Plausibility and Effects of a Bork-Scalia Swap

Robert Bork became a political verb, Antonin Scalia one of the most influential Supreme Court Justices of the last twenty years, if not in history. But while both men had their shot at the Court, only one made it.

In 1986, Warren Burger stepped down, and the Reagan White House nominated sitting Associate Justice William Rehnquist to replace him. This would open up a vacancy, which Bork and Scalia, who were both sitting Judges on the D.C. Circuit Court, were the frontrunners to fill. Ronald Reagan ultimately chose Scalia due to his youth, writings and the fact that he would be the first Italian-American on the Court. Both Rehnquist and Scalia were confirmed, 65-33 and 98-0 respectively, and Bork was promised the next open spot.

That occurred in 1987, with the retirement of Lewis Powell. However, things had changed: Democrats controlled the Senate, Reagan's Administration was mired in the Iran-Contra scandal, and Bork himself was a polarizing and abrasive nominee, whose addition to the Court would have tipped the balance firmly to the conservatives. After a series of hearings, Bork was rejected, 58-42, by a bipartisan vote, and ultimately the more moderate Anthony Kennedy would receive the seat.

But what if the nominations were flipped?

Rehnquist received much of the fire from Democrats, and he was still confirmed by a filibuster-proof margin in the Senate. Republicans had a 53-47 majority, and were able to wrangle 16 Democrats for a vote for Rehnquist, while Scalia sailed through nearly unanimously. While Bork took fire the next year, a good chunk of that was self-inflicted, with Bork expounding at length as to his view on Constitutional issues, which Democrats used as attacks.

However, if Bork had been nominated alongside Rehnquist, no matter how abrasive his personality, I believe that he would have been confirmed. There would have been strong pressure from the White House for the GOP Senate majority to confirm their nominee, and in a less partisan environment, I think that Bork might have even gotten Democratic support-in '87, Bork received two Democratic "Yea" votes, and I doubt that he would have done worse than, say, Neil Gorsuch, who was confirmed 54-45, with a trio of Democratic votes for him.

By the time of the Powell retirement, things have changed. But so much of the Bork nomination seemed to be a problem with the nominee himself. Yes, there were outside factors, but Bork did his best to sink his own ship. Scalia, on the other hand, is a much more likeable figure, more charming, without as much of the Bork baggage of Watergate, and less controversial writings, even with an additional year on the D.C. Circuit. Additionally, Bork had no natural constituency, whereas Italian-Americans would have placed pressure on Representatives and Senators to back Scalia. Scalia again received a nearly unanimous vote, and while Ted Kennedy could try and deliver "In Antonin Scalia's America..." it feels like it would fall flatter than with Bork. And while not unanimous, again, I can't see Scalia doing anything worse than Gorsuch's 54 in a confirmation vote, or even somewhere along the 58-42 that Samuel Alito received in his confirmation vote in 2005.

Assuming that both Bork and Scalia would be confirmed, what would the Supreme Court look like? What would the reaction to the Court be, amongst both liberals and conservatives?
 

This post suggest we could have gotten A SC with 5 movement conservatives instead of OTL's vaguely right of center majority. Outside of Roe probably being scrapped in either 1993 or 2007 I'm unsure what else changes.
 

This post suggest we could have gotten A SC with 5 movement conservatives instead of OTL's vaguely right of center majority. Outside of Roe probably being scrapped in either 1993 or 2007 I'm unsure what else changes.
Thanks for the article! It's useful.
Yeah, Souter's "stealth" candidacy was definitely an effect of Bork's raucous hearings, and it led directly to the Federalist Society vetting process we see today.

So as of '88, the Court would look like:
Chief William Rehnquist; Associates William Brennan, Byron White, ThurgIood Marshall, Harry Blackmun, John Paul Stevens, Sandra Day O'Connor, Robert Bork, Antonin Scalia.
That's four solid conservatives, in Rehnquist, White, Bork, Scalia, and four liberals/left of center, in Brennan, Marshall, Blackmun, Stevens, with O'Connor holding the swing, moderate but right-leaning.

In terms of decisions, obviously Roe is destined to be overturned by Casey in '92, if not sooner, possibly by Webster in '89. You'd see a lot of changes in anything that Kennedy would have been in a 5-4 majority in. Texas v. Johnson, the flag burning case, would probably go the other way, even with Scalia in dissent. And gay rights-pshaw. Forget about it. Kennedy was a key author of any number of those decisions, from Romer to Lawrence to Obergefell. No way that Bork/Scalia is going to rule for those decisions, no how.

Given that O'Connor was pushed to the center/left by Scalia's attitude in OTL, wonder if the Bork/Scalia abrasiveness would do the same ITTL? O'Connor would hold the swing position for a few years, but then conceivably lose it depending on who the next Justice is.

My thoughts as to ripple is would Brennan and Marshall retire due to the new influx of hardcore conservative thought? Brennan is almost a given, he retired due to his health more than anything, but I wonder if Marshall would have been more willing to try and hold on another year or two for a Democratic President in '92.

Brennan's successor then-probably not Souter, maybe Kennedy? The Court wouldn't have a Californian, and the only Westerner would be Byron White, who is a Democratic appointment. Ken Starr is a possibility, which would have big changes on the Whitewater investigation.
 
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Would Bork have had that easy a time even in 1986?

"The choice of Scalia over Bork in 1986 was a complex political calculation. Rehnquist had been a lone right-wing dissenter during his fifteen years on the Supreme Court. The administration knew his promotion to chief justice would draw intense liberal opposition. To send up Rehnquist with Bork would promote an explosive combination that might place both nominations in jeopardy, despite a Republican majority in the Senate. It would make more sense...to offer a less controversial nominee along with Rehnquist, thereby siphoning off liberal energy toward the future chief justice. The plan worked..." https://books.google.com/books?id=VpFLtmfnRaMC&pg=PA17

Indeed, the fact that Bork was rejected 58-42 whereas the Democrats only controlled the Senate by 54-46 then (after Ed Zorinsky of Nebraska died and was replaced by a Republican) would seem to indicate that the Democrats gaining control of the Senate was not the *only* reason for Bork's defeat. OTOH, simply to count votes in this mechanical way ignores the change in the political atmosphere caused by the fact of the Democrats having control of both houses of Congress (helping to make Reagan look like more of a lame duck in 1987 than he did in 1986), having control over the hearings, etc. It ignores that once it was clear that Bork would lose anyway, some senators might have decided to vote against him who would not necessarily have rejected him in a closer vote. And it also ignores that there might be more opposition to a right-winger replacing Powell then replacing Burger (who, next to Rehnquist, was the most conservative justice on the Burger Court). Besides, the Democrats may been more sensitive to the African American vote in 1987 because it had helped them win a number of a number of Senate seats, especially in the South (Alabama, Florida, Georgia, North Carolina) in 1986.

Nevertheless, nominating *two* outspoken conservatives who had opposed civil rights bills would not be totally safe even in 1986. So maybe a better idea for Reagan would have been to make Bork, rather than Rehnquist, Chief Justice in 1986. That way you only have to have one confirmation hearing, not two. If Reagan succeeds with that, Scalia will probably be confirmed in 1987 (he hadn't yet said anything nearly as controversial as some of the things Bork had said, and besides, some senators would not want to reject the first Italian-American justice...)
 
Scalia will probably be confirmed in 1987 (he hadn't yet said anything nearly as controversial as some of the things Bork had said,

This isn't really true. Scalia had called affirmative action 'the most evil fruit of a fundamentally bad seed' even before he was on the DC Court of appeals. He also had quite a paper trail on the court, including on gender and racial discrimination cases where he was sometimes in the minority even on the right of the court. He was also demonstrating that he was very majoritarian, being to the right of Bork on first amendment cases.

Scalia wasn't confirmed because there was nothing to object to in his record, he was confirmed because the Senate was exhausted, and Liberals had basically thrown in the towel, in the wake of the Rehnquist fight. And it was, of course, effectively a like-for-like replacement which wouldn't affect the balance of the court. It was a totally different context to a year later, which cannot be overstated.

If Scalia is the runner-up to Bork in '86, then Democratic interest groups will do what they did with Bork, and spend a full year researching Scalia extensively. And they will have a good basis for saying the same as they did with Bork, in putting the main thrust on him being anti-civil rights. The politics of a swing seat is of course wholly different to Scalia's OTL nomination. And of course, while Bork was seen as having done very badly in the confirmation hearings, would the famous Scalia temper be kept in check under a much more sustained battering than his OTL confirmation.

Not only am I doubtful of Scalia getting confirmed a year later than OTL - it's certainly much more in the balance than people make out - I'm doubtful he would even be the first choice by then. By then, Meese's favourite, Doug Ginsburg, is available. It's not necessarily a given that Scalia will be afforded the same consideration that Bork was IOTL, who was seen as being 'owed' the nomination because of his originalist stature, and having being passed up a nomination repeatedly, going as far back as Ford. Indeed, if Bork's '86 nomination ITTL engenders serious opposition, Ginsburg would be a tempting choice as a 'stealth' candidate, who sidesteps the choice Democrats are expecting.
 
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This isn't really true. Scalia had called affirmative action 'the most evil fruit of a fundamentally bad seed' even before he was on the DC Court of appeals. He also had quite a paper trail on the court, including on gender and racial discrimination cases where he was sometimes in the minority even on the right of the court. He was also demonstrating that he was very majoritarian, being to the right of Bork on first amendment cases.

(1) Opposing affirmative action is one thing; opposing the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as Bork had done was quite another. (Bork said that the provisions within the Act which prohibited racial discrimination by public accommodations were based on a principle of "unsurpassed ugliness.")

(2) Scalia was certainly not to the right of Bork's position in the latter's "Neutral Principles and Some First Amendment Problems" (1971) https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2720&context=ilj that the First Amendment should be restricted to explicitly political speech.

Now by the 1980's Bork had modified these "extreme" positions, so one could say that as a judge, he was not really to the right of Scalia. But it was really Bork's earlier writings that damaged him most.
 
(1) Opposing affirmative action is one thing; opposing the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as Bork had done was quite another. (Bork said that the provisions within the Act which prohibited racial discrimination by public accommodations were based on a principle of "unsurpassed ugliness.")

Scalia was on the exact same page on civil rights as Bork, though, which the above quote makes clear. What exactly do you think he's talking about when he talks of the 'bad seed'? I think in a much more rigorous confirmation hearing, people would go to town on him on that kind of language.

The context here is Scalia talking about the 'evil' of affirmative action - not wrong, evil - following on from Bork and Rehnquist. I think even for swing senators who may have voted for Bork or Rehnquist, that is going to be a lot of political capital to expend to vote for all three. Particularly as you note, African American turnout was seen as being crucial in the south, which is where many of the Democratic swing senators are located. A lot of Democratic senators are really going to have repeatedly fly against black voters and civil rights groups to get Scalia on the court after Bork and Rehnquist, and I have difficulty seeing that.
 
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Scalia was on the exact same page on civil rights as Bork, though, which the above quote makes clear. What exactly do you think he's talking about when he talks of the 'bad seed'? I think in a much more rigorous confirmation hearing, people would go to town on him on that kind of language.

The context here is Scalia talking about the 'evil' of affirmative action - not wrong, evil - following on from Bork and Rehnquist. I think even for swing senators who may have voted for Bork or Rehnquist, that is going to be a lot of political capital to expend to vote for all three. Particularly as you note, African American turnout was seen as being crucial in the south, which is where many of the Democratic swing senators are located. A lot of Democratic senators are really going to have repeatedly fly against black voters and civil rights groups to get Scalia on the court after Bork and Rehnquist, and I have difficulty seeing that.

"I am, in short, opposed to racial affirmative action for reasons of both principle and practicality. Sex-based affirmative action presents somewhat different constitutional issues, but it seems to me an equally poor idea, for many of the reasons suggested above. I do not, on the other hand, oppose-indeed, I strongly favor-what might be called (but for the coloration that the term has acquired in the context of its past use) "affirmative action programs" of many types of help for the poor and disadvantaged. It may well be that many, or even most, of those benefited by such programs would be members of minority races that the existing programs exclusively favor. I would not care if all of them were. The unacceptable vice is simply selecting or rejecting them on the basis of their race. A person espousing the views I have expressed, of course, exposes himself to charges of, at best, insensitivity or, at worst, bigotry. That is one reason these views are not expressed more often, particularly in academia. Beyond an anticipatory denial, I must content myself with the observation that it must be a queer sort of bigotry indeed, since it is shared by many intelligent members of the alleged target group. Some of the most vocal opposition to racial affirmative action comes from minority group members who have seen the value of their accomplish9. See Sowell, Are Quotas Good for Blacks?, COMMENTARY, June 1978, at 40. [Vol. 1979:147 https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol1979/iss1/17 Number 1] COMMENTARY 157 ments debased by the suspicion-no, to be frank, the reality-of a lower standard for their group in the universities and the professions. This new racial presumption, imposed upon those who have lifted themselves above the effects of old racial presumptions, is the most evil fruit of a fundamentally bad seed. From racist principles flow racist result "


Obviously, what Scalia says is that the "evil fruit" (of having those minority members who achieved success finding their accomplishments diminished by the" lowering of standards") is the result of a "fundamentally bad seed" (the "racist" principle Scalia sees in racial affirmative action). Now without agreeing with Scalia, this is something radically different from what Bork had been saying. Bork had said that private parties should have the right to discriminate by race; Scalia is saying that affirmative action is wrong because it is a form of racial discrimination.

As i said, I don't agree with Scalia, but it was not an extreme position in 1979; after all, not only Rehnquist and Burger but Stevens and Stewart, while not reaching the constitutional issue in Bakke found his exclusion to be on account of race and therefore a violation of the Civil Rights Act; indeed, Stevens wrote the main dissent on this question:

"Title VI is an integral part of the far-reaching Civil Rights Act of 1964. No doubt, when this legislation was being debated, Congress was not directly concerned with the legality of "reverse discrimination" or "affirmative action" programs. Its attention was focused on the problem at hand, the "glaring . . . discrimination against Negroes which exists throughout our Nation," [Footnote 5/10] and, with respect to Title VI, the federal funding of segregated facilities. [Footnote 5/11] The genesis of the legislation, however, did not limit the breadth of the solution adopted. Just as Congress responded to the problem of employment discrimination by enacting a provision that protects all races, see McDonald v. Santa Fe Trail Transp. Co., 427 U. S. 273, 427 U. S. 279, [Footnote 5/12] so, too, its answer to the problem of federal funding of segregated facilities stands as a broad prohibition against the exclusion of any individual from a federally funded program "on the ground of race." https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/438/265/

If you agree with Stevens' concurrence/dissent in Bakke, the authors of the civil rights act would have agreed with Scalia! (Though Stevens was careful to add that while the authors of the act assumed that color-blindness was required bv the Consitution, the Court need not decide whether they were right about that.)

In any event, opposition to affirmative action in the 1980's on the ground that it was "reverse discrimination' while certainly a controversial position, was not seen as a bizarre one like saying that store owners should be allowed to refuse service to racial minorities, which was seen as a position taken only by die-hard racists and libertarian eccentrics. Indeed, there was some evidence that affirmative action was unpopular, though of course much depended on the wording of polls.
 
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