunity to easily send warships to the Indian Ocean."

"You are widening the range of your interests, Camillo. I'll make a note of this Suez Canal, and we'll see how things play out. I do agree with you that a canal connecting the Mediterranean and the Red Sea would present a significant opportunity for us.
Choosing young and bright assistants to help you carry the weight - and I am aware of the weight I am placing on your shoulders, Camillo - is a necessary step which will hopefully bear fruits: the young men who have volunteered to fight for the idea of a free and united Italy are the ones we are going to need in the next few years, if we truly want to make the Confederation work. Cast your nets wider, though: look also for suitable candidates from other parts of Italy, not just Sardinia."

Footnotes

The writings of Sun Tzu were translated in Paris in 1772 by Father Amiot, a French Jesuit returned after many years in China. It was titled "L'Art de la Guerre", which is apparently a mistranslation, since the original title was something like "Competitive Methods". An unconfirmed legend tells that a young Napoleon found and read with interest the book.
The reference is to the love story that Cavour had with the Marquise Anna Schiaffino Giustiniani, started when he was sent to Genoa in 1830, and continued on and off during the following decade. The Marquise was already married, and older than Cavour, but this relation had a strong impact on him.
Costantino Nigra is a historical character, who entered in Cavour's orbit in IOTL 1852, and was strongly recommended to him by Massimo D'Azeglio. IOTL, the career of Nigra started with the war of Crimea, and later on when he was posted to Paris in the critical year of 1858 to manage Louis Napoleon. ITTL, Cavour and Nigra meet each other 4 years earlier, and in different circumstances.
Isacco Artom is a historical character, who entered in Cavour's orbit in IOTL 1855, when he replaced Costantino Nigra, who was sent in a mission to Paris, as private secretary of Cavour. Artom had a very impressive career at the Foreign Ministry, and was the first Italian Jew to be sent abroad in a diplomatic position.
Luigi Negrelli is a historical character, who was born in Fiera di Primiero, near Trento, in 1799. He worked in different countries in Central Europe (Austria, Switzerland, Rhine Lands and in 1840 was appointed Inspector General of all Austrian railways. He submitted a project to Lesseps in 1847, which was chosen for implementation, but the outbreak of revolutions put a stop to it. After 1849, he was posted in Lombardy, to supervise all the the infrastructures of Lombardy-Venetia, but a couple of years later was forced to resign, being (wrongly) considered politically unreliable.
The British were in favor of a railway between Port Said and Port Suez

LordKalvan · Nov 24, 2021

The End of the Beginning
Part 4: When in the Romagne...

Verona, Guardia Nuova - 12 May 1848, Early Morning

Count Cavour and Marquis D'Azeglio were admitted together to the study of Prince Ferdinando.

"Good morning, gentlemen, and welcome to Verona, Marquis" Ferdinando's mood was buoyant "My warmest congratulation for a job well done in the Romagne: from all reports I received, the transfer of power in the former Legations was as smooth as I hoped."

"Thank you, Your Highness, however Cardinal d'Amat was cooperative, and Brigadier Bonomi was very effective. This said, there were some disturbances in Rimini and Faenza. A legacy of the harsh repression after the insurrection of 1845, no doubt. The National Guard had no great difficulty in restoring law and order."

"I have already sent a commendation to Brigadier Bonomi. Where is Cardinal d'Amat now? I understand he left Bologna."

"The cardinal told me he was going to the abbey of Nonantola, near Modena, for a spiritual retreat. I have been told that also Cardinal Falconieri, the archbishop of Ravenna, decided to join him. I can assure you that no pressure was exerted on either Cardinal, and their decision was freely taken."

"Nonantola is close to Modena, and so not far away from Bologna. Is there any danger of ecclesiastical interference in the former Legations?" Cavour had his priorities, and was not shy in asking questions.

"I do not anticipate any problem from either of them: Card. d'Amat was frankly relieved when he stepped down from his position, and Card. Falconieri has always been considered a moderate reformist. The emphasis is on "moderate": it has been said that he considered the reforms granted by the Pope a bit excessive. " D'Azeglio smiled sarcastically "Overall, I believe he may have just decided to remove himself from his seat, and weather the storm in a monastery (1)."

"Now be so kind to give us a brief analysis of the situation in the Romagne: we have obviously read your reports, but I would like to hear your views, as the man in the field. What do the people want, and are they united or divided about the way to go forward?"

"Your Highness, the delegates to the Convention of Imola were all in agreement about one point: the Romagne will cut their ties to Rome, at once and for good. The are historical as well as economical reasons for this, and it would be useless to rehash them.
Anyway, once the severance of the ties with the Papal States was voted, it was time to decide how the new state would be set up, and here the differences started to surface. The majority of the delegates was in favor of a constitutional monarchy, while there was a vocal minority advocating a republic: the former were handicapped by the lack of a suitable recipient for the future crown, the latter by knowing that they would be unable to be supported by a majority of the citizens, in particular in the countryside. In the end a compromise was reached: the new state would have monarchical form, and Your Highness would be offered the crown to Romagne, in Personal Union and subject to your acceptance of a Constitution to be written by an ad-hoc constitutional convention. I have a sneaking suspicion that the republican faction voted in favor of this compromise, with their fingers crossed: they hope that you will decline the offer, or alternatively that the Constitution to be written would be unacceptable to you. In either case, they believe that the republican option would be revived."

"I would advise Your Highness not to accept this offer," Cavour spoke up "but I don't think it would be really needed. Adding a third crown to those of Sardinia and Lombardy would be too much, and destroy, or at least weaken, the good feeling you have been building until now, both in Italy and among the European chancelleries."

Ferdinand gave Camillo an impenetrable look, then smiled.
"I am of course honored and flattered by the proposal; the people of the Romagne are proud Italians who have been longing for justice and freedom for so long that I can be but happy in being chosen as their Constitutional monarch. However, I do agree with Camillo: the title of "Princeps Italiae" should not mean that I am the direct sovereign of half of the country. The crowns of Sardinia and Lombardy will anyway demand too much of my time, and this without considering my role as leader of the Italian Confederation and as ruler of the Confederal Districts. I don't think it would be to the benefit of the people of Romagne to be governed by an absent ruler. I do not see how good it could be changing a ruler in Rome with one constantly touring Northern Italy." A pause here, just to give Marquis d'Azeglio the time to think "Would this be the only difference, though?", and then Ferdinand inquired,

"Was there any consideration for other candidates?"

"Carlo Salvatore di Asburgo-Lorena (2) was mentioned, but he is not yet 10 years old: it would mean a long regency, and there is a lot of concern for the appetites of Tuscany. A Tuscan ruler would be seen as a potential Trojan horse to put the Legations under Tuscan control. The delegates from Pesaro and Urbino were the most vocal in rejecting this possibility. No one was as bold, or as crazy, to suggest a scion of the Bourbons from Naples." D'Azeglio replied.

"Then it is a good thing that I can suggest a possible alternative candidate: my own cousin, Prince Eugenio di Savoia Carignano.
My father legitimated him in 1835, and this solved the problem of his grandfather's morganatic marriage, and four years later he granted him the title of Royal Highness. Prince Eugenio had a successful career in the Sardinian Navy, where he rose to the rank of Admiral; then he was nominated Lieutenant of the Kingdom when my father and I left for the war in Lombardy, proving once more that he was in the confidence of the king. His wife is Francesca di Braganza, Imperial Princess of Brazil: it is a happy marriage, which has been blessed by four children. The most important thing, in my view at least, is that he's a man who knows what is meant by "duty". I do believe he would be a good monarch, and the Romagne would prosper under his crown. I never mentioned him before, Marquis D'Azeglio, because I wanted to allow the Romagnoli a chance to debate and decide the future of their land without external interference. Now that they have done that, the time has come to unveil this candidacy, and I will welcome your advice on how to play this card, for the good of Italy and the Romagne, both."

"A general election for delegates to the Constitutional Convention has been called for the last Sunday in May. The extension of the franchise has been hotly debated, the democrats asking for universal male suffrage, while the moderates wanted a limited franchise based on census. Once again, the solution was a compromise, based on the solution adopted in Lombardy: the census limit was lowered, and the intention is to reduce it again in the future. The delegates also chose an Executive Committee of 5 men, to act as Provisional Government: Count Giuseppe Pasolini dall'Onda (3), from Ravenna; signor Marco Minghetti, from Bologna; signor Giuseppe Galletti, also from Bologna; dottor Carlo Luigi Farini, from Ravenna; and dottor Carlo Grillenzoni (4), from Ferrara. Brigadier Bonomi refused a place on the Executive Committee, preferring to remain in command of the National Guard. They are fine men, well learned and true patriots. Pasolini, Minghetti and Galletti were for a time under the spell of Pio IX, and were ministers in the first constitutional government in Rome; however all of them resigned their position and left Rome after the infamous papal allocution of early April. Three of these men are in the delegation which arrived in Verona with me: Minghetti, Galletti and Farini."
Marquis d'Azeglio stopped for a moment to order his thoughts, before continuing.
"In different ways, these three men are worth watching.
Marco Minghetti comes from a family of high bourgeoisie, and the family properties are quite remarkable. He is still young, in his early thirties, very interested in the progress of science. He visited both France and England more than one time, and struck some good friendships there: among them, Pellegrino Rossi and Terenzio Mamiani, who I understand will soon arrive in Verona too. He had a brief tenure in the Papal Government as minister for Public Works, but resigned after the Pope refused to countenance a continuation of the war and went back to Bologna. He's certainly a liberal, but not insensitive to the plight of the working classes.
Giuseppe Galletti is a lawyer, and is certainly a democrat, even if a fairly moderate one. He participated in the insurrections of 1831, fighting under gen. Zucchi, and later one he took part in the insurrection of Rimini in 1845, for which was sentence to life in prison. He took advantage of the amnesty of 1846, and came under the spell of Pio IX and his reforms. Like Minghetti, he was a minister in the first Papal Government: minister of Police, if you can believe that a known dissident like him could be appointed to such a position. I believe his appointment was a bone tossed to the left, and as I said, he had become a notorious supporter of the Pope. This changed quickly, not just for the Papal allocution, but more likely for the repressions which followed, since Galletti could not countenance them. As a result, not only he resigned from government, but went back to Bologna: this is a bit surprising for me, since Galletti had always advocated Rome, rather than Bologna, as the natural center for reforms, and had been hotly debating this issue with the third member of the delegation, signor Farini, who had long been calling for Bologna to take the lead. Possibly not the most stable man I ever met, and very opinionated, but a true patriot all the same.
Carlo Luigi Farini is a doctor, from a well-known family of medical practitioners. He is well known for his studies of smallpox epidemics, of the connections between rice cultivations and malaria, and of the causes of pellagra. Notwithstanding his devotion to the medical profession, he was always active in politics: originally a follower of Mazzini, he soon became disillusioned with him, and Mazzini returned the feeling, considering him too moderate and unwilling to support revolutionary activities. Farini wrote the "Proclamation of Rimini" when the insurrection started: his effort was praised by all liberal and moderates, both in Italy and in Europe, and was condemned by reactionaries and by Mazzini, obviously for different reasons. A good man, a man of science and of ideals, although I feel compelled to disclose that he is also a very good friend of mine, as well as of Count Balbo.
These are the men who have arrived in Verona, Your Highness. I suggest that I may have a private word with signor Minghetti, before we have the official meeting. I don't really need to involve dottor Farini beforehand, I know how he thinks. Be careful when talking with signor Galletti: I wouldn't think he would be against your proposal, but the man is at times unpredictable."

"Two out of three is not really bad (5)." Cavour quipped "Let's not forget that we are benefitting from the war momentum, and that the people of the Romagne want to join the Confederation. I predict that the delegates will not be in a position to accept or refuse our candidate beforehand. They will have to go back to Imola and see what they think. Furthermore, the Constitutional Convention is still to be elected, and a Constitution written. Your Highness might suggest them to consider what has been written in the revised Sicilian Constitution, as well as in the Sardinian and Tuscan ones. No need to start from scratch and discover how to boil water, and anyway it is important to end this vacuum legis as soon as practical. I am quite confident that in the end everything will work out satisfactorily"

Footnotes

IOTL, cardinal Chiarissimo Falconieri Mellini left Ravenna in early March 1849, to seek refuge in a monastery in the Venetian lagoon. No threats had been made against him, and it was always unclear why he should feel safer in a monastery in a city under siege than in his seat in Ravenna. ITTL, he makes a similar choice, but goes to Nonantola: it seems a more rational choice
Carlo Salvatore was the second eldest male son of the Grand Duke of Tuscany
Count Giuseppe Pasolini was born in an aristocratic family from Ravenna, with a long pedigree going back to the eleventh century. Notwithstanding his quarters of nobility, his grandfather was among the first to welcome the arrival of the French and his father prospered under Napoleon. A moderate, he also served in the Papal Government for a brief stint as minister for Agriculture, before resigning and returning to Bologna
Carlo Grillenzoni was born in Ferrara in 1814. He studied medicine at the university of Bologna, graduating in 1836. He specialized in obstetrics and gynecology, soon becoming one of the best known specialists in the field. Returning to Ferrara, he founded in 1846 the first Italian kindergarten, grinding down the opposition of the church. In 1847, he became a professor at the university of Ferrara. A liberal moderate, and one of the informal leaders of Ferrara.
IOTL, Cavour interacted with the three delegates in the 1850s: he had a good relatioship with Minghetti and Farini (who was appointed dictator for Emilia in 1859), but always disliked Galletti. ITTL, he comes even sooner to the same conclusion

LordKalvan · Dec 18, 2021

"Something is Rotten in the State of Naples"

Napoli, 23 April 1848
"From time to time, two problems manage to solve each other" Leopoldo di Borbone mused looking out towards the magnificent gardens of the Villa Reale of Capua "My brother Ferdinando needed some convincing, before seeing reason, but now he is off to Gaeta to celebrate Easter with His Exiled Holiness and at least I am free of his continuous lamentations and accusations, for a time at least. Today I can take my nephew Francesco for a ride: he will be happy to be away from his bully of a half-brother for a few hours, and I will have an opportunity to start dropping some seeds in his mind. Francesco may not be the best foundation stone on which to build the future of the dynasty, but at least he appears to be intelligent and studious enough, and his age makes him pliable. There will be time enough to help him grow a backbone, the more so if I can keep him from the coterie of priests on whom his step-mother dotes."

Gaeta, 23 April 1848
Ferdinando di Borbone had been very angry when he got the news that the Pope had fled Rome's insurrection, and almost casually ended up in Gaeta, but his anger had not lasted long. He was a dutiful son of Holy Church, and he felt guilty for having criticized the decision of His Holiness, even if it had happened in private and only his brother Leopoldo had been present. Now he felt better for having taken Leopoldo's advice to go to Gaeta and personally greet the Pope. Pio IX was a great and holy man, there was no doubt about that, and he felt honored that the Pope had chosen to search protection from the Jacobins by taking refuge in Gaeta. His Holiness had assured him that it would be for a short time only, and he would leave Gaeta soon to avoid creating additional troubles for the kingdom of Two Sicilies, but Ferdinando had rushed to convince him that the presence of the Pope would be a blessing, rather than an aggravation, and that His Holiness was welcome to stay in the kingdom as long as he needed or wished.
Ferdinando almost choked on his words when he was forced to admit that for the time being there was no possibility to send Neapolitan troops to castigate the revolutionaries and take back Rome for the Holy Father: the unrest in Naples, the insurrections in Abruzzi and Calabria, as well as the the secession of Sicily forced him to wait before committing to such an undertaking, but soon the swords of the Kingdom of Two Sicilies would be drawn in defense of the Temporal Power of the Pope: just give time to the political horizon to clear a bit. Ferdinando's eyes became a bit moist, remembering how in the end His Holiness had relented, and promised to remain in Gaeta, under the protection of the House of Borbone.

Napoli, 7 May 1848
Carlo Troya, Prime Minister of the kingdom of Two Sicilies since the beginning of April, had been summoned to the Royal Palace in Naples to report on the riots which had happened the day before, during the ceremonies for the feast of San Gennaro: the blood of the saint had failed to liquefy, always a bad omen for the populace of Naples, and the lazzaroni had rioted. It had not been much of a riot, and the Guardia Nazionale had easily kept it under control, but the king was clearly upset by the news. Carlo Troya was pretty sure that the riot found its roots more in the failure on the part of the king to distribute the traditional Easter donations to the poorest classes, rather than in the botched miracle, but it was pretty clear that the king would not have been willing to listen to any such explanation: the summon had been made to allow Ferdinando to vent his dissatisfaction on his hapless Prime Minister, after all.
Another sore point which came up during the discussion was the planned inauguration of the first Constitutional Parliament : it would happen on 15 May, barely a week away, but the king had been very reluctant to discuss any of the still unsolved issues. The first elections to the Lower House of Parliament had returned a clear majority for liberals and democrats, to the chgrin of the king, and there were rumors in plenty that the elected Representatives were not going to accept without protest the constitutional set-up granted by Ferdinando on 29 January 1848, since it gave the king and the House of Peers a clear upper hand in all legislative matters. Carlo Troya wished to reach a compromise before the inauguration, but for the time being neither the king nor the elected Representatives would budge from their positions.

Napoli, 11 May 1848
The Representatives, spurred by the Mazzinians among them (1), had declared that the oath of allegiance to king and constitution had to make clear that the Lower House was entitled to discuss and vote whichever modification to the Constitution they required necessary. It was not something the king would be willing to accept, and just four days prior to the planned inauguration the stalemate was continuing.

Napoli, 12 May 1848
To further complicate the issue, the king released on Friday the list of the Peers appointed to the Upper House: there was no more than a handful of liberals among them, and the powers given to the Peers were the most important issue the Representatives wanted to modify.
The Representatives already arrived in Naples retaliated by sitting in assembly in the Convent of Monte Oliveto (the Parliament would be convened in the nearby church of San Lorenzo). While different formulations of the oath of allegiance were exchanged between the government and the rump parliament, the Representatives also voted a motion, to be sent to the Government, asking that no troops would be allowed in the city on Inauguration Day, that the Guardia Nazionale would be responsible for keeping law and order and also that the city's strongpoints should be handed over to the same Guardia Nazionale.
The confrontation continued over Saturday and Sunday, without reaching any common ground.
A compromise version of the oath of allegiance was finally, and grudgingly, agreed during the night between 14 and 15 May, but at this point in time wild rumors were abounding all over the city, and the first barricades were already in place.

Napoli, 15 May 1848
The first act of Parliament was to send a proclamation to the Guardia Nazionale, thanking them for defending constitutional liberties but also asking to dismantle the barricades. It was not obeyed: no barricade was dismantled, and the Guardia Nazionale was conspicuously manning them.
The tense confrontation abruptly erupted into fighting around 10 in the morning.
Two Representatives, sent to the Royal Palace to further negotiate, were arrested. A little later, field guns were moved to the esplanade in front of the Royal Palace, and two officers were sent to negotiate the removal of the large barricade in Via Toledo, near to Palazzo Cirella: they were shot while approaching the insurgents, and all hell came loose Field artillery was rolled forward to cannonade the barricades, and the Swiss mercenary regiments were sent to clear the streets. The fighting raged for most of the day, initially concentrated around Palazzo Cirella (it belonged to the Catalano Gonzaga(2), who were strongly leaning toward the liberals): after a short but vicious siege, the doors were broken, and the enraged soldiery sacked the palace, killing all armed people. Then the fight spread to the old city, barricade after barricade falling under the assaults and the volleys of the Swiss companies. The last act was the attack against the convent of Monte Oliveto, where the Representatives had repaired. The convent was cannonaded, before an ultimatum was delivered: Parliament had been dissolved by the king, and all the people holed up in the convent were ordered to surrender. Just a few die-hards chose to stand to the last man, and most of the Representatives bowed to the ultimatum. The fight was almost over, even if during the night bands of lazzaroni sacked the houses of known liberals.
At sundown, Carlo Troya brought to the king the news that the order had been restored, and offered the resignation of his government : it was refused

Leopoldo, count of Siracusa, was watching the fighting from a tower of the Royal Palace: he stood there for hours, without moving, an inscrutable expression on his face. Finally he left, murmuring: “The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure. (5)”
Gen. Guglielmo Pepe had refused the command of the operations to clear the barricades, and had managed to keep most of the Neapolitan regiments on the side lines (he wrote in his diary the following lines: "I respectfully pointed out to the king that the Neapolitan regiments might balk at the order to fire on fellow Neapolitans, and they were better kept to ensure the safety of the Royal Palace. Quite true, but I should have led these regiments to fight for freedom, and I failed to do so: this stain will always mar my honor as a soldier."
The troops sent to restore order were commanded by gen. Raffaele Carrascosa, a notorious reactionary and a sworn enemy of Pepe, and only the Swiss regiments were tasked with assaulting the barricades, supported by the field artillery.

Napoli, 16 May 1848
King Ferdinando sacked Troya (3), and charged Gennaro Spinelli Barile (4), principe di Cariati, with the task of forming a new ministry.

Footnotes

The most outspoken Mazzinians were Giovanni La Cecilia and Pietro Mileti. The latter after the failure of the insurrection, went to Calabria to foment a revolt there: he died in battle in July 1848. The former also managed to escape Naples, and went in exile to England and France. He never managed to gain any importance among the patriots, and Cavour had a very poor opinion not just of his political skills but also of his personal honesty.
Don Pasquale Catalano Gonzaga, duke of Cirelli, his two sons, Luigi and Clemente, and his brother Pietro were captured, and imprisoned on a ship in the harbor. They managed to escape, with the help of Guglielmo Pepe, and to reach Rome. They will play a role in the future events in Naples.
When Ferdinando di Borbone sacked Carlo Troya, he added "Now you're free to go back to the Middle Ages" (Carlo Troya was a well known historian). Guglielmo Pepe wrote in his diary: "Yesterday Troya was an acceptable and worthy prime minister, and today he is discarded with unkind words and a sneer: after the death and destruction waged on the city of Naples and its poor citizens, I cannot but think that something is rotten in the state of Naples".
Gennaro Spinelli Barile was a courteous and well educated nobleman, but never amounted to much in politics, given his well-known mediocrity: he was born to be a puppet and a lackey, not a puppet-master..
A quote by Thomas Jefferson

LordKalvan · Jan 2, 2022

The End of the Beginning
Part 5: A Common House for All Italians

Verona, Guardia Nuova - 12 May 1848, Mid Morning
Marquis d'Azeglio had left, to sound up the reaction of the delegation from the Romagne, in preparation of a more formal meeting in the afternoon, while Prince Ferdinando and Cavour had moved to a larger conference room, where they would meet with the delegation from Rome. They were joined by Marquis Capponi of Tuscany, Count Sebastiano Tecchio (1) of the Republic of St. Mark, Professor Mariano Stabile (2) of Sicily, signor Luigi Chiesi (3) of Cispadania and Count Pompeo Litta (4) of Lombardy: it was a little cumbersome, but Ferdinando had decided it was only proper that representatives of the member states of the Italian Confederation should be present at a time when two more Italian states had asked to join.
The delegation from Rome arrived soon after: Count Terenzio Mamiani, Prince Camillo Aldobrandini, Signor Pietro Sterbini, Count Pellegrino Rossi and Abate Vincenzo Gioberti.
Cavour suppressed a smile, thinking that it was an unusual but at the same time well balanced, mix of liberal, moderate and democrat, and as such quite representative of the delicate situation in Rome. The presence of two wild cards, Rossi and Gioberti, just added spices to the soup.

Prince Ferdinando spoke first: "Signori delegati, welcome in Verona. This is a preliminary, somehow informal, meeting: the Italian Confederation is still very young, and a formal protocol has not yet been established. However, all the member states of the Confederation are represented at this table, and I am sure they also welcome you as fellow Italians. I have been informed that it is your intention to apply for membership in the Confederation, but I would ask you to formally confirm this, and also to clarify how and by whom you have been appointed as delegates."

Count Mamiani had been chosen as the spokesman of the delegation from Rome: "Your Highness, I wish to thank you and the honorable representative of the member states of the Italian Confederation for your warm welcome in this fair city which has been recently liberated by Italian arms, and chosen as the capital of the Confederation. The decision to apply for membership in the Confederation has been taken by unanimous vote of the Provisional Parliament in Rome, and confirmed by Gen. Ferrari who has been appointed as pro-tempore Dictator of Rome upon his arrival in the city at the head of the Volunteer Regiments who restored law and order after the recent disturbances. The Provisional Parliament has also voted its own immediate dissolution, and Gen. Ferrari has also called for new elections to choose representatives for a new, freely elected Parliament, which will also be empaneled as a Constitutional Convention. The former government has resigned, and a Giunta di Governo has been provisionally installed. The future form of the Roman state will be decided by the new parliament, and confirmed by a plebiscite, but the decision to apply for membership in the Confederation has been taken, and it is irrevocable. We are Italians, and will stand in the same common house of Italians: how could we choose to do otherwise?"

When Mamiani finished, Cavour spoke: "Count Mamiani, I feel the need to ask for some additional confirmation. The delegates who met in Isola della Scala voted for the establishment of an Italian Confederation, based on just a few principals: the task to decide in detail which powers would be transferred to the Confederation, as well as the adoption of a formal constitution, will be undertaken by freely elected delegates to a formal Constitutional Convention, and then subject to a confirmatory plebiscite. Are you aware of these principals, and accept them without reservation?"

"We are fully aware of the principals, which were sent to His Holiness the Pope together with the offer of the Presidency of the Confederation. The Pope could not accept said principals, nor could he accept the Presidency. The Provisional Parliament, as the duly constituted representative of he citizens of Rome, accepted the principals without any reservation whatsoever." There was no hint of hesitation in Mamiani's words.

Vincenzo Gioberti stirred a little on his seat, and his eyes were burning, but he refrained from any open condemnation of Papal refusal. He had made his position vis-a-vis Pope and Curia very clear, less than one month ago in Campo dei Fiori, and then in front of the palace of Roman Inquisition: nothing needed to be added .

"We are also aware that the former Legations in Bologna, Ferrara and Ravenna, as well as the Legation of Pesaro-Urbino, have decided to form their own state, rescinding the former ties with Rome. Is there any objection to this decision from Rome? I do apologize if I sound blunt, but one of the principals of the Confederation is no interference in the internal affairs of another state, be they or not member in the Confederation." Cavour wanted an answer on record.

"There is no objection to the separation: we understand the reasons behind this decision, and in any case we could not choose freedom at home, and at the same time deny the same freedom to others. We are also aware that the former Legations will also apply for membership in the Confederation, and we are certainly not objecting to this application. As I said before, the Confederation will be the common house of all Italians."

Prince Ferdinando spoke again: "I believe that there are no other points which require a formal confirmation. Are there any other comment of question, Signori Delegati?"

No one chose to speak, and the Prince continued: "In such a case, let me inform you that the official ceremony during which your delegation and the delegation from Romagne will formally join the Confederation is scheduled for day after tomorrow. I am also pleased to let you know that a dinner to be followed by a ball is planned for tonight: the arrival of two delegations in Verona must be celebrated, and even in a time of war and momentous change we can afford to indulge in social niceties. The dinner will be held in this palace, while the ball will be at Guardia Vecchia palace, just nearby. I thank you for your time, signori."

The meeting was over, and the participants moved slowly out. Abate Gioberti approached prince Ferdinando, with an apologetic look on his face: "Your Highness, I completely failed in the mission you tasked me with, and for this I must abjectly apologize. I was a fool, and it was proven to my face without any doubt. How could I be so completely mistaken?

"No apology is needed, Abate. You had a dream, and your dream provided a lever to break the stasis which had been enforced on Italy. Unfortunately, not every dream comes true, but it does not mean you were blind: others chose to refuse the offer you brought to Rome. What are you going to do now?"

"I will go back to Rome, Your Highness. There are people who still need any little help I might provide, and a new and hopefully more Christian and fair society to build."

"Go freely with our thanks, Abate, and follow the dictates of your heart. The Confederation that has been born may not be exactly the one you dreamed during your exile, but it is still a worthy one in which you may rejoice."

At the same time, Cavour had managed to draw Mamiani and Rossi to a side: "I am very pleased to meet you again, Count Rossi. I still fondly remember our meetings in Paris, ten years ago or so. As for you, Terenzio, I believe congratulations should be in order: I was informed you are happily married, and a proud father now. There are a few things I would like to discuss with the two of you, and a few others: maybe we might have lunch together tomorrow. I am afraid that I will be quite busy in the afternoon, and in the evening there are social obligations we have to meet. I have however arranged to have your son on leave here in Verona, count Rossi: I am sure you will have many things to talk with him."

Footnotes

Count Tecchio, from Vicenza, was in the Venetian delegation which came to Isola della Scala
Prof. Mariano Stabile is the Sicilian Minister for Foreign Affairs, as well as the leader of the Sicilian delegation.
Signor Luigi Chiesi, from Reggio di Lombardia, is the leader of the Cispadanian delegation
Count Pompeo Litta, from Milan, was the Minister for War in the Provisional Government of Lombardy, and is now Minister for Confederation affairs in the new government of Lombardy

Primavera d'Italia: War, Love and Revolution

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