A squad of North Argentine Army soldiers pose for a publicity photo following the occupation of Mendoza, May 1936. The Carlès regime was heavily supported by the German Empire, and the North Argentine Army closely emulated their allies in uniform design and tactics.....something which was much different from the motley, almost haphazard style of their opponents on the south side of the Rio Negro river.
A Patagonian militia platoon poses for a picture in Puerto Madryn, March 1937, a few weeks before the Argentine Civil War resumed in earnest. Brave and committed fighters, their lack of heavy weaponry ultimately meant that they were unable to stop the Buenos Aires regime from completing its “Reconquista” of the south, with support from Germany, Canada, Brazil, and Peru, as well as their Bolivian co-belligerents.
Members of the Spanish Totalist insurgent group
Partido Obrero de Unificacion Marxista, better known as POUM. Heavily funded by the Commune of France, POUM would pose the most serious threat to Spanish stability after the end of “La Violencia” in October 1937 and the ascension of Juan III to the throne in January of 1938. The members of POUM, aided by the intelligence agencies of the Third Internationale, would continue to carry out bombings and assassination attempts for years from safe havens in Catalonia and across the Pyrenees, including nearly assassinating Juan III in September of 1941 when the king visited Barcelona. They would also closely collaborate with French soldiers during the Third Internationale‘s invasion of Spain in June of 1943, dubbed Operation
Martel.
Ethiopian soldiers advance into the small German colony of Djibouti, 1991. The ruling junta had been struggling to maintain power following a long period of economic decline, combined with a decades long Egyptian sponsored insurgency in the northern part of Ethiopia’s Eritrean lands. Ethiopia had long proclaimed itself a bastion of anti colonialism in Africa, and with Djibouti being one of the last European held outposts on the continent following the final collapse of Mittleafrika in 1974, the regime calculated that a “splendid little war” would enable them to solidify their hold on power, particularly as Germany was already tied down in the long and increasingly unpopular war in Ceylon. The initial Ethiopian invasion saw no real organized opposition, as budget cuts had left the German military presence in the region effectively non-existent. However, German chancellor Kurt Steiner, a former
Fallschirmjaeger and veteran of the Second Weltkrieg, rallied the nation to deal with what he declared as an “unprovoked and blatant act of aggression on the part of Addis Ababa“. A carrier battle group which had been conducting air strikes against the Indian backed insurgents hiding in the forests of Ceylon was redirected into the Red Sea; following several weeks of intense air strikes against Ethiopian army targets in Djibouti, and against Addis Ababa itself, Germany‘s marines hit the beaches, both in Djibouti and further up the coast at Massawa, in Eritrea, assisted by an offensive from the Eritrean Liberation Front. The junta had not expected the Germans to land in Eritrea and had concentrated their best forces in Djibouti; the result was that Ethiopian forces in the north collapsed, while the marines coming ashore at Djibouti City came under intense fire and took several days to finally break out of the beachhead. Once ashore the Germans rapidly pushed inland, and within two months of their landing had occupied Eritrea as well as Djibouti and had surrounded Addis Ababa. A renewed Somali invasion of Harar and the Ogaden, at this point, brought the junta to the negotiating table and forced them to accept German rule over Djibouti(although the small coastal nation would gain independence following a referendum in 2017) as well as Eritrean independence in the northern part of the country which had yet to be fully colonized by Ethiopian settlers, and Somali reclamation of the Ogaden, although the Germans forced the syndicalist regime to abandon Harar.
A trio of Albanian People’s Liberation Army insurgents pose with a road sign on their way to Tirana, 1952. The Austrian Empire‘s brutal crackdown across Central Europe in the aftermath of the Hungarian revolt and Serbian invasion of Bosnia had seen Albania swept up as well; seeking to secure their sphere of influence, the von Horstenau government had used a series of raids by Albanian bandits into the Kosovo “special occupation zone” as a casus belli for an intervention in Albania itself; the small Balkan republic had been unable to stand against the Imperial Austrian Army, and Wilhelm zu Wied was placed on the throne(the idea being that perhaps the third time would be the charm) in April of 1939. However, the Albanian people had be outraged by the invasion, and an insurgency almost immediately sprang up in the country‘s vast swamps and mountain ranges. The Austrians, already fighting insurgencies in Hungary, Bohemia, and Transylvania, as well as lesser unrest in Tyrol and Slovakia, nevertheless steadily increased the number of troops they were dispatching to Wilhelm‘s aid. The empire, however, was painfully overstretched— staying firmly neutral in the Second Weltkrieg as a result— and in 1952 the house of cards, which had already been shaken(from 1944 on large chunks of the empire were effectively controlled by partisan “shadow governments”) came crashing down. With the empire from Prague to Belgrade going up in flames the Austrian garrison almost entirely pulled out....which is what the Albanian partisans had been waiting for. The leading insurgent group, the Albanian People’s Liberation Army, launched a general uprising, and within weeks had occupied several of Albania‘s major cities. Wied’s collaborationist army had proved utterly incapable of stopping the insurgents, and the stage was set for the climatic drive on Tirana itself.....