Historically, blacks have been suspectable to bloc voting. What if they, once the alt-Civil Rights Acts were passed, they were a swingy demographic that it was difficult to win by a landslide? What PODs are necessary for that to occur?
There may be a way to do it a little later:
1996: Herman Cain runs for the U.S. Senate in Georgia, and beats Max Cleland.
1998: Ken Blackwell wins the Senate seat in Ohio instead of Voinovich, winning that election; Ward Connerly runs for governor of California in 1998, and loses a close race to Gray Davis; Joe Rogers wins the governorship of Colorado
2001: Armstrong Williams runs for governor of Virginia and wins
2002: J.C. Watts runs for governor of Oklahoma and wins; Lynn Swann runs for governor of Pennsylvania and wins (he originally ran for governor in 2006); and then-Charleston City Council member Tim Scott upsets Lindsey Graham in the primary - and then wins the general election for Strom Thurmond's old Senate seat in South Carolina; Michael Williams defeats John Cornyn for the GOP nominate and wins a Senate seat in Texas.
2004: Alveda King runs for the seat held by Zell Miller in Georgia - and wins, giving Georgia two African-American senators, BOTH Republican;
The GOP boasts five African-American senators and four African-American governors - with three Senators (Michael Williams, Cain, and Scott) and two governors (Armstrong Williams and Watts) from the South by 2005 - with Michael Williams, Rogers, Watts, and Scott being considered possible presidential candidates in 2008, while Cain and Blackwell join the other three as potential VP nominees.
In fact, with a butterfly or two, the GOP in 2008 could have a fully African-American ticket (say, Watts and Cain). This puts African-American conservatism on the map - when the photos of African-American senators in January 2005 feature three Republicans, it's hard to ignore. When you have two or three African-Americans running for the GOP nomination in 2008, conservatism becomes viable for African-Americans.
For the Senate seat in Georgia? I think he is. All you need is for him to leave the Kansas City Federal Reserve about six months earlier. The other option would be for Alveda King to run against Max Cleland in 1996 and for Cain to run for the open seat after Zell Miller retired in 2004.
That could make African-American conservatism even bigger: Imagine, if you will, George W. Bush naming Alveda King as his running mate in 2000.
If anything, I could have gone a little further with this timeline with 1994:
1994: Gary Franks becomes governor of Connecticut, and Ward Connerly defeats Dianne Feinstein for the Senate seat in California.
1998: Thomas Sowell makes the unsuccessful run for the governorship of California.
What you need is for some type of offensive comment targeting a well-respected African-American Republican (not even necessarily a conservative), or the GOP deciding to find a way to take the race out out once and for all.
Suppose Pete Stark called Colin Powell an "Oreo" (he had a history of nasty comments towards Republicans who disagreed with him, including Louis Sullivan, George H.W. Bush's Secretary of Health and Human Services; and Nancy Johnson).
In fact, that could be the POD:
After Stark makes his "pillow talk" comments towards Nancy Johnson, Newt Gingrich, recalling Stark's spat with Louis Sullivan, pushes for more African-American candidates, and gets Connerly and Franks to run for statewide office in 1994.
With their success, he sends another batch up in 1996 (Cain), and 1998 (Rogers, Blackwell). Even when he is gone the GOP continues.
When you have two governors (Franks and Rogers) and three Senators (Connerly, Cain, and Blackwell), 1998 doesn't have as serious a reverse for the GOP. Gingrich still leaves, but in 2000, the NAACP's James Byrd ad falls flat, and actually creates a backlash. George W. Bush doesn't have a narrow win in Florida, largely because ITTL, he pulls close to 20% of the African-American vote.
Seeing that success, the GOP continues, with Armstrong Williams winning the governorship of Virginia in 2001, and J.C. Watts becoming governor of Oklahoma in 2002. That year, Gary Franks steps down as governor of Connecticut, but becomes Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. But Tim Scott and Michael Williams win Senate seats in South Carolina and Texas, respectively.
In 2004, when Alveda King announces her candidacy for the Senate seat Zell Miller is vacating, that generates tons of coverage. But it also butterflies away Barack Obama's 2008 candidacy for president, because Martin Luther King Jr.'s niece would be a huge media headline - and Obama would not get as much of the coverage. In fact, given that there are already five African-American senators, three of whom are from the South, Obama is not that big a deal.
Historically, blacks have been suspectable to bloc voting. What if they, once the alt-Civil Rights Acts were passed, they were a swingy demographic that it was difficult to win by a landslide? What PODs are necessary for that to occur?
Willkie launches significant desegregation efforts, which runs into massive opposition from the southern Democrats. However, due to quite a bit of opposition in his own party...
Wilkie partners with Henry Wallace (failed candidate for the Democrats and still pretty popular)...
Republicans votes for both. Blacks switched to the Democrats in the 20sFirst off, it would require the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Act to be bipartisan. Furthermore, either party could pass laws to undo the soft racist laws, such as housing laws, that gave them better opportunities. It would require both parties having to purge the segregationists out, who then might form a third party (though both could use that to really crush them)
Historically, blacks have been suspectable to bloc voting.
I'd like to remind everyone in this thread that what won over black voters for the Democrats wasn't civil rights but the New Deal.
how about Garner replacing Roosevelt following his assassination in 1932? With either no WW2 or US neutrality. Contrary to popular opinion Garner supported around 70-80% of New Deal measures and a lot of the ones he didn't are the ones economists now consider to be of negligible benefit. So a no-frills New Deal with a white Southerner in the White House followed by a longer slower struggle for racial equality and with support from both Republicans and Northern Democrats but avoiding the OTL welfare trap. Black Americans don't feel hugely indebted to either main party getting some good and bad from both and vote on the issues and the attitudes by TTL 2018.I think it is really hard for this to occur with a post 1900 POD.
Being officially for something means absolutely nothing. There were plenty of right-wingers in the GOP even then to oppose federal action on civil rights, even if they masked it under states rights or similiar crap.And where would this opposition come from? There were socially conservative Republicans who had a genteel support of "social" segregation, but the party was always officially for civil rights. It was just that after Reconstruction, they couldn't be arsed to do anything about it.
Wallace was a Midwestern Progressive Republican (his father had been Agriculture Secretary under Harding). FDR brought him in as Ag Secretary as a bipartisan move (the Wallaces had been celebrated publishers of agricultural journals and the younger Wallace founded a very successful seed company). He had no political base in the Democratic Party; in 1940 FDR had to threaten withdrawal to get the convention to nominate Wallace for VP. (Iironically, by 1944 Wallace had become a favorite with much of the party rank and file, and FDR and party leaders had to engineer his replacement by Truman.)
It doesn't really matter who it is, you just need someone willing to back civil rights and willing to cross party lines to do it. The point is you need the PRESIDENT acting for both parties, since how Congress votes doesn't matter once the issue is past. Giving both the GOP and Democrats a hand in civil rights ending will be the only thing that can shift black voters back into the Republican camp without removing them completely from the Democratic one (letting the Dixiecrats have their way would do that for instance).
It meant so much that when the 1948 DNC adopted a civil rights plank in the platform, the Dixiecrats bolted the convention and launched Thurmond's campaign.Being officially for something means absolutely nothing.
"State's rights" was a pose of Southern Democrats. Republicans were overwhelmingly for civil rights, as shown by the votes on the 1964 Civil Rights Act and Voting Rights Act. (For the CRA, 136-35 in the House, 27-6 in the Senate.)There were plenty of right-wingers in the GOP even then to oppose federal action on civil rights, even if they masked it under states rights or similar crap.