So a few days of traveling turned into a few weeks.
Anyway, I've been enjoying the speculation and theory crafting on what's been going on elsewhere in the world ITTL. Once this current arc on the upcoming Greco-Turkish War is complete I'll be doing a tour across the world to show you all what has been happening in the last few years (or in some cases decades). That said, some countries like France, Germany and Italy will be receiving more attention in the form of their own chapters, whilst others like Spain, Portugal, the Scandinavian Countries, South America and Sub-Saharan Africa will be covered more broadly.
Now moving onto today's chapter, I hope you all enjoy!
Chapter 100: The Balkan League
An artistic depiction of the Balkan Christians celebrating their eventual victory over the Turks.
The idea of a Pan-Christian alliance against the Turks was not a new concept for the peoples of the Balkans, with the earliest iterations of this idea dating back to the Middle Ages with the Smyrniote, Nicopolis, and Varna Crusades and the later Holy Leagues, all of which achieved varying levels of success. In more recent times, the first auspices of what would later become the Balkan League took root in the years before the Greek War for Independence under the aegis of the Filiki Eteria. Although the Society of Friends was primarily a Hellenic organization aimed at Greek independence, it also advocated for the Enlightenment ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity among the Christian peoples of the Ottoman Empire. It stated their collective desire for independence from Turkish occupation and the destruction of the Sublime Porte. To that end, the Society invited several prominent figures from Serbian society to join such as Karađorđe, Romanians like Tudor Vladimirescu, and even a few Russians providing the Group with a Pan-Orthodox facade.[1] Sadly, despite its grand ambitions, broad popular support, years of planning, and extensive financial and material backing; it was not to be.
Official Russian support for the Filiki Eteria would never materialize, with some prominent Ministers like Ioannis Kapodistrias denouncing the Society as a dangerous and criminal organization. Despite the promises of its nominal leader, Alexander Ypsilantis to the contrary; St. Petersburg would be neutral at best in the conflict to come, prompting Tudor Vladimirescu to formally break ties with the Society. Worse still Vladimirescu was alleged to have leaked information of the rebellion to the Sublime Porte leading to his swift execution by Ypsilantis in retaliation. With their leader dead at the hands of the Greeks, the Wallachians deserted en masse in the face of the approaching Ottomans, leaving the Greeks to face them alone. Sure enough, the Greeks of Wallachia were summarily crushed, Ypsilantis was forced into exile in Austria, and the Danubian Principalities were occupied until 1826.
Meanwhile in Serbia, plans for a renewed revolt against the Ottoman Empire were similarly disrupted following the murder of Karađorđe in 1817. His successor, Milos Obrenovic continued the fight from 1815 to 1817, he successfully negotiated an armistice with the Porte on the eve of the Greek Revolution. Although he remained open to restarting the war, negotiations with the Ottomans would achieve a moderate degree of autonomy for the Serbian people, snuffing out much of the support for any further bloodshed in the Northern Balkans. Whilst many Serbians, Montenegrins, and Vlachs would still go on to serve with distinction in the Hellenic Army and Hellenic Government during the Revolution like Vasos Mavrovouniotis and Chatzi Christos Dagovic, the broader failure of the Filiki Eteria to unite the Balkan Christians and drive the Turks out of the Balkans was largely seen as a missed opportunity by the Orthodox Commonwealth.
Insignia of the Filiki Eteria
The collapse of a united Orthodox front in the face of the Ottomans in 1821 was certainly a disappointment for many across the Balkans, yet it wouldn’t dissuade the most ardent from trying again. This time, instead of a secret society of philosophers, brigands and merchantmen from various tribes and communes, it would be a union of nation states with professional soldiers and proper warships. This alliance would take several decades to develop, however, as Greece in the wake of their War for Independence was thoroughly devastated and in desperate need of nation building at home. Meanwhile, its Northern counterparts of Serbia, Wallachia, Moldavia, and Montenegro remained under Ottoman suzerainty. Still under the sway of the Turks, Kostantîniyye could effectively control access to these countries, meddling in their affairs and limiting Greek correspondence significantly. While there were certainly work arounds, such as clandestine meetings or overtures through third parties, it would take considerably more time and resources to do so. Nevertheless, Athens endeavored to rebuilding its relations with its northern brethren.
Of the four other Christian Balkan States, Greece’s relationship with Serbia would be the fondest and most beneficial. Beginning in 1839, the Kingdom of Hellas and the Principality of Serbia would formally open consulates in each other’s respective capitals, with the Greek one in Belgrade opening in early April and the Serbian consulate opening in Athens in mid-November of that year. This would then be followed by a small number of trade agreements between the two states during the following months seeing large numbers of Serbian fruits, meats and dairy products shipped down the Danube River on Greek trading vessels. A similar deal seeing various Greek goods sold at Serbian markets was also approved in early 1841.
Sadly, the flourishing relations between the two states would come to an abrupt halt following the sudden retirement of Greek Prime Minister Ioannis Kapodistrias. Whilst his successor, Andreas Metaxas proved willing enough to continue negotiations and further strengthen ties with Belgrade; negotiations would be derailed yet again just a few months later when young Prince Mihailo Obrenovic of Serbia was deposed in favor of Alexander Karađorđević. Needing the consent of the Sublime Porte to ascend the vacant Serbian throne, Karađorđević backed out of all further talks with the Greek Government at the request of the Ottoman Government - who had taken umbrage at recent Greek subterfuge in Cyprus and Albania.
Hopes in Athens that this was just a singular event were unfortunately quashed as Prince Karađorđević would prove surprisingly cordial towards the Turks over his 16-year reign. Choosing diplomacy over belligerency, the Serbian Prince would successfully negotiate several treaties with Kostantîniyye that would see the Ottoman presence in Serbia gradually reduced. By the mid-1850s, Serbia was effectively independent with the last Turkish garrison in the country leaving by April of 1855 to join the ongoing Ottoman war against the Russians. Finally, Prince Alexander (or rather his benefactor Russia) would secure the formal independence of Serbia at the 1857 Treaty of Paris, officially ending over 400 years of Turkish rule. Yet this was not enough for some within his country. Given his tendency for absolutism, his routine flaunting of the Serbia legislature, and his strong Russophilia; Karađorđević would be ousted from power in a coup backed by Britain and France leading to his eventual abdication and exile in 1858. Few in Athens shed tears at his departure.
In his place returned the elder statesman Milos Obrenovic and his son Prince Mihailo who proved more receptive to the Greeks and reached out to gain support for their new regime. Greek Prime Minister Constantine Kanaris and the Hellenic Government consented to these talks and dispatched the elder statesman Dimitrios Karatasos to Belgrade several months later in the Spring of 1859. A veteran of the War for Independence, Karatasos was the perfect man for the job as he had long advocated for closer ties between the Hellenes and the Serbs and had visited the country many times over the past 30 years. Upon his arrival in Belgrade, he would be welcomed by the Prime Minister of the newly independent Serbia, Ilija Garašanin with whom he would enter into negotiations with over the next few weeks.
Dimitrios Karastos (Left) and Ilija Garašanin (Right)
First and foremost, in recognition of Serbia’s formal independence from Ottoman Suzerainty, the Greek consulate in Belgrade was elevated into a proper embassy, with the Greek Consul in Belgrade (Karatasos) assuming the office and title of Ambassador. The Hellenic State also agreed to recognize Serbia’s elevation to a proper Kingdom, from that of a lesser Principality awarding Prince Milos and his government all the customs and courtesies due such a rank. Next, the Bank of Greece (at the request of the Greek Government) was empowered to issue loans to the Serbian Government in return for favorable trade conditions for Greek merchants. Finally, Karatasos would announce his Government’s support for the renewed Obrenovic Monarchy over the ousted Karađorđevićs.
Noticeably absent from these discussions between the Greek and Serbian Governments was any indication of a military alliance between their two states. The fault for this omission would not belong to dying King Milos Obrenovic or his Prime Minister Ilija Garašanin who both supported defensive ties with Hellas. Nor can the Hellenic Government of Constantine Kanaris or their man on the ground Dimitrios Karatasos be blamed as both called for stronger relations with Belgrade. No, it would be King Leopold of Greece who had derailed negotiations this time.
A cautious man by nature, Leopold was incredibly reluctant to antagonize the Ottoman Empire whose strength he routinely overestimated, a sentiment that had only grown as he grew older. Although he recognized the great passion his subjects held towards the Megali Idea, of reclaiming their lost homelands, of avenging themselves and their families against the hated Turks; he could not bring himself to supporting such a measure that would lead to death and devastation and the potential ruin of his country. Whilst he was certainly no pacifist, Leopold remembered well the destruction and pain of the Napoleonic Wars. The pain of losing a father, a homeland to fires of war; it was something he wished to never see again especially when it was his state at risk of devastation.
It also cannot be denied that Leopold feared losing the favor of the Great Powers, especially Great Britain who was the chief ally of the Ottomans. In Leopold’s opinion, any overt move against the Sublime Porte would likely agitate Westminster against Athens which would be a disaster on both a political and personal level for Leopold. Moreso, Leopold feared that an alliance with Serbia would jeopardize Greece’s defensive guarantees from Britain, France and Russia. Whilst friendship and cooperation with Serbia and the other Balkan States was certainly welcome, it could never replace the protection and prominence that came from the Great European Powers in his opinion. Ultimately, the most Mihailo and the Serbian Government would ever pry out of the miserly old King Leopold was a vague promise to “support Serbia should it’s frontiers be invaded by a foreign power.”
Unsurprisingly, Leopold’s own son Diadochos Constantine held a differing opinion on the matter, (correctly) viewing the Powers as competing rivals more than a cohesive block. This had been seen most recently with the Russian War, as Britain and Russia came to blows over Russian influence over the Ottoman Empire. Similarly, the Belgian War would see France and Prussia fight over the fate of the Flemings whilst Britain looked the other way and ignored a similar guarantee to defend Belgium’s territorial integrity all in the name of Great Power politics. Such conflicts made clear to the Prince that the Powers of Europe were utterly divided and behaved in accordance with their own base desires.
Looking to the Powers themselves, Prince Constantine was not alone in believing that Russia was firmly on their side and would support them in any venture against the Turk regardless of the casus belli. France was a harder sell for some, but the Hellenic Government had made considerable efforts to solidify relations with Paris under the Kolettis and later Kanaris Regimes. The German powers were deemed to have no real sway on matter, leaving only Britain as a potential obstacle in their path. London did have a vested interest in a strong and stable Ottoman Empire, but they also had interests in Greece as well. If Britain pushed too hard against Greece, then they ran the risk of losing them completely to France, or worse Russia. Ultimately Constantine believed that Britain could be convinced to replace a dying Turkish Empire with an ascendant Greek Empire.
Pressing ahead with his ambitions, Diadochos Constantine in a rare stroke of luck and diplomatic genius would meet with Prince Mihailo of Serbia during a chance encounter in 1857 at the Paris Peace Conference. Although nearly ten years his junior, Constantine found a kindred spirit in Mihailo and found himself talking to the Serbian Prince well into the night. They discussed everything under the sun from politics and government to their hobbies and their interests. Naturally discussions transitioned to their respective ambitions for their states, which were quite similar with each desiring the aggrandizement of their homelands through war with the Turks. Thereafter, the two Princes were inseparable for the remainder of the Peace Conference until finally, business and politics drew the two away. Although they would rarely meet in person thereafter, their relationship endured through letters and the rare encounter over the coming months and years.
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King Mihailo I Obrenovic of Serbia
The death of King Leopold in early 1864 would thus remove the final obstacle between full Hellenic and Serbian cooperation against the Turks. Although it would take some time to become apparent, Leopold’s passing and the appointment of Panos Kolokotronis marked a decisive shift in Greece’s foreign policy. By late Fall, with his government firmly ensconced and with the new King’s blessing, Prime Minister Panos Kolokotronis dispatched his brother, the Foreign Minister Konstantinos Kolokotronis on a “grand tour of the Balkans”.
Traveling first to Trieste, Konstantinos and his staff would travel towards Vienna under the auspices of discussing a possible betrothal between Emperor Franz Joseph’s second daughter Gisela to Diadochos Konstantinos (the eldest son of King Constantine). Negotiations would quickly breakdown over discussion of a dowry, prompting Foreign Minister Kolokotronis to depart for Hungary. Once in Budapest, he would pay his respects for the recent passing of King Lajos Batthany, offering condolences to his son and heir Prince Elemér. Later he would wine and dine with the elder statesman Lajos Kossuth, broaching the topic of closer trade relations with Hungary. After a week in Budapest, Kolokotronis would then travel down the Danube to Belgrade, arriving during the Christmas season. There, his true mission would begin. Over the coming days, Konstantinos Kolokotronis, Ilija Garašanin and their respective staffs would hammer out a deal that would shape the future of the Balkans.
On the surface, the Kolokotronis- Garašanin Accord (or Christmas Accord as it is commonly called) would seem rather mundane. To begin with, Athens and Belgrade would reaffirm their historical friendship with one another and formalize King Leopold’s earlier “guarantee” of a defensive alliance between their two states. Next would be several pages worth of idle flattery by each diplomat towards the other’s respective head of state and a betrothal arrangement by King Constantine of Greece, who offered his eldest daughter Maria’s hand to King Mihailo’s “nephew” and heir Prince Milan once they came of age. Finally, the Hellenic Government agreed to supply Serbia with a number of Minié Rifles that the Hellenic Army could agree to part ways with, to aid Belgrade in their search for a new rifle. However, this was only the official treaty.
Hidden behind closed doors; a number of secret articles were secretly agreed to with their contents only revealed to a select number of people in both the Hellenic and Serbian Governments. The First of these secret articles would see both Serbia and Greece officially united in opposition against the Ottoman Empire, with its destruction and removal from Europe being their ultimate objective. The Second Article would outline their respective goals and territorial aspirations to the former Ottoman Balkan possessions following said conflict. Finally, the third Article would detail each countries’ military, material, and economic commitments to their pact and their stratagem for victory.
Members of the Greek Delegation to Belgrade circa 1865
Under the Kolokotronis-Garašanin Accord; the Hellenic Government expressed its claims to the North Aegean Islands, Macedonia, the entirety of Ottoman Thrace, the Straits region and Constantinople in addition to other non-Balkan territories such as the Asia Minor Coast and Cyprus. Athens would also express a lesser desire to advance their frontier into the Vilayet of Albania, removing the Ottoman presence in the region. Whilst some within Athens would call for the complete conquest of Albania and its annexation into the Hellenic State, most members of the Kolokotronis Government took a more reasoned approach suggesting that the province be turned into a client state that would be diplomatically, economically, and militarily dependent upon the Kingdom of Greece for its survival.
The Kingdom of Serbia was equally ambitious in it claims as Belgrade wished to unite the South Slavic peoples into a Greater South Slavic state - Yugoslavia. Their goals largely correlated to the annexation of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Novi Pazar, Kosovo, and much of Macedonia. Members of the Serbian Government also admitted their aspirations for a port along the Adriatic coast via Northern Albania. Finally, Belgrade revealed their ambitions to unify their nation with that of the Bulgarians. Whilst many in Athens viewed this last point as dubious at best – few Bulgarians had actually been consulted on this matter and that the Bulgarians would ultimately come to dominate such a union; Foreign Minister Kolokotronis consented to the Serbian terms with the exception of Macedonia which was similarly claimed by the Greek delegation. Eventually, the two sides would reach a compromise with Greece gaining “Littoral Macedonia” and Serbia receiving “Inland Macedonia” with the exact border being decided by their troops on the ground.
Whilst settling their competing claims was certainly all well and good, they would require extensive planning and preparation for the coming war with the Turks to actually achieve their stated goals. Article Three of the Kolokotronis- Garašanin Accord would thusly cover troop deployments and mobilization of their respective armed forces against the Ottoman Empire. Looking first to the Sublime Porte and its available resources, it was determined through reliable sources in Kostantîniyye that they possessed an Army in the range of 380,000 to 400,000 soldiers. However, of this sum, only half were stationed in the Balkans and many of this number were 2nd and 3rd line troops of dubious quality. Similarly, the Ottoman Navy whilst large at over 80 naval vessels; it only possessed modern 3 ironclad warships with four more in various states of construction and another 30 or so steamships rounding out its forces.[2] To combat this, the Hellenes and Serbians would need to raise a comparable number of men and ships if they were to fulfill their respective goals.
In 1864, the Hellenic Kingdom boasted a professional army of 48,000 soldiers split between 5 infantry divisions, a cavalry brigade, 3 artillery regiments and the
Frourá – the Royal Guard Brigade. They could also mobilize the
Ethnofylaki, the Hellenic National Guard adding on paper another 40,000 men to the Alliance, although many of these men were considered to be second or third line troops. The Serbians in turn had a professional army of around 4,000 men upon their independence in 1860, although this had slowly grown over the following years. In addition to this, Belgrade could also call upon the
Narodna Vojska (the National Militia) adding in theory another 120,000 men to the cause, although Serbian Prime Minister Ilija Garašanin would later admit that his country could only supply half this number. Thus, Greece and Serbia at present could muster around 150,000 troops between them, of which nearly two thirds were militiamen.
In terms of naval capabilities, the Kingdom of Serbia possessed little in the way of a proper navy, with it only fielding a handful of gunboats and minelayers on the Danube River. Greece in turn, possessed a moderately sized Green Water Navy of 56 warships ranging from old sailing sloops and brigs to 13 newer steamships of the screw frigate, screw corvette, and screw sloop variety. The Hellenic Navy was also beginning its forays into ironclad construction, launching the
Vasilefs Leopoldos in late 1864. The
Vasilefs Leopoldos was part of the Salamis class which were broadside ironclad warships with a projected displacement of around 4600 tons, with 4.75-inch belt armor, four 8 inch guns, and twenty-two 6.4 inch cannons rounding it out. The
Vasilefs Leopoldos would be later joined by its sister ship, the
Vasilissa Maria in early 1865. However, the completion of the Leopoldos and Maria would do little to change the naval balance as they paled in comparison to the 3 Osmaniye class ironclads fielded by the Ottomans both in armor (4.75 inches to 5.5) and armaments (8-inch main batteries to the Turk’s 9-inch main guns).
Whilst both the Hellenic and Serbian Governments trusted that their soldiers and sailors could win out over the Turks in the heat of battle, their entire strategy would rely upon the success or failure of the Hellenic Navy. If the Greek fleet could win out against their Turkish counterparts, then the Aegean Sea could be secured, denying the Ottoman Army the ability to rapidly reinforce their armies in the Balkans. Whilst they could still travel overland from the Levant and Mesopotamia to Anatolia then from Anatolia to Thrace and eventually Macedonia, it would take many weeks, if not months for this process to take place given the Ottoman Empire’s pitiful infrastructure in their eastern territories. By that point, the contest in the Western Balkans would likely be decided, with the Powers likely moving in to enforce an armistice.
Whilst Athens and Belgrade doubted that they could achieve everything they desired in this one conflict, they believed that they could get more than enough if they moved fast enough and decisively enough to occupy it before the Powers intervened. As such, both resolved to augment their existing forces through various means over the coming months and years to swing the tides in their favor. For Greece this meant the introduction of a conscription system along Prussian lines and the continuation of former Prime Minister Constantine Kanaris’ naval buildup program to keep pace with the Ottoman Navy. The Serbians would in turn work to increase their stockpile of weapons and munitions to field the entirety of their National Militia against the Turks. Over the course of the next 6 years, the two allies would make further preparations for their clash with the Ottomans, with Greece beginning its search for more potent rifles and artillery, whilst the Serbs sought to improve the training and discipline of their troops. Lastly, both Athens and Belgrade would look to broaden their alliance through the inclusion of various Greek, Serbian, and Bulgarian partisan groups along with the other two Balkan states Montenegro and Wallachia-Moldavia.
Relations between Greece and Montenegro were quite peculiar as Athens had been cordial but distant to Cetinje as its mercurial vassalage to the Ottoman Empire, limited resources and economic potential deterred Athens from making a decisive effort to ally with Cetinje for many years. This changed following Montenegro’s formal independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1857 as Greece would soon establish a consulate in the small country, later upgrading it to a full embassy in 1864. Relations steadily improved from there and ultimately culminating in 1867 when the Montenegrin Government was suddenly presented with the opportunity to join Greece and Serbia in their Alliance against the Ottomans.
Needing little persuasion, Cetinje immediately jumped at the opportunity, seeing it as a chance to secure a much desire coastline along the Adriatic and expand their state. Although their resources were few, the Prince of Montenegro, Danilo I Petrović-Njegoš pledged 16,000 men to the Alliance, now dubbed the Balkan League in return for guarantees to Ottoman territory and financial support from the other League members. Although hesitant to provide subsidies to the Montenegrins, Athens agreed to furnish a number of loans to Cetinje to procure armaments and train troops for the coming war with the Turks. The Serbians were similarly reluctant to surrender any of their claimed territory to the Montenegrins (Ulcinj, Scutari, and Sandžak), but conceded in return for additional gains elsewhere in Northern Macedonia.
Prince Danilo I of Montenegro
Efforts to entice Bucharest to join their Alliance against the Turks would prove more difficult. Although it had been more than 40 years, there remained some lingering resentment over the rule of the Phanariots in Wallachia and Moldavia as their mismanagement and corruption had impoverished these countries for generations. More recently there was a growing conflict over the fate of the Aromanian peoples, who both Athens and Bucharest contested were their kin. Bucharest took umbrage at what it saw as the forced Hellenization of its peoples living within Greek territory; rewarding those who assimilated, whilst persecuting those that did not.
Athens denied this in the most vigorous manner possible, claiming that the Aromanians were a Hellenic people akin to the Souliots and Arvanites, and were subject to every right that any other Greek citizens enjoyed. The Hellenic Government supported their claims by declaring that the Aromanians within Greece followed the Greek Rite, they obeyed Greek laws, they wore Greek clothing and took up Greek names. Their leaders and many of the younger generations of Aromanians spoke fluent Greek as their primary language. Regrettably, Bucharest remained unconvinced of the matter making for a thorny issue between the would be allies.
Beyond the Aromanian Question, there was also the matter of what concessions Wallachia-Moldavia would receive if it joined the Balkan League against the Turks. It had few claims to Ottoman Territory, although it certainly desired a firmer control of the Danubian Delta via Dobruja. Nor would it be opposed to gains along the left bank of the Danube River either, securing its economic viability, although this brought it into conflict with the Serbian Government who also desired these lands for its proclaimed
Yugoslavia. However, its true ambitions lay to the North, not the South, as it desired the liberation and unification of Transylvania. Greece had no quarrel with the Kingdom of Hungary and whilst Serbia did desire the Banat; Budapest had gone to considerable lengths to bolster relations with Belgrade. As negotiations appeared to be heading nowhere fast, the Romanian Government threatened to walk out of the talks leaving Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro on their own to face the Ottomans.
Complicating matters immensely was the decision by members of the Romanian Government led by Lascăr Catargiu to leak terms of these negotiations to the Russians in the Fall of 1869. Whilst Romania was theoretically an independent state following the Great Russian War, it was by all accounts a Russian satellite state that took its cues from St. Petersburg. The Russian Government had been vaguely aware of the Balkan League since its inception back in early 1865, yet it failed to grasp the true intentions of the group, believing it to instead be an economic or diplomatic front meant to bolster their influence. The revelations by Catargiu and his associates would, however, undoubtedly set off alarms in the Winter Palace. Not only were the Balkan States aligning together in armed opposition to the Ottomans, they were also planning to divvy up the spoils of the Turkish carcass between themselves. Whereas before, the Balkan League as an amusing, if otherwise harmless organization, now they were seen as a potential threat to Russian interests in the Balkans.
Despite its long history of violence and animosity towards the Turks, in the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish War of 1854-1857 Russia had effectively broken the will of the Ottoman Empire. The Porte was stripped of its Balkan tributaries losing Wallachia, Moldavia, Serbia and Montenegro to St. Petersburg. Its peoples rebelled against it, its economy was in ruins, its government was divided, its armies were ravaged, and its navy was a burnt-out wreck resting on the seafloor. Most importantly, Russia had gained supremacy over the straits, denying foreign ships entry, whilst enabling their own merchant ships to pass unmolested. Although their warships were still restricted from exiting the Black Sea, it was a minor inconvenience at best that could be redressed at a later date. Thus, the Turks were no threat to Russia post 1857; they were a weakling that could be easily coerced and manipulated to suit whatever needs St. Petersburg had for it. Whilst there were things that could certainly be better, the current status quo was very much to their liking. Any move to change it for good or ill would be seen as an affront against them and contrary to their wishes.
Although no one knew it at the time, relations between Russia and the Balkan League member states were also beginning to strain. The ouster of the Karađorđević dynasty from Belgrade had upset Russia’s plans for Serbia, as France and Britain grew in influence over the country, whilst distancing itself from St. Petersburg. Whilst they still cared for the Serbs as a fellow Slavic and Eastern Orthodox people, this betrayal stung for many in the Winter Palace as Russia had gone to great lengths supporting their fight for independence in 1804,1815, 1828, and most recently in 1854 only for the Serbs to effectively spit in their face and join with their recent adversary Great Britain.
Greece was also a troubling case for St. Petersburg. It had long been an ally of Russia and had even supported them with material aid and volunteers during the last war with the Turks. Yet its claims on Tsargrad, the Bosporus and Dardanelles Straits concerned St. Petersburg who desired these lands for themselves. Any conflict in the Straits would negatively impact Russian trade through the region, bringing immense economic hardship to the Motherland. Moreover, any power gaining control over the Straits, especially one that was in bed with Great Britain was simply unacceptable to St. Petersburg as they could likewise limit Russian access to the Straits. No, it was decided that the Russian Empire would move to pacify the Balkan League through diplomacy, coercion and, if necessary, force. Sadly, for all involved, it was already too late; for the Ottoman Empire in the midst of economic collapse and civil unrest proved too tempting a target for the League to pass up. The long march to war had begun.
Next Time: A Sublime Mess
[1] This point is a little iffy. I’ve seen sources that state Vladimirescu was a member of the Society, and others that say he wasn’t a formal member, but still working with them in a close capacity. Either way he was in correspondence with them and agreed to work with Alexander Ypsilantis during the 1821 Rebellion in Wallachia, only to back out at the last possible second.
[2] For reference, in OTL the Ottoman Navy only fielded 49 ships (29 sailing ships and 20 steamships) in 1855 following the outbreak of the Crimean War. By 1876 this number had grown to nearly 200 ships with 27 ironclad warships as Sultan Abdulaziz was very partial towards the Navy. Given the greater financial limitations and reduced resources of the Ottoman Empire here, I’m inclined to reduce their number of ships by quite a bit ITTL.
