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[Urbanus VII]

The situation in northern Italy was still very fluid and agitated.
Ever since 1813 lies had followed other lies, false promises had followed other false promises; the Austrians had launched false claims to the Italian populations, promising independence and freedom in order to convince them to rise up against the French.
To achieve victory, the Allies were also resorted to the collaboration of the populations subject to Napoleon largheggiando in promises of freedom, independence, democratic regimes. The task of persuading the Italians had been entrusted to Lord William Bentinck, who put his being an English, his being a great liberal lord, in a time when the Whigs were depressed by long overweening power of the Tories, as a guarantee that the promises would be implemented.
The Austrians complained that the British (diplomats and military present for the war, but also tourists who often revealed to be troublemakers or spies) collaborated to maintain public disorder among Italians [25].
In the northen Italy the situation was very convulsive. Naively trusting in the promises of the English, in Genoa was restored the ancient Republic (26 April 1814), regardless of the reality of things: it was already destined for Savoy [26].

In Milan, the «Italici Puri» (Italians Pure), Lombard political movement (party) of opposition to French domination and Napoleon that gathered the best part of the aristocracy and the intellectual class (during the period of the Republic active collaborators of the French, but now discontented for economic and military sacrifices), had weakened the party (nicknamed the "embroidered tailcoats") of the viceroy Eugène de Beauharnais, who gave up on all pretensions to the throne, and on 26 April 1814 abdicated leaving Italy to reach the court of his father-in-law in Monaco of Bavaria, and had facilitated the collapse of the Napoleonic Kingdom of Italy [27].
However the actions of the «Italici Puri», unanimous in advocating an independent state, but split about the person to put on the throne (an Italian sovereign, Joachim Murat or Francesco of Austria-'Este) were a serious political mistake that favored the pro-Austrian party.
In the power vacuum that was created, the City Council of Milan, which met urgently, appointed a Provisional Committee of Regency of Government presided by Carlo Verri (one of the famous Verri Brothers) and with the General Domenico Pino as Chief of the Armed Forces, composed by the most conservative oligarchy Lombard, remained largely on the margins of public and political life during the Napoleonic period, and by co-option by one representative from each of the seven departments of Lombardy. The political intention of the Committee of Regency [28] was to qualify itself in front of the victorious powers of Napoleon as the authentic and legitimate representative body of Lombardy, to try to establish its independence based on a very precise oligarchic-regional project. To plead this cause it was sent to the first diplomatic talks between Napoleon's winners in Paris a deputation under the leadership of Alberto Litta, composed of Federico Confalonieri, Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, Gian Luca Cavazzi and others [29]. The Committee furthermore sent delegates to the Plenipotentiary Austrian Heinrich von Bellegarde, Field Marshal Commander in Chief of the Austrian army in northern Italy, asking to him to send troops to occupy the city.
On 28 April, 17,000 Austrians entered in Milan through Porta Romana, and on 8 May, finally, came the Field Marshal Bellegarde, who on 25 May personally assumed the presidency of the Provisional Committee of Regency of Government, declaring at the same time the termination of the Kingdom of Italy; on 12 June he announced the annexation of Lombardy to the Austrian Empire (in according to the Art.VI of the [first] Treaty of Paris, 30 May 1814) and on 27 July he was appointed Governor General of the "Cesarea Regia" (Imperial & Royal) Provisional Regency of Government [30].



[25] Dispatch of the Austrian Foreign Minister, Prince von Metternich, to the President of the Provisional Government of Lombardy, Count Bellegarde, 12 October 1814.
[26] The end of the Republic was ratified on 26 December, and annexed to the Kingdom of Sardinia on 7 January 1815.
[27] After the Battle of Paris (30–31 March 1814) between the Sixth Coalition and the French Empire and the surrendered of the French capital (31 March), the Emperor Napoleon was forced to abdicate (4 and 6 April) and go into exile (Treaty of Fontainebleau, 11 April), the news arrived in Milan on 11 April, arousing hopes of independence. After an exchange of letters between the Duke of Lodi, Francesco Mèlzi d'Erìl (who, although retired long since from the political arena, was, by order of Napoleon, after the legitimate reigning sovereign [Napoleon himself] and [in the absence of] the viceroy, Eugène de Beauharnais, the third representative and guarantor of the rule), and the viceroy, who was at the front (Mantua), Mèlzi d'Erìl had convened for 17 April the Senate of the Napoleonic Kingdom of Italy in order to propose the vote of a motion to require the appointment of Eugène as king of an independent Italian Kingdom. In an atmosphere of great tension, and in the midst of hostile demonstrations promoted by both the pro-Austrian party either by the «italici puri» (in favor of independence but against the candidacy of Beauharnais), the motion of Mèlzi d'Erìl, who was absent due to an attack of gout, was scrapped. The following convocation of the Senate on 20 April was prevented by the uprising of a furious crowd that, having given the assault on the Palazzo del Senato (ex Collegio Elvetico), tried wherever the hated Finance Minister Giuseppe Prina, heading finally towards his residence, Palazzo Sannazzari, opposite the Church of St. Fedele and, found, he was lynched in the nearby Piazza della Scala; the uprising was later remembered as the "Battaglia delle Ombrelle" (Battle of Umbrellas) because Prina was shot to death by the crowd with the metal tips of their umbrellas.
[28] After the first measures aimed at reducing the tax burden that weighed on the country, the Committee of Regency proceeded to the disaggregation of the state apparatus and of the organization Napoleonic: it was implemented a significant purge ad personam of the vertices of the political and bureaucratic system (ranging from the Senate to the Council of State, from ministers to the prefects and vice-prefects, from the administration of police to the postal services of many departments), to recapture the dominant role of the aristocratic oligarchy, as opposed to the structure of centralized and anti-aristocrat power emerged in the Napoleonic era.
[29] Alberto Litta Visconti Arese, of the Marquises of Gambolò, brother of the Duke Antonio, of Cardinal Lorenzo [Titular Archbishop of Thebae, Apostolic Nuncio in Poland and then Ambassador Extraordinary of the Holy See in Russia] and Giulio Renato [Knight of Malta, in service as a military adviser to the Russian Navy]; Federico Confalonieri, from a noble family very wealthy thanks to extensive landholdings; Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, Marquis of Sesto Ulteriano; Gian Luca Cavazzi of the Counts della Somaglia; Giacomo Beccaria, cousin of Alessandro Manzoni, secretary of the deputation; Giulio Fè d'Ostiani; Giacomo Ciani; Pietro Ballabio; Serafino Sommi.
[30] In OTL, on 31 July 1814 the Emperor Francis I established an Commission Aulica Central to arrange the integration of the territories acquired by the empire; on 7 April 1815 was established the Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia and on 2 January 1816 was ended the Cesarea Regia Provisional Regency of Government with the entry into force of the new kingdom and the appointment of the Royal Government led by Franz Josef von Saurau.

 

[Urbanus VII]

Federico Confalonieri, was a very active man (so much so that he called idleness: «Idleness is not blessed, but soporific»); for his patrician origins, his culture, his wealth, his innovative spirit was certainly destined to play an important role; he was determined to take the field and operate in every way. During the years of Napoleon's reign, Frederick was held on the sidelines because of his being of anti-Bonapartist feelings and because did not tolerate the Napoleon's absolutism which had reduced Italy to a French dependency.
Confalonieri pursued a political agenda comforted by the declaration of the Italian exiled Augusto Bozzi Granville [31], officer of the British Navy then come on a secret mission in 1814 in the Italian peninsula, that, according to the British opinion, if not all of Italy, at least the (Napoleonic) Kingdom of Italy would could to remain independent.
After the 20 April, his political influence increased significantly, so much so that he became a member of the Provisional Regency and was sent to Paris to make contact with the Allied powers and deal for the autonomy of Lombardy.

Confalonieri arrived in Paris on 30 April [32] and quickly understand the great political movement that was fervent and that he had little time, therefore, available [33]. He was the most combative of the Lombard deputies («everything is put in place by us, but bayonets are not with us!», Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 3 May), managed to deprive of authority the representatives of the party "eugeniano" [34], and, taking advantage of his friendships [35], he tried to treat with the ministers and the sovereigns of the victorious powers, but the deputation had to limit itself to expose its desires about the Milanese situation to the Emperor of Austria (7 May) [36] and to Metternich. Without results were the meetings that the Lombard delegation had with Lord Castlereagh and Lord Aberdeen (18 May) [37], and then with the Tsar Alexander (22 May) [38].
After the failure of the mission to Paris, though the deputation melts, it believing completed its task, Federico decided to follow the Allied sovereigns who moved to London for the festivities [39], because he understood that the games were not yet concluded, that nothing had been decided yet definitively, that there was still room to heel with the Allies demands for independence and autonomy [40]. Unexpectedly, the day before his departure, scheduled for 12 June, he received an invitation from Johann Philipp von Stadion [41].



[31] Having republican sentiments, he decided to leave Milan for not being drafted into the Napoleonic Army, and after much wandering he settled in early 1813 in London, beginning an intense anti-Napoleonic propaganda action and in favor of independence of Italy, translating into Italian the war's dispatches of Wellington and drafting a political and literary journal, «L'Italico», widely distributed throughout the Italian peninsula. Bozzi Granville supported,
on the wave of propaganda of the leaders of British politics in the peninsula, Bentinck, Wilson and Mac Farlane, the opportunity to «one and indivisible country», of «one kingdom, ruled by just one and constitutional prince», also addressing a public appeal to the Tsar Alexander, considered in those months the referee of the fate of Europe, in order to put himself as guarantor of the constitution of a strong kingdom of northern Italy, project now came in contrast with the intentions of the British cabinet, and particularly of Castlereagh, which supported the necessity of the Habsburg rule in Italy.
[32] He arrived with Giacomo Beccaria, while the other members of the deputation arrived only on days following, impairing highly with this their delay the outcome of their mission; took lodging «chez M. Rougemont de Lowemberg, rue Berger N. 9» (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 30 April).
[33] Confalonieri has a clear view of the situation and clearly has envisaged what will be the future decisions: «France will not ever pay dear enough a throne already conquered, and given as a present. Russia will have its enlargements in the north. Austria will be restored in its possessions of 1789, and even more. [...] The preponderance of the House of Austria in Italy will be maximum; [...] Venetian and Lombardy are absolutely devolved to Austria; that this crown can be placed on the head of a prince [as] indipendent and our vows will have been successful, but the horizon on what makes me tremble» (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 3 May); «Milan is in the deception [...]. We are sold, a well-fatal destiny for those who did slay a hundred thousand victims in support of an entirely different cause that his own [i.e. the indipendence]. A month before we were still in time to take a few steps to our political existence; Now we just have to implore it. There it will be granted? Austria is the arbiter, the absolute master of our destiny» (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 4 May), and again in the same letter «per arringar la causa di una nazione voglionsi baionette, non delegazioni» (to harangue the cause of a nation it takes bayonets, no deputations).
[34] The Generals Achille Fontanelli and Antonio Bertoletti, who had preceded of two days the arrival of Confalonieri, had already started to intrigue in favor of Eugène de Beauharnais: provided of letters of recommendation by the same prince Eugène, who arrived at Paris on 9 May, and by the Court of Bavaria, they met the Emperor of Austria, Tsar Alexander, the King of Prussia, and all the members of the French Government. The Empress Josephine supported with all sorts of actions and attempts («with all possible means of seduction») the cause of her son. Failed the possibility to keep Milan, his partisans and Antonio Aldini, former Minister of State Secretary of the Kingdom of Italy residing in Paris, intrigued now to let him have the Legations (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 3 May) or Würzburg (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 13 May); made Marshal of France, Eugène refused insisting in requiring a principality although nothing still was destined (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 22 May), and suffered even the humiliation «des deux battents», being deprived of the sovereign prerogatives, for which both leaves of the door were opened to let wider the passage to the kings, already during the lavish funeral of his mother (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 3 June).
[35] Andrey Razumovsky, Karl Vasil'evič Nesselrode, Carlo Andrea Pozzo di Borgo, Karl Philipp zu Schwarzenberg, Wilhelm von Humboldt (although Prussia watched with interest Austrian enlargements in Italy in order to get more compensation and hands-free in Germany), Emmerich Joseph von Dalberg, etc.
[36] The Emperor Francis I of Austria, who took lodging to the palace of the Princess Borghese (Hôtel de Charost) in the Rue Saint-Honoré, restricted himself to invite them to be subjects «docile and quiet» because they «belong» to him «by right of cession, and by right of conquest»; followed, however, other hearings (9 and 13 May, plus 27 May) because [in OTL] the Emperor wanted a list of competent persons for each branch of the administration and notions of all kinds, as well as other meetings with Metternich.
[37] The deputation judged with great hope this meeting, deceiving themselves of a favorable attitude on part of Britain because of what had been said and done in the peninsula by individuals as Sir Robert Wilson, the General Mac Farlane and the same Lord Bentinck, who they had flattered the Italians by deceiving their with the chimera of independence and unity (Letter of F.Confalonieri to Carlo Verri, 18 May); the answer of the British Minister, who did not intend to jeopardize the alliance with Austria and did not intend to exceed even in liberal concessions, was completely negative.
[38] The Tzar took lodging to Palais de l’Elysée but, fearing that Napoleon might have planted mines in the palace, during the securing he was guest of Talleyrand in his Parisian residence.
[39] The Tsar Alexander and the King of Prussia leaft for London on 25 May. The Emperor of Austria, however, had declined the invitation of the Prince Regent, saying that he was forced to return to his states, and left for Vienna on 31 May, by mandating Metternich to apologize and to represent it in the solemn receptions in London.
[40] «The [treaty of] peace was signed already three days ago, and its conditions were published yesterday. From the dividing lines it can be noted that France has got a good deal. All the remainder of the European mess will be manipulated in two months in Vienna» (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 3 June); and before: «Our destinies that seemed completely fixed, behind the clash among struggling parties seem to have to undergo some changes. However my maxim is: little to hope, but nothing to neglect» (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 13 May). Moreover, in his letter of 13 May to Confalonieri, Luigi Porro Lambertenghi wrote that «in my travel [i.e. mission] to Verona, and by [Austrian General] Nugent, I notice that Austria was not sure to have these countries, and especially in Verona I was very encouraged to search as king Francesco d'Este [brother-in-law of the Emperor Franz of Austria] [...] The consideration which I submitted to Bellegarde and Nugent, that a beautiful kingdom with much national ardor, ruled by an Austrian prince, and made great for the union with Modena and the hope of Piedmont, would be for the House of Austria a larger resource than to have provinces [directly submissive], [...] that would be true rampart against France. [...] It should also make it clear to Metternich, also by extension, that if they will not give us a government, as pleases the country, foreigners one day or the other will take advantage of these provisions, and our conquest will be as easy as it has been in 1796». Comments Giuseppe Gallavresi: «This assertion was less far-fetched than what one might believe now, considering the development of events, if Charles von Hügel wrote on 9 May in his diary [9 December 1813 to 25 May 1814], from Milan:"All of Milan's population took a red and white coccorda, and formed a party for the independence of the Milanese and do not want to be gathered in a great state. Giving them a prince of our House [of Austria], all difficulties would ironed out, and if we put together them with Savoy and Piedmont, which no longer want their current king, will form an intermediate state, which could be for us of greatest utility"».
[41] «In this point Stadion makes me say that wants me to go to him, I do not know what he could want» (Letter of F.Confalonieri to his wife, 11 June). About this meeting nothing of more is known. Confalonieri not talk about it anymore in the letters to his wife, friends or others; as it regards Station, equally. Wonderful opportunity for a POD.

 

[Urbanus VII]

The sound of the doorbell vibrated. The servant went to open, and Stadion heard pronounce the name of his host. The count went to meet him with the liveliness of a young man.
Passing the antechamber, Federico Confalonieri found himself facing precisely to Stadion and the first movement of the young Italian nobleman was to stop himself.
«Come in, Mr. Confalonieri», said Count von Stadion, «come in».
Federico saluted and took a few steps forward.
«You have asked me a particular interview?», said the Italian nobleman .
«Yes, we go to my study, if you will».
The count took Confalonieri's arm, and led the young man with himself.
«Gentlemen», continued Stadion addressed to two noblemen who were already present in his study, «here is the Count Confalonieri, who has something important to tell us».
Federico watched with a mixture of surprise the two men, who were presented to him by Station. One, with his beautiful blue eyes and the black sideburns that act as contour of his face, a really beautiful and elegant young man, was the Hungarian Count Károly Antal (Anthony) Zichy; the other, with an open face and lips smiling, brother-in-law of the previous one, was Franz Maria von Khevenhüller. Stadion presented both as envoys of the Archduchess Maria Beatrice d'Este [42], mother-in-law of the Emperor of Austria.
The discussion was concerned immediately on the outcome of the talks of the Italian deputation with the Emperor of Austria.
«Well?», asked the Austrian count; «what happened? Talk!».
«A great misfortune, count», replied Confalonieri, «very great misfortune for Milano, ... for the whole of Italy».
The young man put a glance nonchalant on the other two guests.
«The trouble is so big, in your opinion, how much you want to make believe?», asked Station.
«Count, I believe this is earnest, but, thanks to my diligence, I hope that it is not irreparable».
«Talk», repeated Stadion, «Talk and above all start from the beginning; I love the order in all things».
A glance thrown on the Count von Stadion by the Hungarian nobleman, assured Confalonieri of the goodwill of his audience, and continued:
«We have asked at His Majesty the Emperor if not all Italy, at least that the Italian Kingdom can remain independent. His imperial response has been totally negative and it has been so that we no had other alternative but to make a reasonable and accurate discourse on the consequences it could have had the sacrifice of our political existence that His Majesty the Emperor wants to impose to Italy by reducing it to an Austrian province. Our country, even if never has tasted the sake of one political existence and national, for twenty years has learned to desire this. The only hope and the only name of this, have did do sacrifices of all kinds to the nation... and these sacrifices have brought us a degree of energy, of vigor, of consistency that we had never touched before!».
Stadion was beginning to let himself take by the emotion that had altered already his face.
«And the Tzar what said to you?», asked the Count Zichy.
«His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias is nourished by philanthropic ideas», said Confalonieri; «he aspires to merit of hero liberator and regenerator of the peoples. His youthful imagination is exalted behind this liberal idea; may the Heaven make that
the resources, which he will place in this great work, does not to betray his pompous intentions».
«I believe that the first duty of an honest Cabinet, and enlightened, is to not deceive individuals or nations», replied Stadion; «I must frankly confess that our military take many times one direction, and a language, not similar to that of our Cabinet; they put, perhaps, the National honor in hustling protection; His Majesty the Emperor and his Foreign Minister in providing for the best interests of Nations».
«Well, the best interests that our Nation requires and demands is a king, and that this king is, if you like, by the Imperial House of Austria, that our votes will be more universally tasks; is an independent existence from other states, is a Constitution, which for us means National representation», answered Confalonieri.
«From all parts of Europe arise constitutions: Spain, France, Holland, Poland, Norway, and other countries request constitutions, but I don't know whether this is in their best interest», replied again Stadion; «Austria then a government against which the subjects have less need to make barricades than not against an other; in the history of this Imperial House, until our own day, not it are seen traces of abuse of power, or of strength; it never made a mistake for an excess of these things, rather, sometimes, by defect. I speak honestly».
After a moment of silence, Confalonieri said:
«At least the Corona Ferrea [Iron Crown] may shine on the head of an independent prince of the Imperial House of Austria. Milan, in spite of the oppressive system under which she lay, shone as the capital of a vast kingdom; several useful and new institutions have arisen, everything took vigor and life; it would be sad that, in spite of the paternal Austrian government, these advantages have to cease».
«I see that you need a court», said Franz Maria von Khevenhüller.
«We'll deal. We'll deal with this project, we like, but you have to combine it with the other powers», replied Stadion.
«Notre bonne amie, Her Highness the Archduchess Maria Beatrice, is very interested in the happy fate of your country; I am sure that Austria will make every effort to make an effective contribution», concluded the Hungarian Count Károly Antal Zichy.
«In this sense, I will give my whole hand», added Stadion.
«Here that which is called knowing how to speak», said von Khevenhüller.
«Here is the man of whom we need in times like ours!», said Confalonieri.
At the end of the discussions, Stadion proposed to his guests to drink to the health of Emperor Franz of Austria. In this toast, the four men raised their glasses à la mode Anglais. Confalonieri, in his heart, drank to the health of Italy, of his Lombardy united and independent in a kingdom.



[42] Here it is important to explain the relationships that bind all these characters. The Hungarian Count Zichy, famous for the lavish parties that he gave in his palace at Vienna during the Congress, where among dancing and festivities even thin political plots were woven, had close relations with the Austria-Este, who owned the Lordship of Sàrvàr in Hungary. Franz Maria von Khevenhüller was related to the Archduchess Maria Beatrice, mother of Francesco (IV) of Austria-Este, via his uncle Count Emanuel von Khevenhüller, came to Milan in the retinue of the Archduke Ferdinand, about in 1770, and became a consultant to the government, who married an heiress of Pavia, and became Milanese by adoption. Finally, a grandmother of Federico Confalonieri was grande-maîtresse of the Archduchess and the same Federico had been in contact with her: «I feel a certain propensity for the Archduchess Beatrice [...] for the reason that make you much attention [...]. I had already heard so many times dell'amabilità of this woman, and I have very pleasure that you can experience this for experience» (Letter of Teresa Casati to her husband F.Confalonieri, 15 September 1812).