Introduction
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The sight of these two British Prime Ministers inspires warm feelings in politicians of all stripes, though for some it is the warmth of nostalgia, and others the heat of rage. For many, it demonstrates the stability and pluralism that the Democratic Party of Great Britain has brought since its formation in 1960. Harold MacMillan and his successor Harold Wilson began their careers as political rivals, but ended up working hand-in-glove to fix a damaged Britain. For the voters that have repeatedly returned the Democratic Party to office, Wilson and MacMillan were architects of the Third Way, or the Better Way as it was labelled by SuperMac. For others, including the hardline left and equally uncompromising nativist right, it demonstrates the smug, centrist consensus that has left an increasing number of the British electorate unrepresented. Of course, history does not lie, and the Democratic Party has governed Britain, often with large majorities, for over sixty years, with only two short-lived governments being formed that have not reflected the "broad centre of public opinion", in the words of controversial former PM Edward Heath.

As a fresh new Democratic Party leader prepares to take the helm, this retrospective will examine the formation of the Democratic Party, its early success, then the intense intercine strife of the 1970s, which allowed the Socialist Government of 1979 to briefly threaten the stability built by MacMillan and Wilson all those years ago. Perhaps the incoming Prime Minister-Britain's first from a minority background-can learn something from the history of his party and the different men who have led it as he faces a renewed threat from the recently constituted National People's Party.

The "White Heat" of the 1960s industrial revolution, the oil shock and European battles of the 1970s, the 1980s battles with the unions, the relative calm of the 1990s and 2000s, and the recent National Coalition have all made British politics what they are today-stable, but with lingering doubts. It is these doubts that James Cleverly must confront, to ensure his premiership is a successful one.

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Prime Minister James Cleverly: 2017-?

 
Welcome to Party of Government-a TL about a rather different Britain.



This is my first TL, and one that I will try my utmost to update every week. Each entry will focus on the tenure of a Prime Minister-most from the Democratic Party, but also the two brief tenures of hard-left and nationalist-right leaders. The first post proper will be up tomorrow, and will focus on Harold Macmillan's tenure, and the merger of three political parties to form the Democratic Party. We'll also see how two very different opposition parties formed. First, however, I'll show how Churchill's time in office led to Macmillan taking over.

BTW: I appreciate there are similarities to the excellent Series of Quite Fortunate Events here, especially in terms of POD and the formation of a centrist "Democratic" party. Needless to say, this isn't intentional, and the inspiration for this TL comes from a lot of other literature (and my own mind). After the first few updates you won't be thinking much about Harold Macmillan, I can assure you...
 
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Chapter One
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Winston Churchill 1951-55
The War Hero

It was never supposed to be Macmillan. When Winston Churchill reclaimed office in 1951, thanks in part to an informal electoral pact with Clement Davies' Liberal Party, his assumed successor was longtime deputy Anthony Eden. The Foreign Secretary was handsome, telegenic, and (many suspected) rather more suited to post-war leadership than the Bulldog himself. Failing that, Chancellor Rab Butler was the architect of the new tripartite education system, and a formidable policy mind. When Churchill retired-an event anticipated as sooner rather than later by his Cabinet-it appeared that one of these two men would take over leadership of the Conservative Party.

However, events would quickly overtake both Eden and Butler.

The first shock was Clement Atlee's retirement as Labour Leader. While he was sixty-eight years old, it was felt that the sedate Atlee would be able to match the septuagenarian Churchill at the despatch box for a four-year stint, allowing for potential Labour successors to mature on the frontbench. However, the starting pistol was fired early on a race not expected until 1955 at the earliest. The end of the Labour Government of 1945-51 had been defined by a battle between the right, increasingly represented by Chancellor Hugh Gaitskell, and the left-wing rebels represented by Nye Bevan, who resigned from the government along with several others in 1951. Not joining him, however, was President of the Board of Trade Harold Wilson, previously widely derided as "Nye's Little Dog", who instead announced that while he had misgivings over prescription charges, as well as the NHS now requiring patients to pay for spectacles, "these mistakes are best corrected in office, not fruitlessly pounding our chests on the backbenches". However, Wilson would quickly be left out in the cold, when a smarting Labour Party took a rash decision that would prove to be its end. With Gaitskell joined by Herbert Morrison on the ballot representing the party's right, the new intake of young, angry Labour MPs instead elected the rebel Bevan as leader.

Labour were now led by a man many within the party saw as unelectable, and Churchill concurred. Seemingly secure in his position until the Welsh Windbag was removed, talk of retirement quickly faded, as the Conservative government plowed on with the denationalisation of steel, pursuing a Great Power summit with the US and USSR, and the building of new homes. This task fell to Harold Macmillan, and he set to it with aplomb. "It will make or mar your political career", said Churchill of Macmillan's task to build 300,000 houses. However, Macmillan succeeded, and in 1953 Lord Beaverbrook was rumoured to have advised him to be ready for a dead heat between Eden and Butler. Of course, the Chancellor and Foreign Secretary were frontrunners to succeed Churchill, but Beaverbrook had previous on this count, advising Andrew Bonar Law as he stole the leadership in 1911. Macmillan was under no illusions that the possibility of inheriting the leadership was likely, but just in case, he postponed a gall bladder operation that would have left him out of political action for some months.

Then, in 1954, Anthony Eden died.

An operation to remove a kidney stone in 1953 had ruptured a bile duct, leaving Eden weakened and prone to infection. While he soldiered on as Foreign Secretary, an increasing reliance on Benzedrine was noted by civil servants, and his behaviour became more and more erratic. Then, in July 1954, Eden sickened rapidly, and passed away at his home. His doctor quickly realised that his liver had failed, not aided by the large quantities of Benzedrine, the so-called "miracle drug". Unable to process the toxic waste in his blood, Eden had been lucky to survive a year after the botched operation.

Robbed of his favoured successor, Churchill soldiered on until 1955 despite a series of debilitating strokes. Eventually, the hero of World War II realised that his time was up, and a younger man must take over. However, Churchill hated the idea of "that bloody Butler" taking over, and commissioned Lord Salisbury to "take soundings" of Conservative MPs. Macmillan, now serving as Foreign Secretary himself, saw his chance, and intimated to the lisping peer that he might be considered "in place of poor Anthony". Sensing what must be done, Salisbury asked a succession of MPs: "Will it be Wab or Hawold?". Very few of those consulted in the so-called "Magic Circle" favoured Wab, and when the results were taken to Churchill, he quickly resigned, requesting that Queen Elizabeth II send for Macmillan. The monarch, crowned only two years previously, consented.



After kissing hands and agreeing to form a new government (with Rab Butler moved sideways to the Foreign Office), Macmillan called a General Election. Faced with a choice between the urbane patrician Macmillan (who many recalled lay distinctly on the left of the Conservative Party), and the red-faced, haranguing Bevan, the British public overwhelmingly chose Macmillan. Notably, the Liberal Party, down to only six MPs, declined to run candidates against a man they felt represented their views, furthering the subsumption of Liberalism into the Conservative fold. Macmillan won 370 seats-a majority of 110. Sensing an opportunity, he had published the Tory manifesto as that of the Conservative and Liberal Party, and reaped the rewards. Britain's party of government was strengthened further, and things continued to look rosy for the newly-minted premier when Bevan fought off the challenge of Harold Wilson to remain Leader of the much-reduced Labour Party. Notably, the five former Liberal MPs all consented to run under the Conservative-Liberal banner, with Megan Lloyd-George the only exception. All five were elected, and their sacrifice would be rewarded by Macmillan.

Armed with a mandate, the support of the former Liberal Party, and a desire to make Britain a better place, Harold Macmillan prepared for a long stint in Number Ten. Meanwhile, a group of Labour MPs, notably the defeated Wilson, began to consider their political future....
 
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Chapter Two, Part One
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Harold Macmillan: 1955-60 (First Ministry)
The Architect

Macmillan's first term in office began with something of a surprise, as two former Liberal MPs (though they insisted they remained so) joined the Cabinet. Clement Davies became Secretary of State for Education, while Jo Grimond was made Minister for Health, tasked with trying to secure private sector support for the National Health Service without compromising its publicly-owned nature. Both would serve ably, if not spectacularly, with the Patient Choice Act of 1958 the major "Liberal" contribution to Macmillan's first government. The act allowed patients to pay for private practitioners to treat them on NHS premises, if said practitioner agreed to do so. Grimond, a noted supporter of free market economics, was rumoured to favour yet more private involvement in the NHS, but was kept in check by the Prime Minister, who had flirted with Oswald Mosley's New Party in the 1930s and was a firm believer in government intervention in the economy, especially to protect those in need.

Otherwise, however, Macmillan's government was a Conservative one-in the One Nation tradition of Disraeli and Churchill perhaps, but a Conservative one nonetheless. Rationing continued to be reduced, while new Chancellor Peter Thorneycroft sought to ease the tax burden on businesses and the burgeoning middle-class, reducing income taxes and relaxing interest rates. Prosperity bloomed, with Bevan's weakened Labour opposition hardly able to complain that people were receiving more money while public services were funded more highly than ever. The Patient Choice Act led to a brief outcry, but with Labour reduced to 230 seats, little could really be done with the full force of the government majority behind it. Indeed, the primary rumblings of dissent came from the Tory backbenches, with figures from the Monday Club deeply concerned by both Macmillan's fiscal largesse and his liberal approach to decolonisation. Macmillan's famous "Winds of Change" speech in 1960 was the death knell for the former British Empire, and led to independence for its African colonies. The likes of Julian Amery and Enoch Powell were restricted to conspiratorial mutterings for the time being, however, with the Prime Minister enjoying solid support across the political spectrum.

This support included a sizeable minority of the Labour Party, mainly disaffected Gaitskellites led by Harold Wilson, increasingly the right's leading figure. Hugh Gaitskell remained influential, but his defeat to Bevan in 1951 weakened him, as did a series of scandals involving his mistress Ann Fleming. Wilson too had been defeated by Bevan following the disastrous election result, but acquitted himself well considering the increasing number of devout socialists on the Labour benches. An uneasy truce came to a head in 1957, when the Labour Party Conference made two historic decisions. First of all, unilateral disarmament was voted through to the delight of Bevan, and then, even more significantly, the Communist Party of Great Britain was permitted to affiliate to the Labour Party. Bevan was more uneasy about this, being a Christian socialist rather than a dogmatic Marxist, but he made no comment in the interests of respecting Party democracy. Wilson and his followers had no such qualms however, with James Callaghan, formerly a moderate union leader, declaring that a Labour Foreign Secretary would be "unarmed in the conference room" if Britain destroyed her nuclear weapons, while the Communist affiliation put the reselection of many moderate MPs at risk. Something had to be done. On November 5th, 1957, ninety-three Labour MPs resigned the whip, declaring the formation of the Social Democratic Labour Party (known generally as the Social Democrats). The defecting MPs were led by Wilson, and included Callaghan, Roy Jenkins, Denis Healey, Michael Stewart, and Anthony Wedgewood Benn, the face of Labour's 1955 election broadcasts. Sitting as an "opposition to the opposition", as SuperMac famously quipped, the Social Democrat split left the Government almost unchallenged as Macmillan began to ponder another general election in 1958.

Macmillan had reshuffled his government in 1957 after the Suez Incident, wherein Egyptian dictator Gamal Abdel Nasser nationalised the Suez Canal. For once, Macmillan agreed with the Monday Club on the need for action, but his hand was stayed by the clear and firm opposition of US President Eisenhower to such a development. However, Rab Butler had engaged in discussions with the French and Israelis on a potential invasion, and made a statement implying action would be taken just as the Prime Minister came out of a meeting with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, wherein the Secretary had made it abundantly clear that US support for Britain in matters economic and military would be withdrawn if action were to be taken.
"After all, is this government not devoted to the freedom of these Arab states?", President Eisenhower was rumoured to have remarked. Macmillan was forced to sit on his hands, but took out his frustrations by sacking Butler from the government, replacing him with Duncan Sandys, a rather harder-edged face to the world for Britain. Butler's political career was over, and he flirted with joining the Social Democrats before eventually taking up the position of Master of Trinity College, Oxford.

The Social Democrats concurred with Macmillan on the need for a strong national defence, and approved the Polaris program being past. In fact, it was noted that the grouping, now in triple figures after more defections from Labour's soft left, voted more with the government than against it. It was perhaps this that led to Macmillan making an offer than would change British politics forever.

It was the product of fevered discussion and debate amongst Macmillan's Parliamentary supporters. In 1959, Macmillan made a broadcast where he was expected to call a general election. Instead, he made a rather different announcement:

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"Having consulted with my Party and Her Majesty the Queen, I have come to the conclusion that there is no pressing need for this Parliament to end before its term does. As such, the General Election will fall in early summer next year, that is to say 1960. Our country is strong and prosperous, many of our people have never had it so good, if I may say so. I speak to you instead about a matter rather more pressing-that of the Opposition. I have often mocked Mr Wilson and his Social Democrats, existing as they do to oppose not my government, but that of the socialist Mr Bevan. However, I and my ministers have noted with some cheer and respect, that the Social Democratic Labour Party are rather more in agreement with myself than they are with Mr Bevan. Of course, we are not alike in every way-they would favour a more Socialist country than I, and I have rather more interest in the freedom of people to spend their money than they do. But such is the nature of politics-I daresay my own colleagues in the Monday Club would agree that the Conservative Party is not monolithic. I myself worked with the Labour Party when I was a younger man, and at the time wondered if the Conservatives would last as long as they have. It is with this in mind that I make an offer to Mr Wilson and the Social Democrats. Before the election next year, I wish to discuss with them the possibility of a joint program that we may agree on, so as to strengthen the majority of this Government that so represents the people of Britain. Consensus is better than unconstructive opposition, and I would welcome the more sensible elements of this country's Left joining me to help maintain Prosperity and Peace, as we enjoy now. I appreciate this may prove beyond the pale for many, perhaps in my Party, perhaps even Mr Wilson. Nonetheless, I feel we owe it to the Nation to explore how best to represent the interests of as many as possible. Other than that, I merely wish you a pleasant evening, and a good night's rest."

The speech sent shockwaves through the political establishment, with Duncan Sandys resigning along with four others. Macmillan replaced them all with loyalists, including Selwyn Lloyd and Reginald Maudling, in what became known as the "Night of the Velvet Glove". Around forty Conservative backbenchers made it clear they would not entertain such an alliance, while some in the Social Democrats chose to rejoin Labour rather than "sell ourselves out to the landed classes", as Richard Crossman put it. However, the majority of the party were willing to speak to Macmillan, most notably Harold Wilson and Roy Jenkins, an increasingly impressive presence and Wilson's de facto deputy in the party. For several months representatives from the Social Democrats travelled to and from number ten, as well as meeting in secret locations across London to hammer out the details of such an alliance. It was first assumed that the Social Democrats would simply not be opposed by Conservatives (or Liberals, as Jo Grimond insisted) in the coming election, but the Downing Street Declaration of March 1960 confirmed something very different. Once again, Macmillan would combine a new political alliance with a call for a general election, but this time, he was not merely inheriting six sympathetic MPs.

Standing together were Harold Macmillan, Harold Wilson, Reginald Maudling, James Callaghan, the new Home Secretary Edward Heath, Roy Jenkins, and Iain Macleod. In a statement read by Macmillan and Wilson, the Democratic Party was announced, consisting of eighty Social Democratic MPs and three-hundred and thirty Conservatives (the forty backbenchers that had opposed an alliance all refused to join the new party, soundings having been taken before the announcement). A General Election was further called for May 1960, giving the rebels and the rump Labour Party precious little time to prepare themselves. Many expected a result on par with the National Government's landslide of 1931, but they were disappointed.

The Democratic Party triumped with 55% of the vote, and a gain of twelve seats, leaving them on 422, Labour on 160, and 35 seats for the Independent Conservatives elected on a common platform of "maintaining moral and economic standards in Britain". Of course, this was a colossal majority and a huge vote of confidence for the new party, with the only disappointment being among those who were too blinkered to realise that Labour and the Monday Club Conservatives retained a fair degree of popular support.

Macmillan seemed liberated by the end of the Conservative Party as he knew it, free to follow his more centre-left instincts. In doing so he would be supported by his new Chancellor, Harold Wilson, and the five other former Social Democratic politicians he included in his second administration. Stronger than ever before, Britain's Prime Minister could look to the future with optimism.


He would not be disappointed, just yet.
 
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James G

Gone Fishin'
You know, earlier in the year, two well-known political TL authors of this site, gave us all a treat with a TL concerning Harold MacMillan leading a Democratic Party in the UK which was the natural Party of Government.
And now you have yours to go with theirs.
I'm not sure of their reaction to what screams to me to be not plagiarism in the letter of the law but surely breaking the spirit of that.
Here is the thread in question, the original one: https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/tliam-a-series-of-quite-fortunate-events.414452/
 
Chapter Two, Part Two
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Harold Macmillan: 1960-63 (Second Ministry)
The Visionary

If one word could be used to describe Harold Macmillan between the formation of his second ministry in May 1960 and his retirement from Downing Street just over three years later, it would be "liberated". The man who had questioned the future of the Tory Party in the 1930s had proven his own prediction true. At the helm of the Democratic Party Macmillan and his all-star cabinet set about on a whirlwind programme of reform. Combining the patriotic paternalism of the Conservatives with the forward-thinking economic ideas thought up by Wilson and other Gaitskellites during their exile from government, the Second Macmillan Government laid the foundations for Britain's future over the next half-decade or so: a society that was far more equitable than the one even Atlee left behind, yet prosperous enough that rich and poor could rub along (even as the gap between them gradually narrowed). As David Marquand put it: "The earnest, bespectacled and defiantly unbiddable rebel of the 1930s had not disappeared; he had only taken cover." Macmillan, always wary of the responsibility of the governing class to look after the governed, set to his task eagerly, even as his former Labour ministers began to suggest to him that the governing class itself may be the true barrier to his aims.

Indeed, it was notable that with the exception of Reginald Maudling at the Board of Trade, the major economic ministries were all occupied by defectors from the Social Democrats: Wilson at the Treasury, Anthony Crosland at Labour (now made a Cabinet position), Callaghan at Health, and the young reformer Anthony Wedgewood Benn as Chief Secretary to the Treasury. It was questioned whether Callaghan, with his trade-union experience, would have been a better fit at Labour, but Crosland's centrism and revisionist views as detailed in his work The Future of Socialism proved more amenable to Macmillan, who while sympathetic to workers, took a rather more dim view of industrial radicalism than Callaghan, the so-called "keeper of the cloth cap". Meanwhile, Edward Heath was pleased to see his close companion Macleod raised to the Foreign Office-together, they would form a powerful combination in favour of British entry to the European Economic Community. Negotiations over entry to the EEC were frustrated by French President De Gaulle, who distrusted the British on principle, and would not become a major issue until the end of Macmillan's premiership.

Instead, the government's priorities were domestic. Marquand praises the "breathtaking radicalism" of Macmillan's government on labour reform and economic policy, with any pretensions to fiscal prudence thrown out of the window-though strong economic growth would avoid attacks from the right on the deficit. Macmillan and Wilson set out to end "stop-go" economic policy as begun by Hugh Dalton, and instead transition to a more sustainable, social-market-based system. Thus, tax increases to fund social spending were the order of the day, with Wilson happily obliging as he raised the top rate to over 70%, while a small allowance was made for married couples and those earning less than £500 a year. This money would be aimed at improving the quality of NHS hospitals, building new affordable housing (of which more advances would be made under later governments), and most notably, the creation of Macmillan's flagship policy, often described as the second-greatest governmental achievement behind the NHS: The National Labour Exchange.

Led by Crosland and Wilson, with Callaghan providing much-need industrial ballast, the government set out to emulate the Nordic model of active labour policy. Those finding themselves out of work (admittedly an occurrence at record low rates) would be provided with retraining programmes and subisdies paid for by the state, on the expectation they use these new skills to re-enter the labour market. Furthermore, trade unions were to be recognised as mini-corporations of their own, able to purchase shares and seek representation on boards of directors. In effect, workers were transformed into "industrial citizens", to use the term coined by Crosland, "with responsibilities of hard work and behaviour to match the considerable rights granted to them". The rollout of the NLE was stymied by trade union opposition, with many bosses suspicious of the moderate restrictions on strike action, as well as the increased democratisation of unions themselves. However, with Callaghan on board, the likes of Bill Caron and Frank Cousins reluctantly accepted the changes, encouraged by the giveaways granted to workers and unions by the new organisation. Indeed, Cousins would later head up the NLE as its first Chair-the organisation was treated in many ways like a government-run super-union, though without exercising control over those using its services.

Abroad, Macmillan gave Colonial Secretary Christopher Soames a brief to liberate and liquidate as many of Britain's overseas holdings as possible. While somewhat reluctant due to his family's historic opposition to Indian independence, Soames nonetheless delivered on his brief with determination and industry, overseeing the independence of Kenya, North Rhodesia (now Zambia), Nyasaland (now Malawi), and Tanganiyka by 1964. The Independent Conservatives would grumble and mourn the loss of the greatest Empire even seen, but they were few in number, and largely out of step with public opinion. Indeed, the main contribution the Independent Conservatives made to Macmillan's second government were additions to his majority, with Duncan Sandys rejoining the government in 1962 as Defence Secretary, while three others also "saw sense" and joined the Democratic fold.

In 1963, the only major setback to Macmillan's agenda would occur-Charles de Gaulle said "non" to British entry into the EEC, emboldening Labour, now led by the charismatic Anthony Greenwood, and the right-wing opposition. Edward Heath resigned as Home Secretary, having talked Iain Macleod out of doing similar. Heath, the primary Euro-enthusiast in the government, took full responsibility for a "failure of diplomacy", blaming himself rather than the intransigent De Gaulle, who had expressed scepticism but not opposition to British entry. Macmillan was hit hard by this failure, though the Democrats (as they were increasingly known) remained bouyant in the polls, enjoying double-digit leads over Labour, who had regained a deal of support under Greenwood, whose spivvish charm and telegenic appearance enticed young intellectuals and many working-class people back to the Labour fold. However, Macmillan was aging, and the operation he had delayed back in 1955 was beginning to cause him discomfort, as did a brief cancer scare that turned out to be a kidney stone. Not wanting to go the same way as old rival Anthony Eden, Macmillan declared he would resign the Prime Ministership on 18th October 1963, leaving a directive to Chief Whip Selwyn Lloyd to proceed to the "customary processes of consultation" for his successor. A born schemer and political operator, Macmillan was in full knowledge of who these "soundings" would produce as leader-he would not leave office without his legacy being intact.

It had been widely discussed since 1960 that Harold Wilson had demanded the Treasury as a red line for leading the Social Democrats into government with Macmillan-something generally seen as proven true after his appointment that year. But the succession was a source of more intrigue-it was felt that Macleod might mount a bid, as could Crosland, one of the best-known figures in the country thanks to the NLE. However, it quickly became clear that the Chancellor had requested, and been granted, something more than just a Cabinet position. The soundings were taken over the 14th and 15th October, and produced an almost unanimous new Democratic leader: Harold Wilson.

Wilson kissed hands the day after Macmillan resigned, and moved into Number 10 after a speech in which he promised to enter Britain into the "Jet Age", and remove "restrictive practises on both sides of industry". More interestingly, he promised to "welcome many people into our society who perhaps have not felt so in the past", widely seen as a sign that liberal Leader of the House of Commons Roy Jenkins had his ear, and would receive a big Cabinet job. Wilson remained an enigmatic figure to many, and his true face as Britain's leader would surprise, disappoint, and engage in equal measure.

Much was expected of Harold Wilson, though precisely what was expected differed depending on who would ask. As Britain welcomed its first non-Conservative (in origin) Prime Minister for twelve years, the country looked set to continue on its new, radical course.

 
You know, earlier in the year, two well-known political TL authors of this site, gave us all a treat with a TL concerning Harold MacMillan leading a Democratic Party in the UK which was the natural Party of Government.
And now you have yours to go with theirs.
I'm not sure of their reaction to what screams to me to be not plagiarism in the letter of the law but surely breaking the spirit of that.
Here is the thread in question, the original one: https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/tliam-a-series-of-quite-fortunate-events.414452/

Hi, I appreciate the similarities to some degree, but this has been inspired by a number of ideas I've had in the past, and some other AH texts, which had a similar party being formed by various other politicians, including Rab Butler. The central conceit is rather different (this isn't a "Macmillan Forever" TL). I'm more interested in the possibilities of A. A centrist "Governmental Party" in the UK, and B. A party which allows Macmillan to indulge his more radical instincts. The timing could be better, sure, but this will not resemble ASOQFE-as indeed the latest update shows. Macmillan will not feature any futher in this TL, bar as an elder statesman. This intends to be a true Alternate History of Britain where politics (and our Prime Ministers) are very, if at times subtly, different.
 
Chapter Three
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Harold Wilson: 1963-1970
The Administrator

After the watershed Macmillan years, it would have been hard for the Democratic Party to become more radical, lest they begin to overlap with the increasingly Marxist-inspired Labour Party, which under Anthony Greenwood embarked upon a series of internal reforms that saw it become the Socialist Party in 1965. However, a clear break was made with the previous government, as the two former Conservatives at the Home and Foreign Offices were replaced with Social Democrat men, namely Roy Jenkins and James Callaghan, promoted from Health. This, along with the appointment of primarily centre-left figures such as Eric Lubbock, Michael Stewart, and Anthony Benn, led to grumblings amongst the still primarily Tory-based Democratic parliamentary party that "Macmillan wanted to join Labour so badly he got Wilson to make us all join bloody Labour". However, some of these complaints were eased by the appointment of Edward Heath as Chancellor of the Exchequer, while Reginald Maudling was put in charge of the NLE-a sop to those concerned the unions would run free under a Wilson government.

Notably absent from the new Cabinet was Iain Macleod, who refused office in disgust after the stitch-up over the succession. His article in the Spectator criticising the "cosy cartel" that decided the Democratic leadership was seen by many as sour grapes from a man who fancied himself for the top job, but Wilson, along with Chief Whip Selwyn Lloyd, recognised the issue, and Macleod was invited to lead a Commission on how to "modernise our Party's processes, just as we are modernising Society", in the words of Wilson when he announced the appointment. The result, delivered an hour before Labour officially rebranded as the Socialist Party (a classic example of Wilson's dominance of the media narrative), was the introduction of a two-round ballot of MPs, the first containing anyone wishing to take part (providing they could secure the nominations of ten percent of their colleagues), and the second containing only the top two candidates. Despite complaints, this system has endured to the present day, though the way nominations could be secured was changed thanks to the Kinnock Commision of 1992.

Unlike Macmillan, who took the lead on many initiatives, Wilson's style was different. An economist by training and former civil servant, he allowed his Cabinet ministers to work diligently and relatively free of executive influence, though the media-savvy Yorkshireman would insist on being the public face of the government when required.

With or without Macleod, the new government set about continuing what Macmillan started-bolstering public services and lowering the gap between rich and poor-whether the rich liked it or not. While Heath was naturally less fond of leftist economic policy compared to Wilson, he still announced a fresh round of government spending-notably on infrastructure for trains and aircraft-in the runup to the 1964 election, which was often forgotten by historians due to its incredible lack of any kind of drama. Much as President Kennedy was re-elected in the United States by an almost-unchanged margin against Nelson Rockefeller, Wilson and the Democrats were returned with a majority of just four less than previously-losing one seat to Labour and another to the National Unionists-the new party created by the Independent Conservatives that had bolted when the Democrats were formed. Armed with a fresh mandate, Wilson unleashed the White Heat of revolution, giving Minister of Technology Anthony Benn free reign to invest whatever money was needed in planes, trains, and automobiles. Britain's development during this period has seen it become a world leader in technology and high-tech industry, with the Benn Academy of Bristol University one of the world's most prestigious technical institutes. Of course, Benn would come to be remembered for more than just this, but it remains his proudest achievement in his own view. Reform was further extended to education. While the publicly-educated former Conservatives would never stand for some of Anthony Crosland's more radical egalitarian ideas like nationalising Eton and banning grammar schools, he was still able to push forward extensive comprehensive education, with Local Education Authorities promised extra funds if they built and opened comprehensive rather than selective schools, while Secondary Moderns were reformed into Technical Academies-vocational schools that offered guaranteed entry-level jobs in industry upon graduation. These were an enormous success, with around sixty percent of British schoolchildren receiving employment through these schools, while universities were also given increased funding for those who chose a different path in life.

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Enoch Powell, the iconoclastic leader of the National Unionists, decried these reforms as "social engineering". Often seen as a man of the hard right, Powell had a distinct social libertarian streak, and his now-seminal "Iron Children" speech was made in response to Crosland's declaration that "if I can help it, not one single child will leave school with their future uncertain". Powell famously said:
"Britain fought for its freedom from tyranny, a freedom we earned for our children. To now categorise every boy and girl as iron, silver, or gold when they have scarcely left their mother's breast is a violation of their natural right to strive, to fail, and to succeed."
Ignored at the time, Powell's speech would become a powerful refrain for reformers in later decades, and it did capture the unease the public began to feel with the Wilson years.

As Callaghan tried once again to secure European entry, and Roy Jenkins oversaw government-approved efforts to abolish capital punishment, theatre censorship, and decriminalise homosexuality, many in Britain felt that the government was doing everything for them-becoming the "nanny state" that Iain Macleod warned of so many years ago. Indeed, Macleod became the leader of a small backbench group (with many in the Cabinet in sympathy) aiming to restrict the growth of the state into every area of life. While the National Unionists decried the socialistic bent of Wilson's economic policy and its social liberalism, the Socialists made hay of the continued authoritarianism of the government-a military draft was introduced by Defence Minister Denis Healey to help provide America with troops for its war in Laos, for example. Jenkins' reforms were generally the broadest and least offensive he could muster, as he increasingly focused on helping Callaghan to soften De Gaulle.

The Democratic Party began to slip in the polls for the first time, and a warning shot was fired when in 1968, they lost fifty-five seats, leaving them on 365. It was still a solid majority, but the two opposition parties were now both in triple figures-161 for the Socialists, holding steady in their first electoral outing, and 101 for the National Unionists. Wilson needed a pick-me-up, and it was delivered when De Gaulle resigned later that year. New French President George Pompidou was far more tractable on the European issue, and in early 1969 a beaming Wilson announced Britain would enter the EEC in 1970. He was flanked by Jenkins and Callaghan, who had swapped jobs after the election, along with new Chancellor Macleod, rejoining the government after reassurance that lessons had been learned from the overreach of 1964-68. Indeed, Wilson's final two years in office saw a conservative turn, with Callaghan announcing restrictions on immigration and toughening sentences for criminals, particularly as protests broke out over Britain and America's continued action in Laos. The new US President had been elected promising "Victory with honor" in the Far East, and the world was under no illusions that Barry Goldwater meant what he said.

It was perhaps with this in mind that Wilson decided, not long after winning a final victory on Europe, that the time had come to step down "for a new man", which he accordingly did in March 1970. For the first time, Democratic MPs would elect a new Prime Minister. Accordingly, the first round was crowded. Every member of a Great Office of State threw their hat into the ring, while a number of other ministers and backbenchers did similarly. Six different candidates stood, with three being former Social Democrats, two former Conservatives, and an quixotic bid from a former Liberal. It would be this individual, Jeremy Thorpe, who would finish last, but his endorsement made all the difference to the second ballot. Edward Heath felt as Chancellor he was Wilson's natural successor, while Reginald Maudling called for a "rethink" of economic policy in direct challenge to his colleague. Indeed, there was a distinct feeling amongst the "Conservative" Democrats that one of their number take the reigns again. It was not to be, however. Heath did make it to the final round, edging out Callaghan and the surprisingly strong bid of Tony Crosland, but all of his opponents bar Maudling endorsed the eventual winner.

The new Prime Minister was a fascinating man, much-analysed by psychologists as much as historians and political scientists. A man who hailed from Labour, but seemed much fonder of the old Liberal Party, as shown by his biography of Herbert Asquith. A man that Nye Bevan wouldn't call lazy, as "no boy from Abersychan who has cultivated that accent could be called lazy!". His tenure would be turbulent and by the standards of his predecessors, brief, defined by astonishing highs and devastating lows. For many, he was the man who defined the ideology of the Democratic Party, but for others he set it on a road to failure.

All this was yet to come, however. For now, Roy Harris Jenkins was leader of the country, free to enjoy the job he had always wanted, the job he felt he was born to do.
 
Just to say, open to any comments/ideas/thoughts on this TL. I appreciate I could be going into more detail, but I've got a fair few PMs to write, so going for more of a general overview.

Sidenote: what do people think of the US sideplot I've added in the latest update? Worth continuing?
 
The new US President had been elected promising "Victory with honor" in the Far East, and the world was under no illusions that Barry Goldwater meant what he said.
This is worrisome, he doesn't seem prepared for the role (his ideas might do harm to the US economy, and indirectly to the rest of the world).
I assume that Rocky's followers lost some strength with his defeat.:(

But it's good to see Britain following a path of moderation. :)
 
I can imagine that the services and the service chiefs in particular were horrified by the re-introduction of National Service.
It wasn't Healey's proudest moment, to be sure. That said, it was relatively limited-similar to the issues in America at the time, a lot of people were protesting out of fear they'd be called up when they weren't.
 
This is worrisome, he doesn't seem prepared for the role (his ideas might do harm to the US economy, and indirectly to the rest of the world).
I assume that Rocky's followers lost some strength with his defeat.:(

But it's good to see Britain following a path of moderation. :)

Goldwater was able to steal Nixon's "Law and Order" line having not been the nominee in '64, and scraped past Lyndon Johnson in the general election (Johnson having tried to finesse his position on the war despite being a major cheerleader for it).

I wanted to explore the idea of Kennedy ending up in a similar position to Johnson OTL had he lived, rather than the more common "Camelot Forever!!!" storylines.
 
It wasn't Healey's proudest moment, to be sure. That said, it was relatively limited-similar to the issues in America at the time, a lot of people were protesting out of fear they'd be called up when they weren't.

Bit surprising really. In @ Healey generally listened to advice from the service chiefs. His finest hour was probably during the Confrontation - the RAF wanted to bomb Indonesian airports and ports. Healey said no, and authorised the Claret cross-border raids by the SAS and Gurkhas instead.
 
Bit surprising really. In @ Healey generally listened to advice from the service chiefs. His finest hour was probably during the Confrontation - the RAF wanted to bomb Indonesian airports and ports. Healey said no, and authorised the Claret cross-border raids by the SAS and Gurkhas instead.
Bear in mind he's in a different situation here-in many ways he's closer to the Conservative part of the Democrats on these issues because the Gaitskellites have a more prominent leader. Not to say he'll behave massively differently elsewhere, but he was being pushed to the right after '68 by a number of factors.
 
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