President Elect 1988 - Megathread

Deleted member 87099

Where is Jack?

The Nixon economy was still huffing along while the War in Cuba was coming to a close, but worse, a War in Vietnam was just starting up.

1968

Ronald Reagan/John Lindsay 383 EVs 50% (Republican)

Henry "Scoop" Jackson/Daniel K Moore 155 EVs 45% (Democratic)

Nelson Rockefeller/Hiram Fong 0 EVs 4% (Rockefeller)

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Deleted member 87099

Where is Jack?

The economy is sinking and counter culture forces are rising in large amounts as the War in Southeast Asia heats up.

1972

Robert Kennedy/George McGovern 284 EVs 50% (Democratic)

Ronald Reagan/John Lindsay 254 EVs 50% (Republican)

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Deleted member 87099

Where is Jack?

New York Senator Robert Kennedy came out of the closest election in US history as the winner. In his first term, the economy began to improve and a slow withdrawal from Vietnam was begun.

1976

Robert Kennedy/George McGovern 374 EVs 53% (Democratic)

Bob Dole/Howard Baker 164 EVs 47% (Republican)

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HHH in '60

After taking the initiative in the early stages of the Democratic primaries, Senator Hubert H. Humphrey was narrowly able to take enough delegates to be the frontrunner throughout the primary season. However, by the time of the DNC no single candidate had achieved a majority to claim the nomination - it was only through a deal with Senator Lyndon B. Johnson that Humphrey would receive the nod for the nomination, in exchange for taking on Johnson as his running mate.

The Republicans, on the other hand, were easily able to nominate Vice President Richard Nixon with little issue. The question over his running mate would be settled by Nixon shoring up his own strong foreign policy credentials by selecting Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. of Massachusetts.

The 1960 election would be a close call - Humphrey had been dogging the Nixon campaign to enter debates for weeks, however only the one debate was held that would see Nixon narrowly winning after Humphrey was seen to lack confidence with his answers & making a few questionable statements.

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Vice President Richard Nixon (R-CA)/Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. (R-MA) - 275 EV (49.45%)
Senator Hubert H. Humphrey (D-MN)/Senator Lyndon B. Johnson (D-TX) - 262 EV (50.55%)

Close States
New York - 0.23%
Washington - 0.34%
Virginia - 0.35%
Oklahoma - 0.44%
California - 0.66%
Delaware - 0.67%
Michigan - 0.85%
Illinois - 0.97%
Alaska - 1.18%
North Dakota - 1.39%
Kentucky - 1.61%
Hawaii - 1.76%
Pennsylvania - 2.18%
Connecticut - 2.26%
Florida - 2.27%
Montana - 2.31%
New Mexico - 2.32%
Oregon - 2.90%
Iowa - 3.29%
Massachusetts - 3.63%
Wisconsin - 3.71%
Nevada - 3.77%
South Dakota - 3.93%
Colorado - 4.23%
New Jersey - 4.30%
Indiana - 4.53%
West Virginia - 4.66%
Maryland - 4.74%
 
My first time, so I went easy on myself and did an ahistorical 1964 incumbent Humphrey/Symington against Reagan/Helms with peace, full employment, and no inflation as Humphrey. Still, I think it went pretty well.

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The Wizard: Part II

Dirksen inherited a strong economy, a happy nation...and plenty of problems. The first of these was the ongoing space race, which the Soviets appeared to be winning. In order to keep national morale high President Dirksen agreed to the founding of a joint civilian-military space agency. The working name was the National Aeronautics and Space Force, or NASF. The men working in this part of the government were tasked with figuring out not only how they were to get a man into orbit, but how they would get him back home as well.

The early space program was largely speculative, but the scientists of NASF worked quickly and recruited a number of promising aviators to serve as astronauts. Amongst their number were decorated WWII and Korean War veterans Chuck Yeager and John Glenn. Both of these men would go on to make history in the final frontier, Yeager when he became the first American in orbit in early 1962, Glenn later on when he became the first astronaut to run for the US Senate in 1964.

On the ground Civil Rights was becoming an increasingly visible phenomenon, with boycotts of segregationist businesses and institutions, marches in the streets and sit-ins at diners, theaters and restaurants all over the country. Dirksen, initially ambivalent about Civil Rights, eventually announced his sympathy for the movement in early 1962, mere days before Chuck Yeager would go sailing over the world, becoming the first American in orbit.

This drew some criticism, but ultimately the party coalesced around him, more or less uneasily. Dirksen denounced the idea of judicial activism however and instead promoted what he deemed a more constitutionally respectable avenue for progress. That being the passage of Civil Rights legislation through congress.

However, this was easier said than done, considering that congress at this time was choked with segregationist Democrats, and Civil Rights never became a huge issue for President Dirksen in his first term.

Overshadowing this were growing tensions in the Caribbean between the United States and the newly communist country of Cuba. Dirksen, something of a hawk, devoted fiery rhetoric to the Cuba issue and soon the nation was beginning to expect war to occur.

However, a new wrinkle developed when American surveillance planes discovered evidence of Soviet advisors and heavy weapons on the island. Concerned over what could happen if the Soviets intensified their presence in Cuba, Dirksen began to consider a CIA plan that involved arming a number of Cuban expats and sending them to take their country back.

These American backed invaders landed on the beaches of Cuba on April 17, 1961. Initially making progress, the expats were picked to pieces by superior Cuban government firepower. Condemning the Cubans for their inhumane treatment of those prisoners that they captured, Dirksen sent in the Marines.

The destruction of Fidel Castro's regime in Cuba took nearly six months, and during that time nearly six hundred American troops and eight thousand Cubans would die. But in the end the communists in Cuba were crushed and Dirksen looked to the smoking wreckage to see what could be rebuilt.

Across the sea this was having profound effects in the USSR. Nikita Khrushchev, who had sunk quite a few rubles into the building up of Cuba, was quickly and bloodlessly ousted by a collection of furious hardliners, led by Leonid Brezhnev. Brezhnev however would never come to assume power, instead dying mysteriously sometime in the winter of 1964.

Coming to power instead was the Chairman of the KGB and a savvy political survivor, Vladimir Semichastny. His tenure over the Soviet Union would prove to be fragile and in some ways reminiscent of Stalin's.

Despite some foreign chaos and the bloody Cuban War, the people of America enjoyed a strong economy (growth rarely dipped under three percent during Dirksen's first term), a low inflation rate and a mostly peaceful country.

There were tensions simmering under the surface of this seemingly idyllic place, but they wouldn't surface until later.

In early 1964 Dirksen went through the Republican primaries virtually unopposed, garnering ninety eight percent of the vote. Both Vice President Anderson and him were renominated easily and stood to face off against the Democrats.

The Democratic contest was messier. In the wake of John F. Kennedy's embarrassing defeat in 1960, a host of new faces had risen up to claim the mantle of the party. These included liberal Minnesota senator Hubert H. Humphrey, moderate Texas senator Lyndon B. Johnson (though he was tarnished by his role in the 1960 campaign), segregationist Alabama governor George Wallace and California governor Pat Brown.

After a contentious set of primaries the candidates entered the convention in a mist of confusion. Pat Brown and George Wallace held the majority of the delegates, with Johnson, Humphrey and the others lagging behind. Humphrey endorsed Brown, in exchange for becoming his running mate and by a slender margin Pat Brown was selected as the Democratic nominee.

Incensed and convinced that the party had stolen the nomination from him, Wallace stormed back to Mobile and announced his own independent run, standing against the economic conservatism of President Dirksen and the social liberalism of Brown and Humphrey.

The campaign was ugly, with Wallace focusing much of his ire against the Democratic ticket, and Dirksen largely sitting back and letting it happen. This continued all the way into the fall and when it came time to go to the polls, Dirksen had gathered together an enormous lead over his rivals.

This would translate into the largest landslide since President Roosevelt's routing of the Republicans in 1936. But even then Dirksen could see that there was trouble on the horizon.

President Everett Dirksen/Vice President Robert B. Anderson - 506 EV 56% PV
Governor George Wallace/Senator Strom Thurmond - 29 EV 7% PV
Governor Pat Brown/Senator Hubert Humphrey - 3 EV 37% PV

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The Wizard: Part III

President Dirksen began his second term with a mandate to govern, having won a landslide larger even than what Eisenhower had managed to achieve. The Republican party now held majorities in both houses of congress and with this control established Dirksen began to pass his agenda.

This included tax reform and genuine efforts to pass Civil Rights legislation through congress. However, due to alliances between conservative Republicans and segregationist Democrats, these were not always successful. And to the men and women marching in the streets, it seemed very much like their leaders in Washington were largely apathetic to their goals.

And soon riots began to occur, in places like Birmingham, New York City, Detroit and Los Angeles. President Dirksen responded by sending in the National Guard and emphasizing the need for comprehensive Civil Rights legislation...which congress still refused to pass. Even over the efforts of Senate Minority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson, who had come out on the side of Civil Rights after some time spend languishing in ambivalence.

And in this atmosphere of political and social chaos, President Dirksen died of a stroke one quiet evening. September 14, 1966 became a day of infamy for the nation, as it lost a broadly popular President.

Taking the oath of office, Vice President Robert B. Anderson declared his intentions to serve out the remainder of Dirksen's term with honor. He accomplished this by moving to push Civil Rights legislation through a stunned congress, using the death of President Dirksen to grease the stubborn wheels of the legislative process.

Aided by people like Lyndon B. Johnson, Gerald Ford and George H.W. Bush, 1967 became the first year since 1957 to have a Civil Rights Act. And where the Act of 1957 had been largely watered down to appease southern segregationists, the Act of 1967 was broad and comprehensive, effectively outlawing segregation and many other forms of discrimination against minorities.

However, not everyone in the nation was pleased by these developments. Governors all across the south vowed a policy of massive resistance, as did conservatives in both parties. Legislation effectively ceased for several weeks as scuffles continuously broke out between rivals on the floors of both houses. President Anderson watched this with some bemusement and continued to largely adhere to the late President Dirksen's policies, out of respect for his predecessor.

As 1967 came to an end, with the nation still rocked by riots and other small chaos, President Anderson announced to the nation that he would not be seeking a full term for himself. Facing mounting voter fatigue and having been burnt out by the rigors of the presidency, he seemed a return to private life above all else. Instead he asked the party to nominate a moderate in the mold of Dirksen.

The Democrats were in a similar pickle, having been burnt by four defeats in a row the party was in a state of disarray, without any apparent nominee. However, out of the chaos surrounding the Civil Rights Act of 1967 came a number of heroes for the party. Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, whose oration and tireless devotion to equality galvanized liberal support in the Senate. Senate Minority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, who was instrumental to mobilizing sufficient Democratic support to pass the Act. Senator Robert Kennedy of New York, who seemed to be the next Kennedy to take up the torch of the presidential hopeful. And Senator John Glenn, whose charisma and fame as a former astronaut earned him celebrity appeal wherever he went.

Out of this crowded field emerged a clear frontrunner by the time the primaries were finished. Senator Lyndon B. Johnson, through his appeal to southerners and northern liberals alike, was able to edge out Humphrey and Kennedy to seize the nomination. With his extensive experience as a high profile senator undisputed, he decided to pick John Glenn of Ohio as his running mate, figuring that Glenn's celebrity would help him defeat whoever the Republicans chose.

The Republicans found themselves with a fairly thin bench. Facing signs of mounting voter fatigue after sixteen years in office, many legislators and party stars opted to sit 1968 out. Speaker of the House Gerald Ford, presumptive Republican frontrunner, emphatically refused to run. Instead the race boiled down to Governor of New York Nelson Rockefeller, Governor of Michigan George Romney, Governor of Ohio Jim Rhodes and Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona.

Goldwater, riding a wave of conservative anger mostly aimed at the Civil Rights Act, was able to seize the nomination. Even over a last minute effort by President Anderson (who disliked Goldwater and his faction of the party) to snatch the nomination away.

Goldwater selected Jim Rhodes of Ohio as his running mate, hoping to negate Glenn's influence in that key state, and so strode out into battle.

The campaign was a bloodbath. Despite valiant attempts to reach out to moderate and liberal Republicans, Goldwater's out and out conservatism was enough to alienate many in the party, and galvanize Democrats to turn out to vote in record numbers.

George Wallace, mounting his second independent run in as many elections, also despised Goldwater. For even though the Arizonan opposed the Civil Rights Act, he was also draining likely voters from Wallace himself.

Beleaguered on all sides, Goldwater made a final blunder by admitting that mounting a 'first strike' on the Soviet Union wouldn't be all that bad. Pouncing upon that remark, Johnson and Glenn rode it all the way to Election Day. Where they more than made up for the past sixteen years of defeats suffered by the Democratic party.

Senate Minority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson/Senator John Glenn - 471 EV 55% PV
Senator Barry Goldwater/Governor Jim Rhodes - 57 EV 40% PV
Governor George Wallace/General Curtis Lemay - 10 EV 5% PV

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Interesting election results. I was playing as Bobby Kennedy in 1976 running against Reagan with the historical economic settings.

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Robert "Bobby" Kennedy/Jerry Brown - 296 EV - 48%
Ronald Reagan/John Connolly - 242 EV - 52%
 

Deleted member 87099

A Reaganless World

1980

Former CIA Director George Bush/Illinois Representative Phil Crane
386 Electoral Votes 43,289,212 (52%) Popular Vote

President Jimmy Carter/Vice President Walter Mondale
152 Electoral Votes 40,144,008 (48%) Popular Vote

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1984

President George Bush/Vice President Phil Crane
535 Electoral Votes 53,820,080 (60%) Popular Vote

Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy/Colorado Senator Gary Hart
3 Electoral Votes 35,628,304 (40%) Popular Vote

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1988

Nebraska Senator Robert Dole/New York Representative Jack Kemp
341 Electoral Votes 47,441,296 (51%) Popular Vote

New York Governor Mario Cuomo/Delaware Senator Joseph Biden
197 Electoral Votes 45,827,584 (49%) Popular Vote

genusmap.php
 
The Wizard: Part IV

The Johnson administration began at a time of great national strain. With the Civil Rights movement gaining steam, they found themselves with a President willing to accommodate their goals, but a congress that was more reluctant to do so. Johnson had made an enemy of many segregationist Democrats, and conservatives in general feared the man, who spoke openly of implementing a national insurance program across the nation and perhaps even going after universal healthcare.

Vice President Glenn on the other hand was generally well liked in most corners and provided a loud voice in favor of the space program, which had been making great strides since his own trip into orbit in 1962. He was also somewhat more moderate than Johnson when it came to economics, which made him useful as a negotiating chip, working hand in hand with Johnson to soften up the conservatives when it came to budgets.

If the domestic front was challenging, then the situation abroad was actively hostile. Presidents Dirksen and Anderson had largely taken a passive role in international affairs, defending American interests and containing communism but not doing much to shape the global narrative. Dirksen had decided not to interfere in the business of a nation called Vietnam, Anderson had gone along with that, and so did Johnson. However, events in neighboring Malaysia concerned him greatly. Communist rebels there were beginning to take over vast swathes of the countryside and so, beginning in early 1969, American military advisers were sent abroad.

The conflict in Malaysia would prove to be brief and decisive, leaving President Johnson with a rock solid 70% approval rating by the time it came for midterms. The Democrats would hold their own in those, leading some to assume that the heyday of the Republicans was at an end.

But even as the United States reveled in its victory in Malaysia, Red China agitated over its northern border with the Soviet Union and after some skirmishing, a shooting war erupted in southern Mongolia and elsewhere. For a disconcertingly long time it appeared that nuclear warfare between the USSR and China was imminent, but with the aid of American and European moderators, both nations backed down from the brink. In Moscow there was a regime change, which elevated moderate and reformist Alexei Kosygin to power. He proved to be more willing to open up diplomacy with the west than his predecessors.

China went the opposite direction, closing itself off almost entirely from the outside world, a so called Gang of Four seizing power from a dying Mao and ruling like gods over their nation.

This deeply concerned the world and in this pariah nation the US and the USSR found some common ground in a mutual opposition to the dark whispers of murder and depravity that floated from beyond Chinese borders.

President Johnson in particular was taken aback by the deterioration of the situation in China, as well as the failure of a proposed national insurance program. Unhappy about this, he got up one day, intending to call upon Speaker Ford and ask his support for a new program, but instead collapsed in the Oval Office. He was dead before he hit the ground.

John Glenn assumed office in mid 1971, visibly shocked, inheriting a shaky world and nation. He selected longtime Minnesota senator Hubert Humphrey as his Vice President, deciding to go with an experienced figure to guide him through the finer points of policy making. The economy was strong but there was growing resentment from disgruntled racists towards the Civil Rights movement and whispers of another Wallace run in 1972.

Those whispers ended rather quickly when Wallace was diagnosed with lung cancer and decided to dedicate his time to chemotherapy rather than campaigning. But alternative candidates still existed.

On the same day that Glenn decided to run for a full term of his own, Mississippi senator John Stennis announced that he would be making a protest run against Glenn. This inflamed tensions between the dwindling segregationist wing of the Democrats and the rest of the party.

The Republicans were similarly divided, with some fringe figures endorsing Stennis outright, and others declaring that Goldwater ought to run again. The Arizonan ruled out any further presidential activities, dashing the hopes of his supporters.

Instead Gerald Ford cruised to the nomination, almost against his will, having become very popular over the past few years. After the inflammatory conservatism of Goldwater it was hoped that the cool, compassionate moderation of Ford would win the day.

Glenn and Humphrey were likewise nominated easily and went to face off against Ford in the general election. Ford had chosen Tennessee senator Howard Baker as his running mate, in an effort to negate some of Stennis' influence in the south, while Stennis had gone with Lester Maddox of Georgia.

These tickets squared off uneasily, but it soon became apparent that while Glenn did have an advantage (not least because of sympathy over Johnson's unfortunate passing), Ford and Stennis weren't far behind. Ford proved to be a genuinely tough opponent, snapping at Glenn's heels for much of the race.

But it was Stennis who surprised the most. Speaking more softly on race than Wallace ever did, he used veiled racism to encourage working class whites to turn out for him in November. Many were disenchanted with Glenn's whole hearted support of the Civil Rights movement and so opted for Stennis when the time came. Their support was truly stupendous, breaking twenty percent of the popular vote, stunning observers.

When the dust had settled and the ballots were all counted, Glenn had emerged victorious, but it was all too clear that he would have to do something to deal with the neo-segregationists before they swallowed him whole.

President John Glenn/Vice President Hubert Humphrey - 314 EV 38% PV
Speaker Gerald Ford/Senator Howard Baker - 205 EV 37% PV
Senator John Stennis/Former Governor Lester Maddox - 19 EV 24% PV

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The Wizard: Part IV

The Johnson administration began at a time of great national strain. With the Civil Rights movement gaining steam, they found themselves with a President willing to accommodate their goals, but a congress that was more reluctant to do so. Johnson had made an enemy of many segregationist Democrats, and conservatives in general feared the man, who spoke openly of implementing a national insurance program across the nation and perhaps even going after universal healthcare.

Vice President Glenn on the other hand was generally well liked in most corners and provided a loud voice in favor of the space program, which had been making great strides since his own trip into orbit in 1962. He was also somewhat more moderate than Johnson when it came to economics, which made him useful as a negotiating chip, working hand in hand with Johnson to soften up the conservatives when it came to budgets.

If the domestic front was challenging, then the situation abroad was actively hostile. Presidents Dirksen and Anderson had largely taken a passive role in international affairs, defending American interests and containing communism but not doing much to shape the global narrative. Dirksen had decided not to interfere in the business of a nation called Vietnam, Anderson had gone along with that, and so did Johnson. However, events in neighboring Malaysia concerned him greatly. Communist rebels there were beginning to take over vast swathes of the countryside and so, beginning in early 1969, American military advisers were sent abroad.

The conflict in Malaysia would prove to be brief and decisive, leaving President Johnson with a rock solid 70% approval rating by the time it came for midterms. The Democrats would hold their own in those, leading some to assume that the heyday of the Republicans was at an end.

But even as the United States reveled in its victory in Malaysia, Red China agitated over its northern border with the Soviet Union and after some skirmishing, a shooting war erupted in southern Mongolia and elsewhere. For a disconcertingly long time it appeared that nuclear warfare between the USSR and China was imminent, but with the aid of American and European moderators, both nations backed down from the brink. In Moscow there was a regime change, which elevated moderate and reformist Alexei Kosygin to power. He proved to be more willing to open up diplomacy with the west than his predecessors.

China went the opposite direction, closing itself off almost entirely from the outside world, a so called Gang of Four seizing power from a dying Mao and ruling like gods over their nation.

This deeply concerned the world and in this pariah nation the US and the USSR found some common ground in a mutual opposition to the dark whispers of murder and depravity that floated from beyond Chinese borders.

President Johnson in particular was taken aback by the deterioration of the situation in China, as well as the failure of a proposed national insurance program. Unhappy about this, he got up one day, intending to call upon Speaker Ford and ask his support for a new program, but instead collapsed in the Oval Office. He was dead before he hit the ground.

John Glenn assumed office in mid 1971, visibly shocked, inheriting a shaky world and nation. He selected longtime Minnesota senator Hubert Humphrey as his Vice President, deciding to go with an experienced figure to guide him through the finer points of policy making. The economy was strong but there was growing resentment from disgruntled racists towards the Civil Rights movement and whispers of another Wallace run in 1972.

Those whispers ended rather quickly when Wallace was diagnosed with lung cancer and decided to dedicate his time to chemotherapy rather than campaigning. But alternative candidates still existed.

On the same day that Glenn decided to run for a full term of his own, Mississippi senator John Stennis announced that he would be making a protest run against Glenn. This inflamed tensions between the dwindling segregationist wing of the Democrats and the rest of the party.

The Republicans were similarly divided, with some fringe figures endorsing Stennis outright, and others declaring that Goldwater ought to run again. The Arizonan ruled out any further presidential activities, dashing the hopes of his supporters.

Instead Gerald Ford cruised to the nomination, almost against his will, having become very popular over the past few years. After the inflammatory conservatism of Goldwater it was hoped that the cool, compassionate moderation of Ford would win the day.

Glenn and Humphrey were likewise nominated easily and went to face off against Ford in the general election. Ford had chosen Tennessee senator Howard Baker as his running mate, in an effort to negate some of Stennis' influence in the south, while Stennis had gone with Lester Maddox of Georgia.

These tickets squared off uneasily, but it soon became apparent that while Glenn did have an advantage (not least because of sympathy over Johnson's unfortunate passing), Ford and Stennis weren't far behind. Ford proved to be a genuinely tough opponent, snapping at Glenn's heels for much of the race.

But it was Stennis who surprised the most. Speaking more softly on race than Wallace ever did, he used veiled racism to encourage working class whites to turn out for him in November. Many were disenchanted with Glenn's whole hearted support of the Civil Rights movement and so opted for Stennis when the time came. Their support was truly stupendous, breaking twenty percent of the popular vote, stunning observers.

When the dust had settled and the ballots were all counted, Glenn had emerged victorious, but it was all too clear that he would have to do something to deal with the neo-segregationists before they swallowed him whole.

President John Glenn/Vice President Hubert Humphrey - 314 EV 38% PV
Speaker Gerald Ford/Senator Howard Baker - 205 EV 37% PV
Senator John Stennis/Former Governor Lester Maddox - 19 EV 24% PV

I love these! Just one question, which side do you play as in this series, or do you just fully automate it?
 
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