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OOC: What has changed so far
So, since I do not like OOC footnotes very much, I believe it is worth making some comments. We are now 22 years after the POD, and on a large scale, the world is pretty much the same as OTL. Broadly, the main differences are the State of the Sardinian Railways (we are some 4/6 years ahead of OTL) and of the Sardinian Army, which has a fairly better Artillery and Engineer Corps due to Ferdinand's effort (joint with Menabrea). On a personal level, Ferdinand is more assertive and decided than OTL (both because he is his father's heir and for Charles Albert personal belief that his own reign is a sort of Lieutenancy for Ferdinand's) and he is friends with Cavour (who will then enter the political scene a little bit sooner than expected). Also, we have the invented character of Maria Cristina, Ferdinand's younger sister. She and her husband Henri of Orleans will play an interesting role ITTL. That being said, things will start to diverge more and more from OTL from 1847 onwards.
 
A Savoy prince trying to make the Analytical Engine work? Kid's going to be as beloved by steampunk writers as Babbage himself. :p

Maria Cristina is probably going to make waves too, or at least I hope so, because she seems like the 19th century equivalent of a drunk flapper. XD
 
A Savoy prince trying to make the Analytical Engine work? Kid's going to be as beloved by steampunk writers as Babbage himself. :p

Maria Cristina is probably going to make waves too, or at least I hope so, because she seems like the 19th century equivalent of a drunk flapper. XD
I loved your comments! I thought that Ferdinand, young and enthusiastic, would have totally tried, even more so after meeting Babbage twice. Of course, he does not succeed, but scientific/technological issues and research will be a little more ingrained in the Italian mindset TTL. Regarding Maria Cristina... she will be a lot of fun, or at least, I will try and make her. I started by twisting some OTL aspects of Victor Emmanuel and... her personality pretty much popped up by itself. Let's see what she and Henri will accomplish, their relationship is going to be quite interesting. Or at least, I will try to make it so.
 
Hopefully, with no taste for promiscuity or low-brow amusements
No, definitely not. She is the kind who is made of tougher stuff than it seems and will surprise many (chiefly her mother) when her time comes. Her marriage to Henri is going to b the romance of the century (no promiscuity at all), maybe even more famous than Victoria and Albert's because it's going to be much more adventurous. I totally see a TTL equivalent of "The Crown" based on their lives. Speaking of which, maybe I will start writing some narrative interludes to flesh our main characters better (I like to use quotes, but this way we might get more immersed into this world, I think).
 
A question regarding OTL First Italian war of Independence
So, while starting to write about the "liberal years" 1845/1847 (which may feature or not some narrative interludes), I am starting to think about the possible dynamics of the upcoming war. Now, I have the usual problems in finding good source material, and form what I gather, to understand the war the best book available is "Storia militare del Risorgimento" by Piero Pieri. I found this passage online (in Italian) which resumes the three strategies he thinks were feasible:

"Delle tre possibilità che a giudizio del Pieri si presentavano all'esercito sardo ("operare dalla montagna attraverso il Trentino sbarrando la via dell'Adige e collegandosi per Rovereto e la Vallarsa con Vicenza e colla pianura veneta… varcare ed eventualmente forzare il Mincio e l'Adige… mantenendo una testa di ponte sulla destra dell'Adige… porsi a sud del Quadrilatero, colla sinistra appoggiata al Po… la destra a cavaliere dell'Adige, al di sopra di Legnago, in modo da comunicare con Vicenza e con Padova"), C. A. non ne scelse nessuna, e ritenne invece necessaria la conquista delle città fortificate ancora occupate dagli Austriaci."

Basically, he identifies three routes: going through Trentino blocking the way of the Adige, then linking up with Vicenza through Rovereto, fording the Mincio and the Adige, with a bridgehead on the right of the Adige, our going south of the Quadrilatero, Po on the left, right through the Adige north of Legnago. The last option seems to be pretty much de Sonnaz's proposal, who wished to link up with the pontifical armies and make Venice the main base. This strategy also allows dealing with Nugent before he links up with Radetzky.
Now, my question is: would it be possible to detach a force north to block the communications between Radetzki and Austria, which was effectively a tiny corredor on the eastern shore of the Garda Lake, or to do this, one had to take Peschiera? What do you guys know/think about this?
 
The strategic goal of CA should be to find and engage Radetzky while the Austrian army is retreating from Milan toward the Quadrilateral. It is however very unlikely that Radetzky will oblige, since it would be very risky for him to get caught by the Sardinian army in the open field, but if CA moves decisively he can at least manage to get through the bridges on Mincio (where IOTL he had to fight, since he had given R. time to establish a defensive line) and then move quickly to take the bridges on the Adige and reach Vicenza. There are two main routes from Austrian territory to Verona, one is the road coming from the Brenner Pass through Bolzano and Trento, the other is the road coming from Slovenia across Friuli: the former is mostly used for supply (and can be easily interdicted by irregular forces), the other is the only way for reinforcements to reach Radetzky.
I would send 10,000 men from the Sardinian army and the Papal troops under Durando toward Belluno (the farther east Nugent can be stopped, the better), use irregular forces to interdict the Brenner Pass road (if they manage to take Trento, so much the better, but the important thing is to cut the supply route) and keep the rest of the army between Vicenza and Verona, with light blocking forces at the other smaller fortresses.
 
The strategic goal of CA should be to find and engage Radetzky while the Austrian army is retreating from Milan toward the Quadrilateral. It is however very unlikely that Radetzky will oblige, since it would be very risky for him to get caught by the Sardinian army in the open field, but if CA moves decisively he can at least manage to get through the bridges on Mincio (where IOTL he had to fight, since he had given R. time to establish a defensive line) and then move quickly to take the bridges on the Adige and reach Vicenza. There are two main routes from Austrian territory to Verona, one is the road coming from the Brenner Pass through Bolzano and Trento, the other is the road coming from Slovenia across Friuli: the former is mostly used for supply (and can be easily interdicted by irregular forces), the other is the only way for reinforcements to reach Radetzky.
I would send 10,000 men from the Sardinian army and the Papal troops under Durando toward Belluno (the farther east Nugent can be stopped, the better), use irregular forces to interdict the Brenner Pass road (if they manage to take Trento, so much the better, but the important thing is to cut the supply route) and keep the rest of the army between Vicenza and Verona, with light blocking forces at the other smaller fortresses.
Thanks for the feedback. That is pretty much what I thought. Let's see what I can do... I particularly like the idea of sending irregulars to block the Brenner (since it was not done OTL I thought it might be a costly move, but it seems feasible and low cost, so it is fo the best). I don't want to simply "correct" all the mistakes CA did to have a perfectly managed campaign (which is outside the realm of possibilities), but my general impression is that the war could be won even OTL. Now, TTL the Army is in a slightly better shape, which will help. I have a major twist in mind that might be good or not for the plot, and that is my main issue for now (besides the things I do not know).
 
Thanks for the feedback. That is pretty much what I thought. Let's see what I can do... I particularly like the idea of sending irregulars to block the Brenner (since it was not done OTL I thought it might be a costly move, but it seems feasible and low cost, so it is fo the best). I don't want to simply "correct" all the mistakes CA did to have a perfectly managed campaign (which is outside the realm of possibilities), but my general impression is that the war could be won even OTL. Now, TTL the Army is in a slightly better shape, which will help. I have a major twist in mind that might be good or not for the plot, and that is my main issue for now (besides the things I do not know).
The thing to keep in mind is that the popular insurrections of 1848 cannot be foreseen in advance: even the signs in the wind (bad harvests in 1846-47, Chartist agitation in UK, election of a "liberal" pope, general economic downturn) are barely suggestive. That Europe was a powder keg ready to explode became obvious when the insurrection in Paris touched off a series of other insurrections, from Palermo to Vienna to Prague to Milan and Venice.
This means that CA cannot plan much in advance on an insurrection that would open the door of Lombardy: IOTL the mobilization of the Sardinian army was started at the beginning of March, and the army crossed into Lombardy at the beginning of April: both were very impressive feats, and I doubt they can be improved upon (unless a visitor from the future comes in in January 1848 to tell CA that the insurrection in Paris will start on the 22 of February, Louis Philippe will abdicate on the 24 of the same month, and a couple weeks later Vienna and Prague will erupt, to be closely followed by Milan and Venice). Obviously there have been incidents before the final insurrections, and the methods of the Austrian government to keep liberals and carbonari under check are well known, but the order of magnitude and the number of insurrections cannot be forecast.
OTOH, the election of Pius IX is a significant factor, and equally significant will be the Custom Union of 1847, promoted by the pope, and signed by the Papal States, Sardinia and Tuscany. The importance of this is not so much in prospective of closer ties between Italian states (much less of a Confederation led by the pope), but rather because something is starting to move in Italy: the order imposed in Italy by the Congress of Vienna, an order which had continued without much change for more than 30 years, is starting to show the first cracks (and in general terms the generals and the ministers who were movers and shakers during the Napoleonic era and the Congress of Vienna are disappearing one by one).

Don't rely too much on artillery: the guns are not much different from the ones used in the Napoleonic wars (big technological changes will start to show at the end of the 1850s, and accelerate wildly after that. It will be better if the Sardinian army will adopt the grand battery approach (massing the guns instead of distributing them among the regiments). Similar cautionary note should also be used for infantry: guns are not rifled (except for sharpshooters), the Minie ball has not yet been created (it will happen in 1849, and OTL was first employed in the war of Crimea), and the needle gun has been around for 10 years or so, but has not been widely adopted by any army (it will happen starting with the Prussians in the next decade). The Minie ball is very effective, and - theoretically - could have been created anytime after 1832 (two different prototypes were developed in London in the 1830s, but the Ordinance Department refused to adopt them, even if the tests were positive), since it did not require any major technological breakthrough. You might consider this not impossible development for the Sardinian army: Ferdinand is in London in 1839 or 1840, and decides to buy a hunting rifle from Mr. William Greener, a London gunsmith who had perfected in 1836 a pre-Minie ball (the very same refused by OD). Mr. Greener, who is flattered by a prince buying one of his guns, shows him all of his creations, including the Greener bullet (which is oblong, flattened at one extremity and with a hole running through most of the bullet. Ferdinand is interested, buys the prototype and has it studied and improved at the School of Artillery. Two or three years should be more than enough, and from 1843 or 1844 this bullet was ready for use in the field. It has to be used in rifled muskets, which means that only special units (Light infantry and sharpshooters) will use them at the beginning, but it dramatically improves the precision of the shoot and its range (a Minie ball shot by rifled musket has an effective range of almost 300 mt., against an effective range for a smoothbore of less than 50 mt.) and reduces the time between shots.
1596756989821.png

This is an early sketch of a Minie ball (picture taken from HISTORYNET)
 
The thing to keep in mind is that the popular insurrections of 1848 cannot be foreseen in advance: even the signs in the wind (bad harvests in 1846-47, Chartist agitation in UK, election of a "liberal" pope, general economic downturn) are barely suggestive. That Europe was a powder keg ready to explode became obvious when the insurrection in Paris touched off a series of other insurrections, from Palermo to Vienna to Prague to Milan and Venice.
This means that CA cannot plan much in advance on an insurrection that would open the door of Lombardy: IOTL the mobilization of the Sardinian army was started at the beginning of March, and the army crossed into Lombardy at the beginning of April: both were very impressive feats, and I doubt they can be improved upon (unless a visitor from the future comes in in January 1848 to tell CA that the insurrection in Paris will start on the 22 of February, Louis Philippe will abdicate on the 24 of the same month, and a couple weeks later Vienna and Prague will erupt, to be closely followed by Milan and Venice). Obviously there have been incidents before the final insurrections, and the methods of the Austrian government to keep liberals and carbonari under check are well known, but the order of magnitude and the number of insurrections cannot be forecast.
OTOH, the election of Pius IX is a significant factor, and equally significant will be the Custom Union of 1847, promoted by the pope, and signed by the Papal States, Sardinia and Tuscany. The importance of this is not so much in prospective of closer ties between Italian states (much less of a Confederation led by the pope), but rather because something is starting to move in Italy: the order imposed in Italy by the Congress of Vienna, an order which had continued without much change for more than 30 years, is starting to show the first cracks (and in general terms the generals and the ministers who were movers and shakers during the Napoleonic era and the Congress of Vienna are disappearing one by one).

Don't rely too much on artillery: the guns are not much different from the ones used in the Napoleonic wars (big technological changes will start to show at the end of the 1850s, and accelerate wildly after that. It will be better if the Sardinian army will adopt the grand battery approach (massing the guns instead of distributing them among the regiments). Similar cautionary note should also be used for infantry: guns are not rifled (except for sharpshooters), the Minie ball has not yet been created (it will happen in 1849, and OTL was first employed in the war of Crimea), and the needle gun has been around for 10 years or so, but has not been widely adopted by any army (it will happen starting with the Prussians in the next decade). The Minie ball is very effective, and - theoretically - could have been created anytime after 1832 (two different prototypes were developed in London in the 1830s, but the Ordinance Department refused to adopt them, even if the tests were positive), since it did not require any major technological breakthrough. You might consider this not impossible development for the Sardinian army: Ferdinand is in London in 1839 or 1840, and decides to buy a hunting rifle from Mr. William Greener, a London gunsmith who had perfected in 1836 a pre-Minie ball (the very same refused by OD). Mr. Greener, who is flattered by a prince buying one of his guns, shows him all of his creations, including the Greener bullet (which is oblong, flattened at one extremity and with a hole running through most of the bullet. Ferdinand is interested, buys the prototype and has it studied and improved at the School of Artillery. Two or three years should be more than enough, and from 1843 or 1844 this bullet was ready for use in the field. It has to be used in rifled muskets, which means that only special units (Light infantry and sharpshooters) will use them at the beginning, but it dramatically improves the precision of the shoot and its range (a Minie ball shot by rifled musket has an effective range of almost 300 mt., against an effective range for a smoothbore of less than 50 mt.) and reduces the time between shots.
View attachment 572914
This is an early sketch of a Minie ball (picture taken from HISTORYNET)
Thank you so much! So, my broad plans for the war are for it to start as OTL. The only major differences until 1848 will be that CA will sign the Customs Union proposed bu the Pope earlier (convinced by Ferdinand), which really does not change much as there is no time for the CU to be fully implemented, nor to show its benefits, and the fact that the railway Alessandria-Novara is close to being completed (maybe it can be used for a limited transport of troops or artillery). Ferdinand will begrudgingly leave the Command of the Artillery to take the leadership of the 5th Army Corp as VE OTL (he is the Crown Prince, after all). I would like to have the De Sonnaz proposal implemented. The real problem is CA's leadership or lack thereof, which has an obvious yet drastic solution (cough Pastrengo cough), although I am not sure it is the right way to proceed (I am tempted, though). If only I could have Garibaldi arrive earlier, it would be nice to have him in charge of the irregulars blocking the Brenner Pass. An 1848 version of the "Cacciatori delle Alpi" is a cheap move, I know, but it does not seem too far-fetched to me. OTL thought to deal with this "so-called General" by giving him a stipend, why not the command of some irregulars on a secondary theatre?

Now, the Greener bullet is perfect for what I had in mind, and fits perfectly with the ending of the chapter ending in 1840, where Ferdinand leaves London buying guns, (which I left unspecified for ignorance). Thanks!! I have a further question on tactics. I have read that the Sardinian Army still relied on the older doctrine of line infantry in three rows and that the formation in two rows was adopted only in 1852 after the lessons of the First War. Would it be too much for this reform to be implemented? OTL the French, the Austrians and the British adopted it, and maybe Henri can suggest in 1844, which gives 4 years of drill in the new doctrine. It is not much without any war and given the general mindset of Sardinian officers, but maybe can be limited to elite troops?
 
Let's deal with Garibaldi, who on his arrival in Italy is substantially a nobody: an expatriate Mazzinian conspirator, who has been sentenced to death in absence for his participation in the Genoa insurrection. A guy who has apparently performed pretty well in the civil war in Uruguay (both on land and on sea), but Uruguay is very, very far away: would you give him a generalship?
There is also the fact that G. embarked in Montevideo, with a portion of his Italian legion, only on 12 April 1848 after receiving news of the insurrection of Palermo on 12 January: barely three months between the insurrection and G.'s departure is pretty impressive, and I don't think that you can find a way to improve this time table.
This means that G. cannot be in Italy before mid-June, when the war in Northern Italy should be wrapped up, in a way or another (if the war is not over by June-July, it means it's not going well for Sardinia.
Maybe G. , after having been received pretty coldly by the Sardinian government, might go to Venice and get to play a part in the insurrections in Dalmatia (this assumes that the Provisional Government in Venice is more pro-active than OTL, that the mutiny in Pola is successful and Tommaseo gets his way and is allowed to raise a more general insurrection in Dalmatia). I'm not completely convinced that Manin and Garibaldi will see exactly eye-to-eye, but the workers of the Arsenal were also dissatisfied with the attitude of the Republic of San Marco, and maybe they will take G. to heart).
It is all a bit of a stretch, since 1848 is still very early in G.'s career, and his late arrival in Italy does not help at all, but I can see a possibility there.

The idea of an early introduction of a two-line tactic is a good one, and fits well with an increase of the number of Bersaglieri in the Sardinian army who would be the first to be trained to use the modified Greener bullet and the rifled muskets. The early models of the needle gun might also come into play, the Prussian army started to use Dreyse guns in 1841, although in limited numbers. Incidentally, this is not a stretch at all: IOTL the Sardinian army started to replace the older smoothbore muskets with breechloading guns, although obviously not the Minie ball, which came into play after 1849.
The Bersaglieri corps was created in 1836, to obviate the low numbers of cavalry in the Sardinian army: they were modeled on the French "chasseurs au pied", and from the beginning they were intended to be an elite corps, capable to perform well in small independent units. I suppose that we could assume between 15 and 20% of the Sardinian army in 1848 is represented by Bersaglieri (IIRC, 12 battalions of Bersaglieri fought in the 1st war of Independence - some 6000 men; ITTL, we could increase this number to 8000, organized in 16 battalions). The Bersaglieri battalions should be the units to issue the needle gun, which should work perfectly for their training and tactical employ and has the advantages it can be recharged laying on the ground and has a greater rate of fire (it has also the disadvantage that the "needle" has to be replaced quite often, so it is better to hand it over to elite troops). The Bersaglieri were also trained as mountain troops (the Alpini corps will not be created until 1872), so they should be used to interdict the Brenner pass road and to try to take Trento (say half of them, 8 battalions, with the support of a few batteries of mountain guns and a couple of thousand of volunteers - the Tuscan University Battalions come to mind), under the command of their creator, general Alessandro La Marmora (who was also a rare bird among the Sardinian military, being keenly interested in science).

I would hope that all the reforms and the modernization of the army would have also produced some alternative plans for the war in Lombardy and Veneto (starting for example with acquiring topographic maps of Lombardy and Veneto, which the Sardinian army did not have when they entered the war IOTL). I have also some hope for general Antonio Franzini (who also was chosen as Minister of War in the first constitutional ministry after the Statute was granted): he and Bava are apparently the sharpest tools on the rack.
Ferdinando and Henri should also be of some help (although the latter will arrive in Turin only in March, I suppose). The important thing, however, is that ITTL CA should be more ready for a war than IOTL, when he apparently made up his mind only when events forced his hand. One can hope, at least.
 
Let's deal with Garibaldi, who on his arrival in Italy is substantially a nobody: an expatriate Mazzinian conspirator, who has been sentenced to death in absence for his participation in the Genoa insurrection. A guy who has apparently performed pretty well in the civil war in Uruguay (both on land and on sea), but Uruguay is very, very far away: would you give him a generalship?
There is also the fact that G. embarked in Montevideo, with a portion of his Italian legion, only on 12 April 1848 after receiving news of the insurrection of Palermo on 12 January: barely three months between the insurrection and G.'s departure is pretty impressive, and I don't think that you can find a way to improve this time table.
This means that G. cannot be in Italy before mid-June, when the war in Northern Italy should be wrapped up, in a way or another (if the war is not over by June-July, it means it's not going well for Sardinia.
Maybe G. , after having been received pretty coldly by the Sardinian government, might go to Venice and get to play a part in the insurrections in Dalmatia (this assumes that the Provisional Government in Venice is more pro-active than OTL, that the mutiny in Pola is successful and Tommaseo gets his way and is allowed to raise a more general insurrection in Dalmatia). I'm not completely convinced that Manin and Garibaldi will see exactly eye-to-eye, but the workers of the Arsenal were also dissatisfied with the attitude of the Republic of San Marco, and maybe they will take G. to heart).
It is all a bit of a stretch, since 1848 is still very early in G.'s career, and his late arrival in Italy does not help at all, but I can see a possibility there.

The idea of an early introduction of a two-line tactic is a good one, and fits well with an increase of the number of Bersaglieri in the Sardinian army who would be the first to be trained to use the modified Greener bullet and the rifled muskets. The early models of the needle gun might also come into play, the Prussian army started to use Dreyse guns in 1841, although in limited numbers. Incidentally, this is not a stretch at all: IOTL the Sardinian army started to replace the older smoothbore muskets with breechloading guns, although obviously not the Minie ball, which came into play after 1849.
The Bersaglieri corps was created in 1836, to obviate the low numbers of cavalry in the Sardinian army: they were modeled on the French "chasseurs au pied", and from the beginning they were intended to be an elite corps, capable to perform well in small independent units. I suppose that we could assume between 15 and 20% of the Sardinian army in 1848 is represented by Bersaglieri (IIRC, 12 battalions of Bersaglieri fought in the 1st war of Independence - some 6000 men; ITTL, we could increase this number to 8000, organized in 16 battalions). The Bersaglieri battalions should be the units to issue the needle gun, which should work perfectly for their training and tactical employ and has the advantages it can be recharged laying on the ground and has a greater rate of fire (it has also the disadvantage that the "needle" has to be replaced quite often, so it is better to hand it over to elite troops). The Bersaglieri were also trained as mountain troops (the Alpini corps will not be created until 1872), so they should be used to interdict the Brenner pass road and to try to take Trento (say half of them, 8 battalions, with the support of a few batteries of mountain guns and a couple of thousand of volunteers - the Tuscan University Battalions come to mind), under the command of their creator, general Alessandro La Marmora (who was also a rare bird among the Sardinian military, being keenly interested in science).

I would hope that all the reforms and the modernization of the army would have also produced some alternative plans for the war in Lombardy and Veneto (starting for example with acquiring topographic maps of Lombardy and Veneto, which the Sardinian army did not have when they entered the war IOTL). I have also some hope for general Antonio Franzini (who also was chosen as Minister of War in the first constitutional ministry after the Statute was granted): he and Bava are apparently the sharpest tools on the rack.
Ferdinando and Henri should also be of some help (although the latter will arrive in Turin only in March, I suppose). The important thing, however, is that ITTL CA should be more ready for a war than IOTL, when he apparently made up his mind only when events forced his hand. One can hope, at least.

Garibaldi in Dalmatia was my first plan, but I wanted the "endeavor of Zara" to be a TTL equivalent of the Endeavor of the 1000, so to happen somewhere in the future. I guess it can be a crossing between the former and OTL endeavor of Fiume (which had some really fun moments, TBH). The Tuscan University Battalion is definitely having its glory TTL, I particularly liked their story. Incidentally, I wanted to send them to the Brenner.

Thanks for the figures and the technical information on guns and the Bersaglieri, you are helping a lot to make things as realistic as possible. I will make extensive usage of this info. Given his OTL performances, LaMarmora is definitely playing a major role. I did not know about Franzini, I will look into that. My only problem with Henri is having him choose to fight in Italy given the situation in France (maybe the law forbidding member of past Royal Houses is one of the first to be implemented in Paris), but maybe that is just overthinking. Could he possibly be given a generalship in Ferdinand's Army Corp?

Charles Albert is the key issue. As Von Clausewitz said, "War is the prosection of politics through different means", so should not wage war without a clear politics in mind. OTL he even swore to abdicate in February 1848, which is saying something. The more I think about it, the more I would like to give him a heroic death on the battlefield when the war is almost won.
 
Louis Philippe abdicated in favour of his grandson Philippe, comte de Paris (9 years old) on 24 February, and immediately departed for England with his family.
I'm not completely sure what Henri did (he was governor of Algeria at the time), but he also ended up in England (I don't think he stopped in Sicily on the way, since the island was in rebellion since mid January). It's interesting to note that Cavaignac, who was in command of the French army in Algeria, was appointed Governor on 24 February 1848, which indicates that Henri retired from his governorship at the time of his father's abdication. ITTL it's quite reasonable that his wife will insist to go to Turin, so they could get a ship to Genoa and be in Turin by the time CA grants the Statute.
From this to get the command of a division in the Sardinian army is but a short step: Henri is a lieutenant-general, and has had a recent and direct experience leading French troops against Algerine insurgents in the mountains. It's also a given that both his wife and his brother-in-law will push him to accept a commission as general in the Sardinian army.

I was thinking to put him in command of the forces that are sent to Trentino, but overall I think that Lamarmora is a better choice. Maybe Henri might be in command of the army corps which is sent against Nugent (and get wounded at the decisive battle).

I also thought that CA might die on the battlefield: it would be a glorious ending of a not-so-glorious reign, and CA himself might yearn for it. It would also avoid any problem with the future arrangement of the Italian peninsula, with particular regards to the Papal States.
 
Louis Philippe abdicated in favour of his grandson Philippe, comte de Paris (9 years old) on 24 February, and immediately departed for England with his family.
I'm not completely sure what Henri did (he was governor of Algeria at the time), but he also ended up in England (I don't think he stopped in Sicily on the way, since the island was in rebellion since mid January). It's interesting to note that Cavaignac, who was in command of the French army in Algeria, was appointed Governor on 24 February 1848, which indicates that Henri retired from his governorship at the time of his father's abdication. ITTL it's quite reasonable that his wife will insist to go to Turin, so they could get a ship to Genoa and be in Turin by the time CA grants the Statute.
From this to get the command of a division in the Sardinian army is but a short step: Henri is a lieutenant-general, and has had a recent and direct experience leading French troops against Algerine insurgents in the mountains. It's also a given that both his wife and his brother-in-law will push him to accept a commission as general in the Sardinian army.

I was thinking to put him in command of the forces that are sent to Trentino, but overall I think that Lamarmora is a better choice. Maybe Henri might be in command of the army corps which is sent against Nugent (and get wounded at the decisive battle).

I also thought that CA might die on the battlefield: it would be a glorious ending of a not-so-glorious reign, and CA himself might yearn for it. It would also avoid any problem with the future arrangement of the Italian peninsula, with particular regards to the Papal States.
I was also trying to see what Henri did OTL, but of course TTL his marriage will make a huge difference. Having him in Turin by early/mid-March is perfect. I think I will have him against Nugent.

A chivalric death for CA in an alt-Pastrengo is maybe the best option. It can't happen too soon, but not too late altogether. I am writing the chapter regarding Ferdinand with him having much clearer ideas than his father, with realistic goals in mind (not entirely his own ideas, but a consequence of his friendship with Cavour) that he will put into action (or try to) as a king.
 
Pastrengo might be too early, unless he gets to confront Radetzki on the field. You might have the final act when R. has to come out of Verona and try to turn the table in a field battle between Verona and Vicenza, with both commanders falling on the field (unless you find this too gory)
 
Pastrengo might be too early, unless he gets to confront Radetzki on the field. You might have the final act when R. has to come out of Verona and try to turn the table in a field battle between Verona and Vicenza, with both commanders falling on the field (unless you find this too gory)
Both commanders dying is really of my liking, had not thought about that. Pastrengo is definitely early, but I was thinkng more on the idea of a cavalry charge personally led by CA.
 
Of course: the Death Ride of CA and the cuirassiers of the Savoia cavalry.
That was my idea from the beginning: having CA killed by a stray gun shot would be anti-climactic

It might be a charge against the Austrian Great Battery, silencing the guns and ensuring victory
 
Of course: the Death Ride of CA and the cuirassiers of the Savoia cavalry.
That was my idea from the beginning: having CA killed by a stray gun shot would be anti-climactic

It might be a charge against the Austrian Great Battery, silencing the guns and ensuring victory
Yes, that might work very well, with CA finally atoning for his sins and entering the legend, saber in hand. From "Re Tentenna" to "Re Impenna", he would have nothing to complain about his fate TTL.
 
#5 Ferdinand, the “Liberal Years”: 1845-1847
Ferdinand, the “Liberal Years”: 1845-1847

To be fair, our title is a bit misleading. The expression “the liberal years” is to be more properly referred to the shift towards liberalism that Charles Albert’s politics took in 1845 and skyrocketed after the election of the “liberal” Pope Pius IX in 1846. For if this led to a general upsurge in Italian nationalism and flourishing of proposals to unite somehow Italy, for Charles Albert it was the clear occasion to conciliate his faith with his own political goals (with the former being far clearer than the latter). But what about Ferdinand? Was he the whole-hearted, gallant liberal we are taught in elementary school? He probably became something close to this bright image at a young age, but this is not to say that he was born that way. There is an illuminating passage in his diary, dated February 1846:

“I have always been better with ideas and things rather than with people. Complicated they may appear to most, theorems and artillery pieces are way simpler to understand. They do not get angry, they do not feel hunger, they do not cry, they do not bleed. They have a simple, stark beauty. I could have lived a happy life as a scholar, even as an artillery commander. But I am to be king, and a king has to care and provide for his people; and to do this, a king needs to understand his people. I am not sure Father does. I wish he had had some good friends (or any friend at all) like me to help him through. I would not be the man I am today without Camillo and Albert.”

Camillo and Albert being, of course, Camillo of Cavour and Albert of the United Kingdom. While the relationship between Ferdinand and the former is more celebrated, it may be argued that the (mostly epistolary) friendship with the latter was just as important. Albert was a liberal and an innovator at heart, and his views on social and educational matters were largely reflected by Ferdinand’s later politics as a King. But truth to be told, for the years 1845 through 1847 Ferdinand’s main concern was the Army, with little to no intervention on the political and social reforms his father implemented from 1845 onwards. The only documented direct intervention by Ferdinand was to urge his father to sign the preliminary agreement of the Customs Union proposed by Pope Pius IX in 1847 to the Kingdom of Sardinia and the GranDuchy of Tuscany. Charles Albert was indeed dubious whether to sign or not, for his commitment “body and soul to the cause of the Italian Unification” (as he famously wrote to Cesare Balbo) was shifting to a commitment to somehow enlarge his own Kingdom. Ferdinand simply pointed out the contradiction of proclaiming oneself adept to the neo-welf ideals by Gioberti (who envisioned a confederal Italy led by the Pope) as his fathers did and at the same time, forestalling the Pope’s very first initiative to unite the Peninsula. Besides, Ferdinand continued, Sardinia-Piedmont was the one who would benefit the most (despite the bad harvests of 1845 and 1846 and the subsequent economic setback that hit Europe, the northern Kingdom had by far the largest economy of the three soon-to-be members). The final argument was maybe the most decisive: if Sardinia was to expand, it was eastwards, at the expense of the Austrians, so what harm could there possibly be in an economical agreement whose only possible outcome was to make all of Central Italy into a Sardinian economic satellite? And the agreement was signed. The events of 1848 then prevented the Custom Union to be fully enforced, let alone show its benefits. However, given the outcome, we might say that in this case, God, more than laughing at the plans made by man, was merely smiling.

This particular episode shows that Ferdinand’s view of the Italian Unification was a careful, federal approach, with Northern Italy united from Nice to the Isonzo, with the possible addition of the Emilian Duchies. As Cavour wrote in 1847: “When I was young and ambitious, it was natural for me to think that I would wake up, someday, as the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Italy. Now that I am a more sensible grown-up, I might be as happy waking up as Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Upper Italy (Regno dell’Alta Italia).”

It must be pointed out that all of these proposals and ideas would have probably remained such (or a wet dream at best) if it weren’t for the gradual yet steady reforms the Sardinian Army had been undergoing since 1840. In this respect, Ferdinand’s role was pivotal as was his choice of collaborators. His frequent voyages and confrontation with international friends (chiefly his brother-in-law Henri, in this regard) made him utterly aware of the fact that the Sardinian Army was lagging behind the rest of Europe in terms of doctrine, tactics, and weaponry. His main contributions, which proved to be crucial in 1848, were in each and any of these directions. It was him who suggested abandoning the Napoleonic-style three-line tactic in favor of the modern two-line tactic for the infantry, which favored firepower and gave a greater ability to maneuver on the field. The first to implement this idea was LaMarmora, with his Bersaglieri. Created by LaMarmora himself in 1836, this elite light infantry corp was created to overcome the Sardinian lack of cavalry. The adoption of the two-line tactics, which itself increased firepower, and their enhanced weapons (of which we will give a more detailed account shortly) made the Bersaglieri on of the finest troops in Europe, to the point that Radetzki had to admit that they were “light artillery with handguns, light cavalry without horses, demons without horns but with black feathers.”
This would have not been possible if not for the introduction of better weaponry, in the form of needle guns and the Verdi bullet. The Verdi (oblong, flattened at one extremity and with a hole running through most of the bullet) was an adaptation (conceived under Menabrea’s guidance in the School of Artillery) of the Greener bullet invented by London gunsmith Mr. William Greener. The Greener bullet had come to Ferdinand’s attention in 1840 when the Prince went to buy a hunting rifle in Greener’s shop and got interested in the craftsman job. The gunsmith, flattered by Ferdinand’s interest and impressed by the Prince's knowledge of weaponry, showed all his creations to him.
This episode is largely instructive on the man Ferdinand was: good at understanding things (not even the British government had seen such potential in a bullet) and always keen on learning something, even when going on a hunt.
 
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