Peasants and agricultural labourers do have certain advantages over industrial workers in terms of the amount of autonomy involved in their work and in terms of access to sunlight and fresh air. Their food tends to be fresher and they can grow and forage more to supplement their diet.The idea that factory work is easier or pays better is not historically accurate, there is much research about the degraded conditions of workers in factories.
But any idea that rural peasants had much superior working or living conditions to the urban proletariat owes more to Romantic art than to any actual examination of their actual working conditions and incomes. As G.M. Trevelyan pointed out over a century ago (and Trevelyan was brought up on a landed estate and knew whereof he spoke) rural cottages were just as overcrowded and insanitary as urban slums, it was merely that the visual (and nasal!) impact was not as great because these were more widely distributed across the countryside and not concentrated in relatively small areas within towns and cities. You are aware I take it that the reason that Marx and Engels cannot be taken seriously as social and economic historians is that they falsified data in respect of the living conditions of the working classes (that living conditions were slowly improving) for polemical political purposes?
The UK underwent arguably as many as four or five agricultural revolutions, prompted by the replacement of the mattock with the pitchfork and grape (early 1600s) the introduction of the Tullian drill (early 1700s), introduction of the Foljambe plough (1730s), four course system and new crops like clover, swedes and turnips (1750s), scientific breeding (1770s) and commercial fertilisers (1830s). Each of these created economic pressures to force rural migration as less labour was required. The enclosures by the landed classes were asocial but economically rational in that they were a response to new technologies and consequent declines in their labour requirements. My comparison was based on the introduction of the latest developments in agricultural and domestic textile production technologies -the tractor and the sewing machine- which between them reduced the demand for the rural workforce once again. My point remaining that agricultural consolidation and the export of labour from the countryside to the towns does not require collectivisation or heroic government effort. It is a natural consequence of economic development 1650-1950.The UK had already undergone its agricultural revolution long before 1940 so the comparison with collectivisation in the USSR is hardly apt.
Prior to the large scale introduction of contraception, rural migration of surplus population to the towns and cities from the countryside was the natural course of events for over a thousand years. What changed following the Industrial Revolution was that better sanitation and improved medical care meant that the cities and towns no longer acted as population sinks and their populations grew significantly. From the late 1700s on (possibly even the late 1600s or early 1700s in the case of London and Paris) they were expanding rather than merely being replenished. As reliable contraception was not yet readily available in the 1920s/1930s rural USSR and the tractor, sewing machine, milking machine, combine harvester and power harrow were increasing the productivity of the rural workforce (and thereby reducing labour demand in the countryside) the workforce would have been forced to the cities to find work in any event. Just as they were in the USA, the UK, France, Italy. That collectivisation provided a workforce for the factories is a bit like saying that it forced water to run downhill. One could even argue that it significantly reduced the labour pool available to the factories through the deaths in the purges and the collectivisation induced famines.The migration of peasants from the village to the city was what allowed the newly built factories to actually have a workforce.