Okay! Time to put the spaghetti in the machine! We're back with a longer-than-usual one, and today it's all about backlash. Not the most enjoyable subject, but give it a try, anyway.
#25
Pictured: Phyllis Schlafly takes on the ERA one more time, 1982.
1982
The Fred Fiske Show, WAMU. Fred's talking to frequent guest, budding political expert James Carville.
“It’s often said that voters vote their pocketbooks first. What effect has the gas tax had on President Anderson’s popularity?”
“Surprisingly, not as much as you’d think, Fred. He’s certainly taken a hit, and the tax itself is far from popular, especially among existing homeowners. Since the tax came fully onto the books, Anderson’s approval ratings have dropped by some four points, with the gas tax being the most common complaint people have.”
“Of course any drop is unwelcome for a president, but four points is hardly a, a...landslide.”
“That's exactly right, Fred. Here's the thing: when it comes to gas, there’s plenty of blame to go around. We’ve all heard the stories of protests around the country, decrying the rise in gas prices. But the character of those protests varies significantly each time they happen.”
“Ah, so for example the Texas protests have been largely focused on the president, while in Chicago recently, we heard a lot of invective against the oil companies.”
“Exactly, and in the editorial pages you often see the OPEC states as a major target. People don’t really seem to know where to direct their anger. They're riled and raring, but in no one clear direction. Meanwhile, to get back to your comment about how consumers vote, what they do know is that there were lines for gas under Jimmy Carter, and now you can always seem to get as much gas as you want.”
“If you can afford it.”
"Well, that sure is the kicker, ain't it?"
----
July, 1982
Chicago Tribune
Two cyclists were killed and two more injured this morning after being struck by a car in what appears to be a deliberate act.
Shortly before 8:30 am, a driver accelerated to jump the curb protecting the Kinzie Street Bikeway and plowed into the cyclists waiting for the light to change to cross Wells Street. The driver, whose identity has not yet been released by the police, tried to make a getaway in his vehicle, but the car became stuck in the narrow bikeway. Nearby patrolmen forced him from the car and arrested him on the spot.
Witnesses described the driver as struggling violently with the police while shouting about, “hippies stealing the road from its rightful owners,”- assumed by the witnesses to mean automobile-drivers.
While the number of cycling injuries and fatalities have increased nationwide over the past year, experts are saying that this is most likely growing pains. The number of cyclists is increasing, while drivers are still getting used to them.
This, however, appears to be the first time cyclists have been targeted for violence.
It is similar in character to the recent attempted firebombing on the Atlanta Subway by three so-called “Motorist’s Rights Activists.” The group released a manifesto over the objection of their attorney, protesting any prioritization of resources for transit over drivers, characterizing the rise in gas prices as an anti-car conspiracy, and calling for citizens to “take back the streets.”
----
September 1982
Peoria Journal Star
Two more local schools were vandalized over the weekend in what police are treating as a potential hate crime. Richwoods High School and Rolling Acres Middle both saw their bus lots targeted with graffiti reading, “Locals Only,” accompanied by piles of flaming debris.
They join Peoria “Central” High, which suffered minor fire damage last month after an accelerant-aided blaze was started in the school dumpsters. No graffiti was discovered in that incident, but police are pursuing a theory that the crimes might be linked.
These acts occur in the midst of the state’s uniform adoption of federal school integration standards. Peoria is one of the last major municipalities in Illinois to conform to the program.
----
Mid-1982
Arnold works for the American Conservative Party as a fixer. He’s currently in rural Arizona putting out a fire in a county party dispute. The crisis is almost over; he just needs to finish some hand-holding with one of the local party squires.
“Look. I’ll be the first to admit it: this situation wasn’t handled well.”
“No consultation.”
“I know.”
“No local input, no support.”
“I know. I know. Believe me, you are heard.”
“They just came in and took over.”
“And that’s why they’re gone now. Right? That’s why your people are back in charge.”
“And I see that you’re listening now. I think we all- well, mostly all- we see that now. And we appreciate it. But it never should’ve happened in the first place.”
“You’re right.”
“I mean this is no way to run a party. You’ve got to earn people’s trust. You’ve got to let the locals show you how it’s done around here. Around any place.”
“You’re right.”
“My people have been here for fifty years building this party. Well, building the Republican Party first, of course, turning it into a good, Christian conservative base. And when the schism happened we were all delighted. We thought, ‘Finally, we have a political movement that really reflects our vision for the nation,’ you know?”
“I know exactly. We all felt it.”
“And then you send down this new county chairman- appointed by those slick fellas down in Phoenix, never even been in our county, mind- and he’s just...he’s not for us.”
“It shouldn’t have ever happened. I regret even needing to come out here, though I’m glad I got to meet you fine people.”
“He came in here and sounded like some slick Easterner, you know? Talking about economics and small government and no rules. Don’t get me wrong, we’re all of us in favor of smaller government. But this fella...he wanted to push for legalized gambling and he wanted to get rid of the blue laws and he had a very free way of talking to the ladies, I might add.”
“I can see you’re still very upset by it and I wish I could do more. If I told you it would never happen again, that the people of this county will always be the voice of the party in this county, would that-”
“That’s all we want. That’s all we want.”
“Well you’ve got it. You know I respect what you’re saying and I love your vision. I guess the only thing I’d ask from you, when it comes to dealing with the party at the state level or the national level, is to just keep an open mind. Your community will always, as far as the Conservative Party is concerned, always be run how you locals like it. And that’s true for any community, anywhere. But nationally, we have to recognize that we are a coalition. You know, there are these libertarians who want to try to run things with fewer laws of any kind. There are folks back East who want to fight against this invasion from socioeconomic minorities. There are folks down south trying to hold onto their heritage. There are lots of different ways of being a Conservative. And we have to learn to get along if we’re going to have any success.”
“I understand that, sir, I certainly do. And I think as far as nationally goes-”
“You think you can support a national ticket, even if-”
“Yessir, we were willing to make compromises for the Republicans now and again and the one’s you’re asking are a lot less onerous.”
“You can do it?”
“We can do it. Yessir.”
“Mr. Campbell, I appreciate it. I think we’re going to do great things together.”
“Thank you again for getting on this situation. And I really appreciate you coming down here in person all the way from Washington.”
“This is what I do, this is how we’re going to win. Not by spending time in DC.”
Mr. Campbell makes as if to spit.
“To hell with that place.”
They shake hands.
----
The next stop on Arnold’s Western tour: Nevada. This time the issue's a lot thornier. He has the local party boss meet him outside the local jail.
“How many arrested?”
“Six. At least two more ran off.”
“And how many party members?”
“All of them. Two were at the state convention. One of them- Bundy, the one in the hospital now- he even gave a speech.”
“Christ. He gonna live?”
“Shot through the shoulder, he’ll be alright.”
“And the agent?”
“She’s going to live. Might be paralyzed, at worst. The horse had to be put down, if that’s of any concern.”
“Who cares about the fucking horse, Ted?”
“People out here will. Shooting a horse out from someone…”
“Christ. So the lawyer’s in there with them now. Did any of them talk before he got here?”
“They told me they didn’t, but they were all looking pretty damn sheepish when I went in. I asked around and haven’t heard anything. If BLM have anything they’re not releasing it yet. They’ve been on lockdown in the station since the FBI arrived.”
“When you spoke to them, did they have their stories straight.”
“I think so. They all came quiet enough, I think they’re telling the truth.”
“So tell me what they're saying.”
“They were riding herd on federal land without permits. BLM agents approached. This happens all the time now around here, so everybody knew what was what. The ranchers won’t back down, the BLM don’t have the manpower to enforce the laws. Usually threats are exchanged and the ranchers move off. It’s just how it works around here these days.”
“Not just here.” Arnold’s office got reports almost daily of confrontations with federal agents over what certain voices in the Conservative Party were calling 'violations of sovereign rights.' Mostly concentrated here in the West, but not exclusively.
“Right. So this time they pull out their rifles- all marked with yellow tape. I know the BLM has been briefed on that.”
“If someone pulled a gun on you with yellow tape around the stock, would you trust that it was
really only loaded with rubber bullets?”
“Well...fair enough, I guess. Anyway, things get heated. Some idiot- I think it was Bundy- he shoots at the ground, maybe accidentally, maybe accidentally on purpose, and it ricochets and hits the agent’s horse. She’s thrown, shots are fired, everyone on our side throws their guns and hugs dirt. Except the two who bolted. Only Bundy was hit on our side.”
“You need to stop saying shit like that.
Our side. The national party isn’t going to let a few drunken cowboys drag us into a national fight with federal law enforcement.”
“Around here that’s how-”
“This isn’t about your podunk cowtown anymore, Ted. The FBI is involved now. People like the FBI. Conservative people. You got a different perspective, fine, but you keep that shit in your pants until the media’s out of here. Am I understood?”
“Yeah, heard, understood.”
“Okay. Alright. Jesus, what time is it? Okay, here’s what we’re gonna do. I’m gonna talk to the lawyer when he comes out. I don’t want to talk to any of them. You keep me out of the same
room as them. If it’s like you say, we’ll issue a statement of regret, tragic accident, um...respect for law enforcement, all that shit. But we’ll lay the blame on Washington forcing good people like officer...what’s her name?”
“Agent Simms”
“-Like Agent Simms here, to enforce unenforceable and unconstitutional laws. You’ll get your angle in, we protect our base, Bundy takes the blame, and...hopefully this blows over.” As he says it, he knows it’s bullshit. This was bound to happen sooner or later, and it’s going to happen again. Only next time it’ll probably be on purpose.
“There’s only one problem with all that: Bundy. I know him, he’s gonna want to fight this.”
“Oh I have no doubt! And let him. Hell, we’ll even find a way to fund his case, as long as he’s drumming up outrage among the right kinds of people. Backdoor, of course, we’ll find some third-party to pay a firm.”
“As long as you don’t try to shut him up or take a plea. He wouldn’t like that.”
“Fine, let him milk this for all it’s worth. But I trust you to know how to manage this from both sides. Officially, you tow the line. Unofficially...it's your community, you know what to say to your people. Okay. Well I need to limit my direct exposure here, so I’m going back to the hotel. Send the lawyer over when he’s done. I’ll get the statement to you tomorrow, then I’m gone before you give it, is that understood?”
“Sure thing.”
“I don’t want to be mobbed by press at the airport.”
“10 AM flight, 12 noon statement, I can do that.”
----
Oh but we can go so much lower! Dateline: rural Oregon. John is running for congress, and Arnold needs to have a talk with him.
“Look. We don’t want to lose you.”
“I don’t want to be lost.”
“You’re a great candidate. Charismatic. A veteran. Family man. But you hid this from us.”
“We’re not connected.”
“You’re cousins. He lives twenty miles away.”
“I haven’t seen him in years.”
“His boys have been out campaigning for you.”
“I can’t help that! I can’t stop people from supporting what they w-”
“They had official campaign materials from your office. Pamphlets, signs. Is this office the only place you keep that stuff?”
“Yes. Well. What if they got them direct from the printers have you che-”
“Neo-nazis didn’t get your flyers from the printers, John. If you didn’t speak to your cousin, someone here did.”
“Look, I know things are running hot right now, but there’s a difference between a legitimate white pride organization and the neo-N-”
“Are you hearing yourself, John? Are you imagining I’m the press? Imagine I’m the press, and say again what you just said to me.”
“You know I’m more careful than that, Arnold, I would never. This is just brass tacks here, you and me, cutting through the bullshit.”
“The bullshit is thick today, John. We’d need a chainsaw.”
John is getting pissed.
“...Alright, alright. I’ll tell you what. I’m gonna tell you exactly how it went. There's no need, because it'll never fucking get out, but I'm gonna give you what you want. You know why? Because you need me. You need me. This party is too new to stand much turbulence. Yeah, you’ve got the national organization, you’ve got those big donors, you’ve got the magazines. But you’re thin on the ground, Arnold. And you can’t afford to throw away a first-rate candidate who knows how to win. Here’s the honest truth: I’m not connected. Nobody can connect me. It was one phone call, on a payphone, back in Portland. Nowhere near the district, even. No names were used. I left the door to headquarters open over night, and in the morning some flyers were gone, that’s all anybody knows.”
“...That’s a hell of a risk, my friend, just to distribute some fucking flyers.”
“All respect, Arnold? And yes, you’ve got a serious reputation, so I do respect you? But you don’t know how it works out here. That part of the district? That’s what plays. I need those boys to get the word out to the right people, and to...you know, put the fear of god into the wrong people. They’re not really there to get people to vote for me so much as to convince others they’d rather stay home that day. And if a few flyers make them feel like they're a real part of the team, well that's a cheap and easily deniable price to pay, don't you think?”
“Okay, John. Whatever you say. You want to keep feeding me lines, I can leave right now.”
“Feeding you lines, I just told you what you wanted to know!”
Arnold pulls a file out of his briefcase and opens it. It’s a xeroxed ledger.
“Dana’s Roadhouse; maximum contribution. Cascade Gas n’ Go; maximum contribution. Conrad Used Auto Parts; maximum contribution. I have...nine more here. All received on the same day. All from your cousin’s home range.”
“If he had anything to do with that, it’s still nothing to do with me.”
“Look, John. Your cousin’s been to jail twice for selling smack. Let’s ignore his white power shit for a second. If he were just tagging swastikas on the library or harassing the local Salish, I mean you can duck that, I trust you know how to duck that. But if your cousin is using this campaign to launder drug money? That is when we start to get involved.”
John stares at the pages on the desk and runs his hands through his hair.
“Shit.”
“From the look on your face I’d say you didn’t know about this. But that still leaves you exposed.”
John sits down heavily. Arnold sits quietly, letting the realization sink in.
“There’s an art to this, John. We can help you get your message out to, er, the Right People, as you say, and still keep your nose clean. All you have to do is let us help you.”
There’s something about giving up control that grates like nothing else on a certain type of man. Unfortunately, that type of man was just about exactly who the American Conservative Party was being built for. Still, there was a time and a place. John nods.
“What do I have to do.”
----
2017
University of Connecticut (Go Huskies). The lecture in progress is POLS 1002, Introduction to Political Theory.
“The American Conservative Party emerged in 1981 with several clear advantages over previous attempted third parties in the United States. They had a slew of veteran politicians already in office; a well-developed party infrastructure; and a diverse and motivated constituency.
“Defections to the party were initially controversial, even in what would become relatively safe Conservative seats. For senators and governors who had not participated in the 1980 elections, the transition was generally smooth. But for those who had run the previous November under a different banner, all the time intending to defect, the public raised no small amount of outcry. Two governors faced recall elections in 1981, as well as more than 100 other elected officials nationwide.
“Though both governors survived, about 25% of recalls were successful, a blow to the party, but not a fatal one. And once this crisis of legitimacy was overcome, the party’s existence was treated as a fait accompli to most of the electorate.
“The party infrastructure had an even smoother transition to this new conduit of power. On the whole the (small-c) conservative political support industry in the United States had already been isolated before 1981. While making frequent and bold attempts to become the dominant faction within the Republican Party, their 60 years of failure to promote a conservative agenda at the national level always kept them from really overwhelming the existing, moderate Republican establishment. On the Democratic side, the system had been bifurcated for considerably longer, with two fully-developed infrastructures existing side by side with relatively little interaction since really the Gilded Age.
“These publications and organizations were used to picking at the scraps of the political establishment; of maintaining the staffing and brain power to capitalize on any opportunity that presented itself as quickly and thoroughly as possible, as their moments in the sun never seemed to last very long.
“Therefore when the political order split, these entities were, on the whole, ready and eager to finally put their unused political machines to the test. True, some think tanks and publications suffered schisms, but most institutions emerged more or less fully intact.
“There were also some who were less than happy at the split, but who saw little choice but to make the best of the way things were now. The Heritage Foundation, for example, had probably found greater success than any conservative institution in at least having their arguments listened to under the old political order. Now, the two parties representing the bulk of political power in the country wouldn’t answer their phone calls. Bitter and determined, they moved forward. The same could be said for much of the donor class. The Conservative Experiment would certainly be well-funded from day one.
“The party also had a boon over other third parties in terms of its constituency. In the history of the country ideas had frequently emerged that were popular enough to form a third party around. But if an idea appeals to, say, one in five citizens spread roughly evenly across the country, there’s no real chance they’ll ever exercise any political will in a democracy.
“Conservatives tended to be concentrated in the south, the inland west, and in parts of the midwest. They could also count on individual candidates in other parts of the country to pull in 35% or 40%; enough to win in a three-way election.
“A preview of this phenomenon was on view in Connecticut in 1980, albeit with a slightly different ideological makeup. James Buckley managed to win over Democrat Chris Dodd and a creditable left-wing third-party candidate with only 40% of the vote.
“Still, the Conservative constituency was far from uniform. Maintaining it through these early election cycles was the most significant task faced by party leadership, even more so than winning elections. Religious conservatives, law and order conservatives, Wall Street libertarians, cowboy libertarians, Cold Warriors, Southern segregationists, northern anti-integrationists and a host of smaller, more esoteric factions, all jockeyed for position in the new party.
“The 1982 primaries would be the biggest test to the Conservative coalition. While the rhetoric on the campaign trail was often fiery, the worst failed to happen and the coalition remained intact once the votes were counted. After all, most of these voters had reluctantly supported far less appealing candidates as Democrats and Republicans.
Of course a fundamentalist would support a libertarian, and vice versa.
“This is not to say the US political order was stabilizing. Simply having three viable parties was a deep, existential threat to the American system. But it would require the political order to come to grips with the fact that the Conservatives weren’t going anywhere before they could begin to think about fixing things.”
