Portuguese North America - The Unlikely Colony

The "British" did not exist as a polity during the Iberian Union, while the Kingdom of England as did the Kingdom of Scotland, coming under a union in 1603. However, the English colonial empire was still nascent with no Portuguese or Spanish colony being captured by the English during 1580-1640. The Dutch were far more of a threat, and I do plan to address that. However, this colony is already home to 50,000 settlers by 1600, making it much harder to capture than say New Netherland. Being largely economically worthless, I imagine that for the time being the other powers will focus on areas of North America lying further south along with the much more valuable West Indies.

The "British" is a word that refers to the inhabitants of Britain, also a geographical area, including England, Wales and Scotland, making it self-evident to what i am referring to.

The British (or if you wish, English) "merchants" and privateers have been extremely aggressive already by the time of Elizabeth, and they indeed seized and captured several colonies in the Caribbean already in the late 16th century. However these were usually private ventures to capture private ventures, merely chartered by the respective crowns.

By 1630 they have already established a series of colonies from South Carolina to Nova Scotia, a lot of them with the explicit reason to use them bases for piracy. I cannot really imagine the Portuguese establishing a populous colonial empire in an area they completely ignored by them, unprofitable and was actually Spanish land according to the Treaty of Tordesillas. The British on the other hand wanted the area, and would have had both the opportunity and a reason to capture it.
 
The "British" is a word that refers to the inhabitants of Britain, also a geographical area, including England, Wales and Scotland, making it self-evident to what i am referring to.

The British (or if you wish, English) "merchants" and privateers have been extremely aggressive already by the time of Elizabeth, and they indeed seized and captured several colonies in the Caribbean already in the late 16th century. However these were usually private ventures to capture private ventures, merely chartered by the respective crowns.

By 1630 they have already established a series of colonies from South Carolina to Nova Scotia, a lot of them with the explicit reason to use them bases for piracy. I cannot really imagine the Portuguese establishing a populous colonial empire in an area they completely ignored by them, unprofitable and was actually Spanish land according to the Treaty of Tordesillas. The British on the other hand wanted the area, and would have had both the opportunity and a reason to capture it.

Yes, the English privateers were quite aggressive at the time, but they tended to go after the Spanish Main looking for gold. When the English did establish colonies, they were usually in areas that were unsettled by other Europeans. Barbados, St Kitts, Nevis, Montserrat, and Antigua were the Caribbean colonies established before 1640, and even some of these were destroyed by the Spaniards (St Kitts in 1630).

In North America, the Scottish claims to Nova Scotia were just that claims and I imagine that a Nova Scotia might be established elsewhere. At the end of the Iberian Union in 1640, New England had 15,000 Europeans and Virginia another 10,000. With a rate of natural growth and even no new immigration, the Portuguese North American will be much larger in terms of inhabitants.

The Portuguese claimed that the area of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland was west of the Treaty of Tordesillas, with the map I posted above dating from 1572 clearly illustrating that at the time they claimed it as belonging to the King of Portugal. Spanish maps from the period seems to acknowledge this claim. The fact that King Manuel I did issue charters to the area, as did his successors, meant that they believed this area was within the Portuguese sphere.

The POD here is the the Portuguese in small numbers settled the area looking for some sort of wealth, and found none. Due to the abundance of arable land and a climate free of disease, the small founding population of settlers would grow at a much faster rate than in Brazil or the West Indies where tropical diseases kept the natural growth rate of Europeans at a low level. For that reason, I have referred to it as an accidental colony. In some ways could be seen as an early Grão-Pará, an area created in 1616 by the Portuguese Crown to thwart French settlement in what today is Northern Brazil, sending thousands of settlers there, but having an area which until the mid-18th century with the introduction of rice and cotton cultivation had been unprofitable.
 
Yes, the English privateers were quite aggressive at the time, but they tended to go after the Spanish Main looking for gold. When the English did establish colonies, they were usually in areas that were unsettled by other Europeans. Barbados, St Kitts, Nevis, Montserrat, and Antigua were the Caribbean colonies established before 1640, and even some of these were destroyed by the Spaniards (St Kitts in 1630).

You might note that the topic is continental North America and i talked about continental North America too, from Nova Scotia to South Carolina as a general area (though most importantly South Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Massachusetts and Connecticut). You are the one who moved the centre of gravity northward, so let's treat it like that. A colony of 50.000 would be really important factor in politics that, provided it's undefended, would be a prime prize.

In North America, the Scottish claims to Nova Scotia were just that claims and I imagine that a Nova Scotia might be established elsewhere. At the end of the Iberian Union in 1640, New England had 15,000 Europeans and Virginia another 10,000. With a rate of natural growth and even no new immigration, the Portuguese North American will be much larger in terms of inhabitants.

That's just wishful thinking. 50% of the settlers died in the first year in the North American colonies until well into the 1700s, and the colonists were decimated by both disease and the natives there too - it took a long time to make the continent European-ish. In virtually every single case such bankrupt and abandoned colonial projects led to the colony being either evacuated or massacred by the natives. It also telling that even until the Revolution, half of the population of British America were either indentured labourers, started up as one or were direct descendants of them, not to mention that a tenth of them were outright slaves. This means that relatively few people wanted to settle, and even those that wanted to had to sign long-term contracts to be able to get there, even though the British had one of the biggest setter population and North America was their biggest target for settling. I mean it's telling that even after 150 years of settling, the population of New France was still only 70.000, even though the French were really trying.

There is absolutely no way that such Portuguese settlements would persist as more than a few scattered coastal villages and maybe towns with a total population of more than a couple thousand, and even if they were bigger, would be able to survive the British and the Dutch until 1648. Zero chance.

The Portuguese claimed that the area of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland was west of the Treaty of Tordesillas, with the map I posted above dating from 1572 clearly illustrating that at the time they claimed it as belonging to the King of Portugal. Spanish maps from the period seems to acknowledge this claim. The fact that King Manuel I did issue charters to the area, as did his successors, meant that they believed this area was within the Portuguese sphere.

Well, okay, never heard of that. Certainly weird though.

The POD here is the the Portuguese in small numbers settled the area looking for some sort of wealth, and found none.

This literally ends colonies.

Due to the abundance of arable land and a climate free of disease

If this was true then they would be outbred by the British for this reason.
 
Before starting the TL I had done extensive studies of demographics in settler societies, comparing English (later British), French, Dutch, Portuguese and Spanish possessions around the globe. I used these to try to formulate a timeline that would be plausible. What I meant by a "small" number is when one compares the numbers of Portuguese heading for the East Indies during the 16th century (around 300-350,000). Here a net of around 15,000 Europeans settle the territory during the 16th century. However, due to a much shorter voyage, and proximity to home (the Azores), death rates are somewhat lower, but they are high during the first decades of settlement.

Climatically speaking this region of North America possessed qualities allowing it to be relatively free from diseases plaguing the tropical and even subtropical climates well into the 19th century. Because most are most familiar with the English colonies, it is important to look at them during their early period of colonisation. To illustrate the point, below are three separate regions being colonised by the English between with the net migration of Europeans for the 1630-1680 period shown below:

NET MIGRATION OF EUROPEANS 1630-1680
New England 28,000
Southern Colonies 75,000
West Indies 141,000

WHITE POPULATION IN 1630
New England 2,300
Southern Colonies 11,000
West Indies 4,800

WHITE POPULATION IN 1680
New England 68,000
Southern Colonies 63,000
West Indies 43,000

What the above illustrates is that New England had a far higher rate of natural growth, than the Southern Colonies and especially the West Indies, despite receiving a far smaller portion of immigrants. During the earliest years, New England's small settler population struggled during its first decade, that is during the 1620s, experiencing a high mortality rate. However, once the population reached 2,000, the colonies there were somewhat self sufficient and able to support incoming new arrivals so that during the 1630s, the population's natural growth jumped to 0.5% per annum, then to 2.1% per annum during the 1640s and 2.6% per annum in the 1650s and 1660s. Finally reaching and impressive rate of 2.7% per annum during the 1670s, remaining there until the 1750s. This pattern is not dissimilar to the one found in other settler colonies in areas which were climatically amenable to Europeans. In New France, the natural growth rates were 2.5-2.7% per annum during the colonial period and remained at that rate for a century longer than in New England. The difference is that in 1650, New France's stage of colonisation was where New England had been a generation earlier. When a large contingent of Europeans arrived in the 1660s, the population growth began to mimic that of New England almost exactly. In Dutch South Africa too, a mere 2,000 Europeans settled and despite initial hardships, they too enjoyed a natural growth rate of around 2.7% per annum throughout the 18th century. What this shows is that there was a pattern in demographic growth applicable to the settler frontier societies, despite the difference in nationality or religion.

On the other hand the southern colonies, despite receiving far more European immigrants between 1630-1680, and far more until the end of colonial rule were hampered by early settlement of Europeans along coastal marshes susceptible to mosquito-borne diseases resulting in far higher mortality rates, and as a result lower natural growth. This was especially true along the Cheasapeake Bay and later along the Carolinas coast and Georgia. Only once settlers begin moving further inland did mortality rates for the colonies as a whole subside somewhat. Despite this, the Southern Colonies had a negative natural growth rate of 3.5% per annum during the 1630s, 1.3% annum during the 1640s and 1660s, falling to -0.7% during the 1670s and -0.1% per annum during the 1680s. It would only be during the 1690s that a positive natural growth rate of 0.5% per annum occurred. Despite this, the mortality rate for whites in the region remained much lower than both New England or New France even during the end of colonial rule.

For the West Indies, the negative natural growth rate was much higher. Only mass European immigration there kept the white population from experiencing a decline. Epidemics, such as yellow fever were prevalent with outbreaks in 1647, 1648, 1649, 1655, the killing 16% of the white population of Barbados in a single year. Despite this, the islands remained more attractive than both New England or the Southern colonies. The principal reason was the attraction of the wealth brought about by sugar, coupled with the relative ignorance of disease. This was not dissimilar to both the French and Dutch West Indies or Guiana where larger numbers of Europeans settled when compared with New France or New Netherland, but also experienced much higher mortality rates.

The Portuguese had colonised both Madeira and the Azores during the 15th centuries, and by 1600, the population in Madeira was around 80,000 and in the Azores reaching around 100,000. They had become overcrowded, and by the mid 16th century bouts of the plague along with measles, and smallpox were beginning to spread to the now crowded villages of the Azores. This is especially due to the population density, and in contrast to the high rate of growth experienced by the initial settlers when land was plentiful.

I also took into account early output of grains in Acadia and New France during the 17th century, to make a hypothesis of what output would have been a century earlier. What I found was that the farms were productive and could have easily sustained large families, as the output far exceeded the subsistence level. This coupled with relatively abundant fishing stocks and the ability to replicate a dairy industry similar to the one in the Azores should make natural growth of the population take off fairly quickly. Even a small founding population of 1,500 to 2,000 with no additional settlers should have grown to 15 to 20,000 by the close of the century, if growth rates of 2.5% to 2.7% per annum are achieved by within two decades of initial settlement. That number seems a bit small, which is why I chose a higher one, particularly due to the fact that Northern Brazil had some 27,000 Europeans brought in by the crown during the 17th century and the much smaller Azores were settled by some 5,000 settlers during the first-half of the 15th century.
 
New France

The earliest record of fur pelts from North America arriving in France that exists dates from 1581, and these were thought to have been acquired by Norman sailors active in the Grand Banks who had traded them with the Portuguese and brought them back to Dieppe. Distracted by wars in Europe, the French Crown had paid scant attention to establishing colonies in the New World, however this would all change in 1602. That year, Samuel de Champlain set out with some 200 men to establish a trading post in the New World, having obtained exclusive trading rights of trade in the land north of the 40° and south of the 46°. Initially, Champlain visited Nauset Harbour (Plymouth), with his party spending their first winter in a place they named Saint-Croix. However, bad relations with the indigenous Wampanog led to deaths on both sides along with a winter in which at least a dozen of the Frenchmen perished of scurvy, with many more dying during the harsh winter. In 1604, the party decided to relocated, and sailed towards the island of Nouvelle-Angoulême (Manhattan), which had been visited by Giovanni da Verrazzano in 1524. Finding the indigenous Lenape to be amiable enough, this was to be the site of the first permanent French settlement in America.

In Nouvelle-Angoulême, the French built a habitation, consisting largely of traders and craftsmen, with two priests. In 1610, the first Jesuit missionaries arrived, with the intent of converting the natives. The trading post remained small, however and though the profits were large, the expenses of the company were even greater. More so, the small trading post was vulnerable to attack, and in 1613, Captain Samuel Argall sailed from Virginia to attack Nouvelle-Angoulême, burning the settlement and taking many French prisoners. The decision was made to establish a more secure fort, and as a result a stone fort was built and secured with cannons. Additionally, in 1617 the first families arrived in New France with the first baby being born the following year. By 1620, the population of New France numbered around 280, with around one-fourth being women.

With the fur trade in mind, the French had established a fur trading post upriver at a place called Fort d'Anormee Berge (Castle Island) in 1614, having to abandon the site due to flooding, but reestablishing a fort on dry land in 1618 and calling it Fort Louis. Here the French traded with the Mohican people, with many of the French traders marrying Indian women, and their offspring becoming known as métis. Often serving as interpreters, the métis would play an important part in the fur trade, allowing France to become one of the major beneficiaries of the North American fur trade.
 
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After the end of the Avis Dynasty, in 1580, the settlers of Terra Nova gladly traded with enemies of Spain, and even provisioned English and French ships. It was only once King Philip II asserted his control by sending a military force to the colony that this was quashed. Hitherto, governance of the colony had been largely undertaken by officers representing the various donatary captains whom more often than not, resided in Lisbon and the Azores. The absence of the captains, coupled with the distance from Lisbon, had allowed real power to fall to reside largely at the municipal level. Here câmaras or in the case of Porto Real, a senado were composed of the homens bons, or the land-holding and elite along with judges and clergy oversaw local governance. The various municipalities were overseen by an Inspector-General, appointed by Lisbon, however, the vast distance between the various municipalities made some very large in size, and others very remote. Because of this, this system had allowed for a great deal of autonomy at the local level, particularly in the more remote municipalities, further from Porto Real.

This, however was interrupted by the assumption of power by a military captain, Don Álvaro de Bazán y Guzmán, Marquis of Santa Cruz de Mudela appointed by King Philip II of Spain in 1584.

220px-ÁlvaroDeBazánRafaelTegeo1828.jpg


With the appointment of the first military captain, the Crown sought to extract an increased amount of revenue from the colony, particularly as defences were now needed to protect the territory from Spain's enemies. Afraid of the establishment of pirates and corsairs, the Spanish Crown sought a way to defend the territory. As a result, new taxes were imposed. As had been the case in the Azores, a 10% tax on the agricultural production had been levied by the captains. The captains also retained the exclusive right to build mills, along with a monopoly on the sale of salt. Additionally, new 2% tax was now imposed by the crown to pay for the construction of fortresses and for the establishment of a permanent military garrison.

Work on the first fortress began in 1585, with the fort of Saint John the Baptist, designed by Italian military engineer, Giovanni Vicenzo Casale, to protect Porto Real. As part of the project was a new Governor's Palace was also built, along with several other imposing stone buildings. Part of this labour was undertaken by the first recorded African slaves in the colony, having been imported from Guinea, however these only numbered a few dozen. African slaves, however would remain an expensive luxury unavailable to the vast majority of the Portuguese settlers in North America. Also around the same time, the first horses were brought to the colony, with a stables and a cavalry unit as a part of the new defense. This was followed with the expansion of the fort at São Lourenço (Quebec) on the Saint Lawrence River, designed to protect the now flourishing fur trade. Finally, friendly Indians were given fire arms to protect themselves not only from enemy tribes, but also from fur traders from other European nations.

Among the new construction undertaken, was the building of a baroque cathedral in Porto Real. In 1598, the city became the seat of its own Bishopric, making it separate from Angra, and a suffragan of the archbishopric of Lisbon. Agostinho Ribeiro, the first bishop arrived from Guarda, in Northern Portugal the following year.

With the death of Philip II in 1598, his successor, King Philip III attempted to secure peace for the beleaguered Hasburgs. That same year, a peace between France and Spain was signed at Vervins. No sooner, had the peace been signed, when France embarked on the reestablishment of the settlement of New France. Though the territory claimed by France to the South belonged to Spain and not Portugal, the establishment of the French so nearby worried Lisbon.

Once peace was signed with France, England would soon follow with the signing of the Treaty of London in 1604. Like the French, the English too sought to establish a colony in the New World. They chose Jamestown, further south in a land called Virginia. The Spaniards were far more worried about Virginia than they were about New France, as they feared Virginia would become a base for pirates to threaten the Spanish West Indies and the treasure fleets sailing from there.

In response, the Spanish sent an expedition to Virginia, to monitor the progress of the colony. The colony had not been faring well, and seemed to pose little threat, however, in 1611, the Spanish Ambassador in London, wrote to King Philip III, that Spain should destroy the nascent colony. When two Spanish ships were sent to the colony, Don Diego de Molina wrote about the poor quality of the fortifications "... the forts which they have are of boards and so weak that a kick would break them down... a fortification without skill and made by unskilled men." As a result, the Spaniards decided to let the colony remain rather than risk upsetting the peace between Spain and England. The Spanish suspected that the profits from the colony would be inadequate and would mostly likely be abandoned and would not pose a threat to the Spanish Caribbean.
 
In 1598 and 1603 embargoes, though poorly enforced were placed on Dutch trade with Portugal. This had the effect of limiting the scope of the nascent fur trade of Terra Nova. Despite this the embargoes led to an increase in the export of grain from the colony. As the Dutch had provided Lisbon with the bulk of its imports (originating in Danzig), the embargo forced the Portuguese to seek new sources of wheat and flour. As a result, the fertile lands of Terra Nova now produced large quantities of wheat, barley and oats for Metropolitan Portugal. Additionally, the Dutch had also provided the majority of the Portuguese Navy's supply of vital naval stores. To remedy this shortage, timber, particularly pine masts from the new world was exported in large quantities, and the search for copper became a priority. Copper was found in small, but not viable quantities at the erroneously named Cabo de Ouro (Cap d'Or). However, this situation was too short-lived to have a major impact on the colony, and in 1609 a truce was signed between Spain and the United Provinces. Free trade resumed, and Portugal was flooded with Scandinavian timber, copper, along with Baltic grain from Danzig, timber, munitions, pitch, rigging, copper from Scandinavia, making imports from Terra Nova unnecessary.

During the first decades of the 17th century, the colony also expanded along the Saint Lawrence river, with São Lourenço growing from a mere Catholic Mission and trading post to become a settlement of 2,000 by 1600. It soon became the regional hub for the emerging fur trade, which stretched out from the river. Unlike Porto Real it was a frontier settlement, marked by a predominance of men, many of whom were mestiços of mixed Indian and Portuguese heritage, often able to speak several Indian dialects. The farms emerging along the riverfront were only yet being established, and the region was characterised by weak royal authority. It would be from here that exploration into the hinterland of the colony, including the Great Lakes would commence. In 1578, Portuguese explorer Francisco de Sousa became the first European to gaze upon Lake Ontario, and he was soon followed by others. The expeditions inland particularly increased after 1606 when Dom Pedro Vasoncellos, Captain of Terra Nova, awarded settlers the rights to seek mineral wealth inland, promising them financial reward, and sparking an expansion of the Portuguese presence in North America.

The simultaneous wars by Spain with England, France and the United Provinces would lead to an economic crisis in Terra Nova. This was largely the result of the economic embargo, and as a result, an increasing numbers of men launched expeditions into the interior to seek mineral wealth. These men often gathered groups of Indian warriors, setting out in search of fortune. They soon came into conflict with rival Indian tribes and would cause an increase in violence in the region. The Portuguese frontiersmen allied themselves with the Hurões (Hurons) whose numbers had been greatly reduced due to European disease and had become victims of Iroquois expansion. As a result, the mestiço frontiersmen now led bands of Hurons, armed with European arms to attack the Iroquois, along with other groups, selling the captives into slavery. The tactics included ambushing villages by setting fire to buildings and crops, taking the women and children captives whilst killing the men. The slaves were largely sent to work in the farms along the São Lourenço River, where farms now had an average of two or three slaves. Some of the larger expeditionary groups numbered over 1,000 men, and were referred to by missionaries as groups of armed bandits.

As the European population of the colony grew, the Indian population decreased largely due to epidemics brought by the Europeans. By 1600 fewer than 10% of the pre-settlement population surviving in many areas of the colony. As a result, slave-raiding further away from Porto Real became common, and by the early 1600s slaves were being captured on Ilha dos Bacalhaus (Newfoundland) to work on the farms further south. This would cause the indigenous Beothuk to move further inland, and largely abandon the coast. To secure the coast in 1604, the first permanent settlement on the island was established at São João (St. John's), a place first named by the Portuguese in 1519. The settlement consisted largely of degredados, or prisoners many of whom condemned to exile and arrived Lisbon, with others being fisherman.

After the signing of a truce with the United Provinces in 1609, Portugal and its colonies were finally free to trade with the Netherlands, leading to a short-lived economic boom which would last until the ending of that truce in 1621. The export of fur pelts, particularly beaver increased dramatically as hats made from the felt became a precious commodity, with the pelts being exported to Holland, from where they were processed and manufactured. The search for pelts lead to trading posts further inland, along with conflict and more slave raids. This action condemned by the Jesuit missionaries whom attempted to establish Catholic missions among the Indians, and complained to the royal authorities. This only led to more bold actions by the frontiersmen with missions now attacked and converts being turned into slaves.

During the 1610s the arrival of some 5,000 new settlers to the colony, with over half coming from the Azores also helped the colony expand. The poorest were often sponsored by the church or wealthy landowners, particularly as Terra Nova was a far less expensive to ship the poorest peasants. The archipelago had experienced floods, along with poor harvests during the first years of the decade, making emigration to Terra Nova and Brazil increasingly attractive. Coupled with the abundance of land grants in the New World, made many simply choose to settle in the Terra Nova, building new settlements southwest along the coast. Among these new settlements was Santa Cruz, founded on a site (Bangor) first visited by Estêvão Gomes in 1524. Coupled with a large natural growth the European population was estimated to have been around 103,000 by 1621.

Despite the fairly large size of the colony, the Portuguese Captains became worried about foreign attacks, particularly once a state of war resumed with the United Provinces. The arrival of infantry units in the colony during the early part of the 17th century known as terços inspired by the Spanish tercios was insufficient. These forces were augmented by the ordenanças or local militia units, where all free male settlers from the age of 18 to 60, with the exception of nobles and members of the clergy were forced to serve. However, the ordenanças were poorly trained, and as a result, defence would fall largely upon the allied Indian tribes and the frontiersmen.
 
The Arrival of the Dutch

In 1609, Henry Hudson was commissioned by the VOC to explore the Northeast Passage to Asia, the frozen temperatures and ice led him to seek a Northwest Passage instead. Subsequently traveling to North America he attempted to sail up several rivers, including the Zuyt River (South River). During the early 17th century, the increasing importance of North American beavers, led merchants from Holland to take interest in establishing trade with the Indians, though this was still unimportant when compared with the attraction of the East Indies trade. A group of Lutheran merchants took interest and gave the financial backing for a group called the Van Tweenhuysen Company, dispatching ships to North America in 1611. With their backing, between 1611 through 1614, Adriaen Block was sent to North America to explore the potential for trading in furs and sailed up the Fresh River (Connecticut River). However, as early as 1612-1613 the Van Tweenhuysen was no longer interested in the fur trade, and was more interested in finding precious metals. By 1614, there were a total of four companies vying for the North American fur trade, leading them to create the Compagnie van Niewnederlant (New Netherland Company) which would eventually merge with the Noordse Compagnie (North Sea Company). The latter had engaged in whaling in Spitsbergen and Jan Mayen Island in an attempt to control prices of beaver pelts.

As a result of the merger, on 27 march 1614, the States General would issue an ordinance granting monopolies for trade to the fur trade to the New Netherland Company. On 1 January 1615, the letters patent were issued , allowing it to undertake voyages to the new world for four years. During the four years however, the company's activities were limited and when the monopoly expired in 1618, it was not renewed. Though the company would continue to trade, it was superseded by the Dutch West India Company had been founded 1621. The founding of the WIC had coincided with the end of the Twelve Years Truce with Spain, as now the United Provinces Trade with Terra Nova was limited. The new company initially sent out two ships to North America, with the ships sailing to New Netherland in 1622. Like the French in New France, the Dutch envisioned a company that was not to be one of colonisation however, rather to engage in privateering and trade which would bring profit to its shareholders. Though obtaining capital was not easy, this was a much more difficult task than the one faced by the VOC twenty years earlier. Also, initially the salt trade from coastal Venezuela was the main objective.

The establishment of the first permanent trading post would be in November 1623, at Fort Huys de Goede Hoop, or Good Hope (Hartford). A small number of settlers accompanied the traders, but their numbers were small. In 1624, the first permanent settlers were sent to establish trading posts that would be self-sufficient, with livestock. Numbering fewer than 100, they initially established settlements at Kievits Hoeck (Saybrook), Fort Wilhelmus on Hooghe eylant (Burlington Island) on the South River (Delaware). The initial attempts to colonise the South River ended in 1628 when the small number of Walloon settlers (30) were transferred from Kievits Hoeck to Good Hope. From 1627 onward Dutch efforts in the South River would be focused on Fort Nassau, a larger trading post, though this would be attacked by the English in 1635.

With fewer than 300 Dutch settlers in 1630, the Dutch Colony in New Netherland would be vulnerable to the Portuguese, French and English. To that end, the Dutch sought to form alliances with the Indians, whom they referred to the as wilden. Initially, the Dutch pressured the Wappinger along the Fresh River to sell their lands, and they invited the Mohawk to settle in the region. They also formed an alliance with the Pequot, but with ongoing epidemics leading to fewer Indians in the region, the Dutch colony became vulnerable. Additionally, the New Netherland was not as profitable as other ventures, including the capture of Recife in Portuguese Brazil in 1630.


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WAR IN TERRA NOVA

During the period of the twelve-year truce between Spain and the rebellion United Provinces, trade had flourished between Europe and Terra Nova was exporting larger quantities of fur pelts, primarily to England and the Netherlands. The value of these had shot up to nearly 100,000 cruzados in 1620. However, this paled in comparison with the value of Portugal's other American colony, Brazil where sugar exports alone were worth 4 million cruzados. As a result, the Spanish crown and even Lisbon paid little attention to Terra Nova. Facing a war around the world, it had become clear that North America was hardly a matter of urgency, as the English, Dutch and French were now establishing settlements along the coast to the south.

For years, Lisbon had argued that the because the territory being settled was de jure Spanish, that the Spanish Crown should to remove the interlopers. It refused to foot the bill and attempted in vain to have the Spanish organise punitive expeditions to dislodge the French from from not only Nouvelle-Angoulême, but also from their fisheries in the Grand Banks. Despite the union of the crowns, cooperation between the respective armed forces of the two kingdoms was rare. This had a devastating effect on the Portuguese economy, particularly from 1621, as the blockade imposed by the Spanish Crown on trade with the United Provinces sent Portugal's economy into a depression. With a flagging economy, authorities in Lisbon were reluctant to authorise expensive military campaigns in North America, preferring to allocate more resources to Brazil and the Indies. For Terra Nova, only the increase in the export of grain and flour to Portugal offset the loss of the fur trade. As a result of the embargo, Baltic grain, previously carried by the Dutch ships from Danzig became more difficult to import into Lisbon, leading to an acute shortfall and even to famine as bread prices shot up.

Throughout the decade, the Dutch attacks on Portugal's possessions only increased. In May 1624, Salvador the capital of Brazil had been captured by the newly formed Dutch West India Company, leading to a rare joint Spanish-Portuguese force being assembled to retake the city the following year. Once authorities in Porto Real became aware of this, they began worrying for their own safety, particularly once they were made aware by their Abenaki allies of the Dutch presence to the south. Coupled with Dutch attacks by the VOC in the East, the defence of Terra Nova was a low priority for Lisbon. As a result, only around 1,200 soldiers guarded the forts of the colony, with the defence now in the hands of the militia and Indian allies, particularly the Abenaki to the south whose numbers had declined to around 2,000 in 1620 and lived around Jesuit Missions.

The defensive situation of Terra Nova only became worse as the decade progressed, with England joining the war against Spain in 1625. The Anglo-Spanish war would further reduce not only Portuguese trade, but also Terra Nova's as well. The market for furs all but disappeared as that from French and Dutch factories to the south increased. This led to the traders in São Lourenço to demand action. However, it would take until 1629 when the arrival of a new Captain, Pedro da Silva (1570-1645) in Porto Real in would change Portugal's complacency.

Having served as captain of Ceuta, da Silva had grown accustomed to governing a region under constant threat of attack, and therefore he envisioned a much more bold plan of action. Having arrived with his household along with some 600 professional soldiers, da Silva sought to utilise the mestiço traders whom were familiar with the interior frontier along with their Indian allies to sweep away the foreign settlements to the south. Throughout the spring and summer of 1629 he began preparing a force that would strike at the rival settlements along the coast. Not only would this force have to contend with the French and Dutch, but also the English who had been establishing settlements in the region since 1607. The first referred to as the Popham Colony was destroyed by the Abenaki and no repeated attempts by the English to settle the region were made until 1620. In that year, a small group of English Puritans arrived on the Cabo dos Bacalhaus (Cape Cod) and eventually built a settlement across the bay calling it Plymouth Plantation. The settlement was so small that the Portuguese were unaware of its existence until 1629. However, the arrival of more English to the South had led to around 300 English settlers being scattered along the coast in fewer than half a dozen poorly defended settlements.

By late 1629, the Portuguese had assembled some 1,000 Indians to fight along with 200 European regulars and 400 militiamen. The Indians were largely from the Wabanaki Confederacy, a group of tribes that had been under the tutelage of Jesuit Missions for nearly a century. They had been fed stories of the evils of the Protestants and most importantly were given full authority to take captives. Due to epidemics that ravaged the region, many Indian tribes had sought to conquer weaker tribes to increase their numbers, and to incorporate English and Dutch settlers into their fold was seen as a major benefit. When the Portuguese led forces of around 600 struck Plymouth Plantation in January 1630, they used hit and run tactics, ambushing the English and burning the houses along with barns. The Wampanog whom had attempted to intervene on behalf of the English were also defeated and many were captured by the Portuguese forces. Many English settlers were killed, while some fled to the safety of the Narragansett lands to the South. Large numbers of English women and children were also taken captive by the Indians. The arrival of two ships from Holland in 1630 had hoped to bring additional Puritan settlers to the area, but when informed by the Narragansett of the Portuguese attack, they made their way south to Virginia with a few dozen English survivors, where they would establish a new colony. The Wampanog did not fare much better, and were treated as a defeated people and ceased to exist.

After the destruction of the English settlements, many Indians returned to their homes for the winter. However, the during the spring of 1630, the Portuguese led a new force south into the Quinnehtukqut River Valley, called by the Dutch the Fresh River. There they encountered the small Dutch fur trading post of New Hope along with a few dozen Dutch farms. Though the Dutch had learned of the Portuguese forces, being vastly outnumbered, most of the settlers had left the settlement, sailing downstream to inform WIC ships of the impending attack. Being so outnumbered, the Dutch Director-General, Peter Minuit surrendered to the Portuguese commander. The Dutch were allowed to leave peacefully by ship with just enough necessary provisions in return for a storehouse of nearly 7,000 beaver pelts, considered a valuable prize by the Portuguese in Porto Real.

In the span of a few months, the English and Dutch had been evicted from Northeastern North America with east, and Portuguese attention would now turn to the French. The French along with their Mohawk allies would pose a more formidable opposition. However, the victories in Terra Nova were received well in Lisbon, particularly as the Dutch had once again attacked Brazil, capturing Recife.
 
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By 1630, England had made peace with Spain, and English claims to the Terra Nova region were effectively forfeited with the Treaty of Madrid. This led the English to focus their attention on Virginia. Despite this, the colony remained vulnerable to piracy as corsair attacks on small fishing villages became more common. Among the most audacious was the Dutch attack on São João (St. John's) in 1633 on Ilha dos Bacalhaus, where several dozen of the port's inhabitants were killed, and the settlement pillaged and burned. To respond to the attacks, increasing ship building began taking place and the Portuguese captains began granting letters of marque to engage in acts of piracy against enemy states.

Tensions between the Portuguese in Terra Nova and New France had been smoldering for over a decade, when by 1630 both countries competed for dominance of the fur trade. New France had evolved into a series of trading posts along the rivière Saint Antoine (Hudson River), with traders engaging the fur trade with their Mohawk allies. The fewer than 300 French settlers resided overwhelmingly on Nouvelle-Angoulême, and for the most part allowed the Mohawk and their Iroquois allies dominate the valley trade. The competition was unwelcome by the Portuguese as not only were the French paying higher prices for the pelts, but also trading them for muskets, allowing the Mohawk to dominate the Iroquois Confederacy.

Since the beginning of the XVII century, the Portuguese frontiersmen had begun with the aid of their Huron allies to raid the Mohawk settlements. The Hurons along with other groups north of the Great Lakes had been decimated by epidemics of small pox and as a result been weakened when compared with the Mohawk. To preserve their independent identity, they allied themselves with the Portuguese, additionally by 1600 they largely been converted to Catholicism by the Jesuits. The Jesuits for their part had attempted to do the same among the Mohawk, but a series of violent attacks on the Jesuits led them to all but abandon Iroquois lands by 1610. To make relations even more uneasy were the increasing slave raids of Portuguese frontiersmen into Iroquois territory. Finally, the increasing number of Portuguese settlers into the São Lourenço valley made the Mohawk and their allies feel increasingly threatened. The French for their part were trying to gain access to the fur found to the north of the Saint Lawrence, and were eagerly arming their Mohawk allies to gain an upper hand on not only the Portuguese, but the Dutch as well.

Tensions between the Portuguese and Iroquois had already begun been smoldering, for decades, but the arrival of the French gave them more leverage. For instance in 1615, the Portuguese had launched an attack on the Oneida, a member of the Iroquois Confederacy, in retaliation for the death of two Jesuit priests, leading to a period of protracted warfare with the Iroquois that would last until 1624. It would only be in 1624 when the peace between the Mohawk and Portuguese would lead to the Mohawk focusing their attention on the Mohegan in an attempt to gain control over the trade with the Dutch.

Even before the eviction of the Dutch from North America, however the French had sought to secure their hold on New France, and in 1634 Cardinal Richelieu created the Compagnie des Cent-Associés, a private company of investors with capital of 450,000 livres and the goal of expanding the fur trade in New France. The company was also charged with settling 6,000 French settlers in the World within the next 15 years. The following year, the company sent a fleet of 500 settlers and supplies left France in April 1635. However, war had broken out with Spain in 1635, leading several of the company's investors to object to their sailing. King Philip IV of Spain had issued letters of marque to Portuguese sailors, authorising the seizure of French ships, and as a result, upon encountering, they poorly defended company fleet was seized by Portuguese corsairs operating from Porto Real, with its goods being taken, and the investors losing the bulk of their investment.

No sooner had the news of war reached Terra Nova, the Captain issued letters of marque to on behalf of the king to attack French shipping in the region, leading to local fisherman extorting French cod-fishing ships for ransom. Additionally, a land force was assembled to attack New France and its Mohawk allies. During the late summer of 1635, the Mohawk begun raiding Portuguese settlements to the north with such ferocity that many remote homesteads were abandoned completely. However, no major battles took place between the France and Portugal took place during the summer of 1635. Throughout the winter, attacks on remote Portuguese settlements sent panic into the São Lourenço valley, with settlers seeking safety in the fortified settlements, such as São Lourenço and Monte Real.

During the winter of 1635-1636 the Captain in Porto Real began collecting funds for an invasion force of New France, with some 40,000 cruzados being raised to outfit ships and militia. In late June 1636, a fleet of sixteen ships disembarked 600 soldiers along with 400 native warriors on Île Saint-Louis (Long Island) across the Baie Sainte-Marguerite and establishing a fort directly opposite the French fortifications. A few days latter, on June 11, the French counterattack with 200 French and 1,800 Indians, landing with French ships and on canoes. The French succeed in destroying 9 Portuguese ships, but leaving over half of the French force dead. The remaining French decide to surrender Nouvelle-Angoulême, and the city was re-Christened Nova Lisboa.

Despite the surrender of the city, some 100 Frenchmen, largely traders and their Indian allies remained along the Saint-Antoine valley, harassing Portuguese settlements and leaving the Portuguese garrison isolated and in need of reinforcements. Finally, on October, 10 more ships arrive, carrying 650 more soldiers under Captain Alexandre de Moura, who marched inland and forced the French to surrender their last settlement, Fort Bourbon (Albany) on 15 November. Samuel de Champlain, the governor agreed to be transported to Lisbon as prisoner while the remaining settlers were evacuated to France. Despite this, the Mohawk and their allies were not defeated, and would continue to fight the Portuguese.

Samuel de Champlain surrenders New France on 15 November 1636.

Don_Spinelli.jpg
 

Oceano

Banned
Very interesting, and did you just butterfly away both Quebec and the 13th colonies?

Can't wait for the map

How about the rest of the world? How is Brazil doing? Did the Portuguese put a hold on their eastern ambitions earlier?
 
Very interesting, and did you just butterfly away both Quebec and the 13th colonies?

Can't wait for the map

How about the rest of the world? How is Brazil doing? Did the Portuguese put a hold on their eastern ambitions earlier?

The English are still in Virginia, and I plan to address that earlier, and I should address the East. The East is largely unchanged.
 

Oceano

Banned
The English are still in Virginia, and I plan to address that earlier, and I should address the East. The East is largely unchanged.

I know Terra Nova is small, but would't even a few resources and colonials in Terra Nova would mean things and people not gone to Brazil, the East or the African outposts?

I know the Portuguese spent a lot of ships and men trying to control the Spice Trade in the East Indies during the early 1500s, but ultimately could't control all the routes.

Btw, the way the waterways are controlled reminds me a lot of the strategy the portuguese used to take over northern brazil. Is this inspired on it? Does it have a pre-colonization origin or was it something someone thought up?
 
I know Terra Nova is small, but would't even a few resources and colonials in Terra Nova would mean things and people not gone to Brazil, the East or the African outposts?

I know the Portuguese spent a lot of ships and men trying to control the Spice Trade in the East Indies during the early 1500s, but ultimately could't control all the routes.

Btw, the way the waterways are controlled reminds me a lot of the strategy the portuguese used to take over northern brazil. Is this inspired on it? Does it have a pre-colonization origin or was it something someone thought up?

The spice trade is still the principal focus of the Portuguese crown/merchants, at least until around 1621, with Northeast Brazil being equally important from 1570 onwards. Terra Nova in many ways is similar to southern Brazil at the time, with a small nucleus of colonists, largely left to their own devices and due to the abundance of land and lack of tropical disease their numbers grow rapidly (even moreso than Southern Brazil). As for resources, the hereditary captains provide most of them early on, and the region becomes self-sufficient, and is largely an extension of the Captaincies of the Azores, at least during the first half-century of settlement. In terms of immigrants, the number is fewer than the number of Portuguese settling in West Africa between 1500 and 1600, and most of these are from the Azores and would have become victims of the plague.
 
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