Staat Minister
Latour would be Staat Minister für Krieg, for example. The problem is that these guys do not limit themselves to just give unsolicited advice, as we are going to see very soon
Primavera d'Italia: War, Love and Revolution
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Latour would be Staat Minister für Krieg, for example. The problem is that these guys do not limit themselves to just give unsolicited advice, as we are going to see very soon
Is this timeline somehow inspired by the novel Ariosto? I don't suppose many people have read it, but there are similarities.
Ariosto
In an alternate-world Italian Renaissance where the Italian states have formed a federation, the great epic poet Ludovico Ariosto is writ...
www.goodreads.com
No, neither @Tarabas nor I ever heard about this book before your post.Is this timeline somehow inspired by the novel Ariosto? I don't suppose many people have read it, but there are similarities.
Ariosto
In an alternate-world Italian Renaissance where the Italian states have formed a federation, the great epic poet Ludovico Ariosto is writ...www.goodreads.com
It was inspired by reading a lot of history books about the failures of the 1848 Revolutions IOTL, and finding a way to change, in a massive way, the outcome.
Is this timeline somehow inspired by the novel Ariosto? I don't suppose many people have read it, but there are similarities.
Ariosto
In an alternate-world Italian Renaissance where the Italian states have formed a federation, the great epic poet Ludovico Ariosto is writ...www.goodreads.com
Benvenuto a bordo! As @LordKalvan said, never heard about this novel, but it seems an interesting read; a Renaissance Federal Italy seems a pretty cool idea. Also, thanks for your interest in our story!
Wow the updates are coming one after another! I'm barely keeping up! Great job.
Thank you for the support.
As you have seen, Naples has received its first (half) interlude, and soon will be more often center stage. I have a feeling that the first of the three feast days dedicated to San Gennaro is going to be the next time
Interesting times
Narrative Interlude #54: The Empire strikes back
The Empire Strikes Back
Vienna, 19 April 1848 - StaatKonferenz
Count Kolowrat Liebsteinsky, Chancellor of the Austrian Empire and member by right of the Geheime Staatskonferenz (1), had a bad feeling for the meeting that was going to start, and, looking at the other persons sitting around the table in the ornate meeting room in the Hofburg, he was almost sure that his premonition would come true. He wished he had better health to help the other members see sense.
There were four other men in the room: Archduke Ludwig, uncle of the emperor and president of the Staatskonferenz, always a strong advocate for conservative positions; Archduke Franz Karl, brother of the emperor and heir presumptive to the throne, and as such member by right, but also a vacuous man with little to no interest in politics; Count von Fiquelmont, a recent addition to the membership of the Staatskonferenz, where he had replaced Prince von Metternich, Minister for Foreign Affairs and also a notorious conservative; and the last man, Count Latour, the Minister for War, who was not a member of the Staatskonferenz, but had been expressly invited to this meeting by Archduke Ludwig.
The President opened the meeting: "Just a little more than a month has passed since the beginning of this crisis, with the insurrection of Vienna, and not a week has passed without receiving news of disasters. The last one is that the fortress city of Verona has surrendered with all its garrison, and now, for the first time since 1815, Austria has no military presence in Italy. Archduke Ranieri will have to explain why he decided to surrender a strong fortress just a few days after a formal investment had begun. The news on the political side are no better: there is a revolution in Baden, Wurttemberg, Hesse, even the king of Bavaria has granted liberal reforms, and the contagion of the Parliament which has been set up in Frankfurt has reached Vienna, where the German tricolor has almost displaced our black-and-yellow flag (1). We cannot simply wait for the storm to abate, gentlemen. Let's consider the situation, and make some decisions. You can start, Chancellor, briefing us with the internal situation of the empire."
Count Kolowrat Liebsteinsky took a deep breath before speaking: "I would say that the internal situation has slightly improved. The order has been restored in Vienna and Prague, although is being kept by the National Guards which have been spontaneously mustered, with the support, in Vienna, of the Academic Legion. The Constitutional Convention in Vienna is orderly debating a Constitutional Draft. The Emperor's approval of the April Laws demanded by the Hungarian Parliament has avoided a full break-out with Budapest, and the situation is quiet enough, at least in Hungary proper. The Parliament of Budapest is encountering difficulties in dealing with Croats and Serbs in the south, and with Rumanians in Transylvania, and this may work to our advantage in the future. A similar situation is also developing in Bohemia, where the Germans are unhappy with the refusal of the Bohemians to send delegates to the Parliament of Frankfurt. While I would prefer a better ordered situation in the empire, I submit that our Fabian tactics have worked well enough to defuse the crisis, and that time is working in our favor: let the insurgents bicker among themselves, cautiously exploit the fault lines between the different ethnic groups, and in time the empire will be fully recognized as the only guarantor of all the peoples under the House of Habsburg."
"Ask me anything but time (2)" Archduke Ludwig retorted: "The situation in Italy denies us such leisure, and we are coming under strong diplomatic pressure to end the hostilities. It is quite obvious that the other Powers are starting to think that the Austrian empire might collapse, and they don't want a vacuum in Central Europe. Count Fiquelmont, you may bring up to date on diplomatic matters."
"The British have become very insistent about the need to end the war in Italy, and they have offered to organize a peace conference in London, once a cease-fire is agreed. The French government has made similar entreaties. The Russian ambassador is friendly but has been very cold about any possible intervention in Central Europe. There has been no comment from Prussia, and I have not approached them, as per your instructions, Your Highness. The situation in Italy is very bad, of course.
The Grand Duke of Tuscany has rebuffed all of our approaches and has diplomatically recognized the Republic of St. Mark and the kingdom of Sicily. The Swiss Confederation has done the same, they still resent our support of the Catholic Cantons during the Sonderbund civil war. Ferdinand of Two Sicilies has been sympathetic but will do nothing, alleging internal disturbances and his need to tame the Sicilian insurgents. The good news comes from Rome, where the Pope has refused the offer of the Presidency of the Confederation and is trying to extract himself from the war in Northern Italy. His refusal is likely to set back sharply this arrogant confederation, and might even induce some members to reconsider. However, I regret to say that the war is popular in Rome, and the Pope's actions may be the spark for further riots in the city. My advice is to act quickly and decisively: time is not in our favor."
"I do agree, the Austrian empire cannot be seen as a weak puppet, caving in to the insolent requests of insurgents or to the diplomatic pressures of the Powers. Count Latour, it's your turn: can you propose some strategy which can be put in place quickly and improve our standing at the peace negotiation?"
"I believe I do, Your Highness. The War Office, under my supervision, has planned a bold strategy that would set back the Italians, and potentially deliver a decisive blow, even leave Veneto open for us. General Nugent is in Gorizia, with some 17,000 troops. The strategy that we consider would call for 6 regiments of Croat infantry to muster to war standing, and march towards Postumia. From there they would continue towards the bridges of lower Isonzo, wheel right, and march north along the right bank of the river, keeping out of sight of the fortress of Palmanova. General Nugent will engage the forces investing Gorizia and Gradisca: the unexpected arrival of 15,000 Croats in their back will seal the fate of the Italian army. They will take the bridges on the Isonzo, and pin the enemy against the army of gen. Nugent and the guns of the Gradisca fortress. We have named this plan "Cannae", in remembrance of the great victory that Hannibal won on the Romans. If everything works as planned, our troops will cross again the Isonzo, and retake Friuli at the very least."
There was a moment of silence, then von Kolowrat spoke in harsh tones: "This is a counsel of madness. You want to risk the last army the empire can put in the field: the war is lost, this cannot be conveniently forgotten, and defeat cannot be turned into victory by a single battle. I recommend we accept the offer of the British and the French, and ask them to negotiate a cease-fire on our behalf, to be followed by peace talks."
"I don't want to hear defeatist talks, Count von Kolowrat. The strategy proposed by general Latour gives us a reasonable chance to win a major victory, and to turn the table on the enemy. I am sorry to see that your poor health has affected your judgment. You're excused from this meeting." Archduke Ludwig's words were trenchant.
Von Kolowrat stood, his face white like a sheet: "I still cannot countenance putting the empire at risk for a matter of pride. Your Highness, and therefore I am forced to resign with immediate effect from my position as Chancellor." He bowed to the two Archdukes and left the room without turning. "I may be sick, but at least I am not mad, and Latour should remember what happened to Carthage after their great victory at Cannae", he thought while leaving.
Archduke Ludwig sighed: "You will excuse me, gentlemen, if I skip the part where I thank the former Chancellor for his efforts in dire times: Von Kolowrat was always too ready to appease our enemies, and never willing to strike back. Count Fiquelmont, you are hereby appointed Chancellor. Count Latour, who will command the Croat column?"
"Count Jelacic, Your Highness. He is in command of one of the Croat regiments on the Military Frontier, well-reputed for his courage and competence, and eager to tame the Italians. A good man, I met him when he came to Vienna to offer his sword to the emperor at the end of March. Since then, I have kept in touch with him, and also kept him supplied with arms and funds." A brief, sharkish smile: "Even if I should have sent everything to Budapest, according to the laws of April."
"Well done, Count Latour. In war and love, if you don't cheat you are not doing enough. You are authorized to promote him to general, and also to promise him the Governorship of the Military Frontier, if he is successful. Unleash our Croat hound."
Footnotes
Vienna, 19 April 1848 - StaatKonferenz
Count Kolowrat Liebsteinsky, Chancellor of the Austrian Empire and member by right of the Geheime Staatskonferenz (1), had a bad feeling for the meeting that was going to start, and, looking at the other persons sitting around the table in the ornate meeting room in the Hofburg, he was almost sure that his premonition would come true. He wished he had better health to help the other members see sense.
There were four other men in the room: Archduke Ludwig, uncle of the emperor and president of the Staatskonferenz, always a strong advocate for conservative positions; Archduke Franz Karl, brother of the emperor and heir presumptive to the throne, and as such member by right, but also a vacuous man with little to no interest in politics; Count von Fiquelmont, a recent addition to the membership of the Staatskonferenz, where he had replaced Prince von Metternich, Minister for Foreign Affairs and also a notorious conservative; and the last man, Count Latour, the Minister for War, who was not a member of the Staatskonferenz, but had been expressly invited to this meeting by Archduke Ludwig.
The President opened the meeting: "Just a little more than a month has passed since the beginning of this crisis, with the insurrection of Vienna, and not a week has passed without receiving news of disasters. The last one is that the fortress city of Verona has surrendered with all its garrison, and now, for the first time since 1815, Austria has no military presence in Italy. Archduke Ranieri will have to explain why he decided to surrender a strong fortress just a few days after a formal investment had begun. The news on the political side are no better: there is a revolution in Baden, Wurttemberg, Hesse, even the king of Bavaria has granted liberal reforms, and the contagion of the Parliament which has been set up in Frankfurt has reached Vienna, where the German tricolor has almost displaced our black-and-yellow flag (1). We cannot simply wait for the storm to abate, gentlemen. Let's consider the situation, and make some decisions. You can start, Chancellor, briefing us with the internal situation of the empire."
Count Kolowrat Liebsteinsky took a deep breath before speaking: "I would say that the internal situation has slightly improved. The order has been restored in Vienna and Prague, although is being kept by the National Guards which have been spontaneously mustered, with the support, in Vienna, of the Academic Legion. The Constitutional Convention in Vienna is orderly debating a Constitutional Draft. The Emperor's approval of the April Laws demanded by the Hungarian Parliament has avoided a full break-out with Budapest, and the situation is quiet enough, at least in Hungary proper. The Parliament of Budapest is encountering difficulties in dealing with Croats and Serbs in the south, and with Rumanians in Transylvania, and this may work to our advantage in the future. A similar situation is also developing in Bohemia, where the Germans are unhappy with the refusal of the Bohemians to send delegates to the Parliament of Frankfurt. While I would prefer a better ordered situation in the empire, I submit that our Fabian tactics have worked well enough to defuse the crisis, and that time is working in our favor: let the insurgents bicker among themselves, cautiously exploit the fault lines between the different ethnic groups, and in time the empire will be fully recognized as the only guarantor of all the peoples under the House of Habsburg."
"Ask me anything but time (2)" Archduke Ludwig retorted: "The situation in Italy denies us such leisure, and we are coming under strong diplomatic pressure to end the hostilities. It is quite obvious that the other Powers are starting to think that the Austrian empire might collapse, and they don't want a vacuum in Central Europe. Count Fiquelmont, you may bring up to date on diplomatic matters."
"The British have become very insistent about the need to end the war in Italy, and they have offered to organize a peace conference in London, once a cease-fire is agreed. The French government has made similar entreaties. The Russian ambassador is friendly but has been very cold about any possible intervention in Central Europe. There has been no comment from Prussia, and I have not approached them, as per your instructions, Your Highness. The situation in Italy is very bad, of course.
The Grand Duke of Tuscany has rebuffed all of our approaches and has diplomatically recognized the Republic of St. Mark and the kingdom of Sicily. The Swiss Confederation has done the same, they still resent our support of the Catholic Cantons during the Sonderbund civil war. Ferdinand of Two Sicilies has been sympathetic but will do nothing, alleging internal disturbances and his need to tame the Sicilian insurgents. The good news comes from Rome, where the Pope has refused the offer of the Presidency of the Confederation and is trying to extract himself from the war in Northern Italy. His refusal is likely to set back sharply this arrogant confederation, and might even induce some members to reconsider. However, I regret to say that the war is popular in Rome, and the Pope's actions may be the spark for further riots in the city. My advice is to act quickly and decisively: time is not in our favor."
"I do agree, the Austrian empire cannot be seen as a weak puppet, caving in to the insolent requests of insurgents or to the diplomatic pressures of the Powers. Count Latour, it's your turn: can you propose some strategy which can be put in place quickly and improve our standing at the peace negotiation?"
"I believe I do, Your Highness. The War Office, under my supervision, has planned a bold strategy that would set back the Italians, and potentially deliver a decisive blow, even leave Veneto open for us. General Nugent is in Gorizia, with some 17,000 troops. The strategy that we consider would call for 6 regiments of Croat infantry to muster to war standing, and march towards Postumia. From there they would continue towards the bridges of lower Isonzo, wheel right, and march north along the right bank of the river, keeping out of sight of the fortress of Palmanova. General Nugent will engage the forces investing Gorizia and Gradisca: the unexpected arrival of 15,000 Croats in their back will seal the fate of the Italian army. They will take the bridges on the Isonzo, and pin the enemy against the army of gen. Nugent and the guns of the Gradisca fortress. We have named this plan "Cannae", in remembrance of the great victory that Hannibal won on the Romans. If everything works as planned, our troops will cross again the Isonzo, and retake Friuli at the very least."
There was a moment of silence, then von Kolowrat spoke in harsh tones: "This is a counsel of madness. You want to risk the last army the empire can put in the field: the war is lost, this cannot be conveniently forgotten, and defeat cannot be turned into victory by a single battle. I recommend we accept the offer of the British and the French, and ask them to negotiate a cease-fire on our behalf, to be followed by peace talks."
"I don't want to hear defeatist talks, Count von Kolowrat. The strategy proposed by general Latour gives us a reasonable chance to win a major victory, and to turn the table on the enemy. I am sorry to see that your poor health has affected your judgment. You're excused from this meeting." Archduke Ludwig's words were trenchant.
Von Kolowrat stood, his face white like a sheet: "I still cannot countenance putting the empire at risk for a matter of pride. Your Highness, and therefore I am forced to resign with immediate effect from my position as Chancellor." He bowed to the two Archdukes and left the room without turning. "I may be sick, but at least I am not mad, and Latour should remember what happened to Carthage after their great victory at Cannae", he thought while leaving.
Archduke Ludwig sighed: "You will excuse me, gentlemen, if I skip the part where I thank the former Chancellor for his efforts in dire times: Von Kolowrat was always too ready to appease our enemies, and never willing to strike back. Count Fiquelmont, you are hereby appointed Chancellor. Count Latour, who will command the Croat column?"
"Count Jelacic, Your Highness. He is in command of one of the Croat regiments on the Military Frontier, well-reputed for his courage and competence, and eager to tame the Italians. A good man, I met him when he came to Vienna to offer his sword to the emperor at the end of March. Since then, I have kept in touch with him, and also kept him supplied with arms and funds." A brief, sharkish smile: "Even if I should have sent everything to Budapest, according to the laws of April."
"Well done, Count Latour. In war and love, if you don't cheat you are not doing enough. You are authorized to promote him to general, and also to promise him the Governorship of the Military Frontier, if he is successful. Unleash our Croat hound."
Footnotes
- The emperor was spotted waving a large tricolor banner from a balcony of the Hofburg
- A famous Napoleonic quote
- Count Josip Jelacic, Ban of Croatia from 23 March 1848. Much respected by the Croat regiments and also by the Serb ones. Not an outstanding general, his first attempt to invade Hungary in September 1848 ended up in humiliating failure, notwithstanding his advantage in numbers.
Made in @LordKalvan & Tarabas
Oh boy, this next battle will be LE-wait for it-GENDARY! LEGGENDARY!!! Just not I think in the way the Empire would appreciate 🤔😏😏😏
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For more than 30 years Austrian troops have tromped into Italy at their leisure. Some arrogance is not surprising.
The road from the Brenner pass can be interdicted easily enough by a limited number of troops. The same applies in Friuli, where the irregulars under Captain Calvi have already managed to push back some Austrian probes.
My my! Kolowrat will be proven quite right...
I fully expect our two authors to create a plausibly thrilling, suspenseful campaign - after all, this is no small Austrian / Croat force. But in the end, Jelacic's qualification as "not an outstanding general" foreshadows the outcome, I believe.
And that will have wide implications. On that conference, Austria will have absolutely nothing to say at all with regards to Italy. What I wonder is whether it will concern itself with Hungarian and wider German questions at the same time, too. (I believe there may be ample reason to consider this - but it would also potentially disrupt the framework. So maybe no - and that means, it's just the seal on Italy's independence and Austria's defeat, meaning that a new conference in a year or so might be necessary to mop up what's left of crumbling empires in the centre of the continent...
I fully expect our two authors to create a plausibly thrilling, suspenseful campaign - after all, this is no small Austrian / Croat force. But in the end, Jelacic's qualification as "not an outstanding general" foreshadows the outcome, I believe.
And that will have wide implications. On that conference, Austria will have absolutely nothing to say at all with regards to Italy. What I wonder is whether it will concern itself with Hungarian and wider German questions at the same time, too. (I believe there may be ample reason to consider this - but it would also potentially disrupt the framework. So maybe no - and that means, it's just the seal on Italy's independence and Austria's defeat, meaning that a new conference in a year or so might be necessary to mop up what's left of crumbling empires in the centre of the continent...
Von Kolowrat was certainly the brightest mind in the Staatskonferenz, but was also isolated, since his power basis was mostly limited to the Treasury.
Metternich had been forced to resign, but the men who he had trained (von Fiquelmont, for example, and also Latour) were still in power, and their attitude was still patterned on his view of the world (which by 1848 was pretty out of synch with reality: a good example is von Fiquelmont, who was sent in 1847 to Italy as political advisor to Archduke Ranieri, but failed to understand the depth of discontent among the population of Lombardy-Venetia, or - alternatively - reported to Prince Metternich only what the prince wanted to hear).
ITTL, as IOTL, the departure from the "Metternich system" was brief , and by mid April the days of von Kolowrat tenure were already numbered.
Accepting the loss of all the Italian provinces, which include not only Lombardy-Venetia and Dalmatia but also the duchies of Parma and Modena, notionally independent but effectively completely tied into the Austrian system, would have certainly been the right move, but I do understand that it would be very, very difficult to sign on it, even if the military situation was dire (Lombardy-Venetia alone accounted for 1/6 of the population of the empire, and 1/3 of its revenues).
Do not expect too many details about the battles in Eastern Friuli: I can write with confidence about politics, diplomacy, even romantic interludes, but describing battles is not exactly my cup of tea
.The future Austrian influence in Germany is still to be decided. A reasonable guess is that it will be sharply reduced, since at this stage it is not reasonable to imagine Austria bouncing back from its disasters (like they did IOTL) and reasserting its hegemony. A Prussian-dominated Germany is a possibility (and in such a case, there will be something like a reversed Punctuation of Olmutz, where Austria is demoted for second fiddle) or alternatively the establishment of a liberal "Confederation" in Western and Southern Germany (most likely, a German Confederation Mark 2, with emphasis on free trade, common foreign policy and common defense). The latter would certainly be much more to my taste, but if wishes were horses, all beggars would ride
. We'll have to see how things shape up.From the POV of Austria, pan-Germanism might be a worse problem than IOTL, and this consideration should push them to find a common ground with Hungary in order to keep the empire together. Again, people are known to often act in an irrational way
The future peace conference will deal with the outcome of the war, but the participants will also need to agree on a new balance of power in Europe: it's not going to be an easy fix, and might end up as a temporary stopgap. Hopefully, it might last at least a generation, but the probability of a revanchist Austria should not be discounted.
Austria will probably be a revanchist power,but can they really afford it? They already have to keep an iron fist over a large and diverse empire,and if they try to push their hand too much,they would be probably isolated and in revolt.
Since when a revanchist power has made similar considerations?
Hmmm very good point. Well I know we shouldn't look much into the distant future as of now,but if you put it that way,it isn't hard to imagine high tension between Italy and Austria post-'48. It's still hard for me to imagine Austria outright declaring war in the future,but it would be a possible conclusion.
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Which is why Trentino and the county of Gorizia will become confederal territories. They will be somehow similar to Alsace after 1870
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