Paint Your Chariot With Pride! Reboot of Alexander conquers Arabia timeline
- Thread starter Daeres
- Start date
Absolutely, i'm planning to take the opportunity to take a look at the big picture in the next update. I attempted to make a map before, but the problem was that it seemed to be too big for deviantArt: when I uploaded it there, even the '100%' zoom was only equivalent to a 60% zoom in GIMP and thus the text was illegible.
I'm still happy to try and make the maps myself but I think i need a few pointers as to how to avoid it becoming too small again.
I'm still happy to try and make the maps myself but I think i need a few pointers as to how to avoid it becoming too small again.
Rome and Surrounding in 230 BCE
My first map that's gone something resembling okay, hopefully this clears up any confusion about the aftermath of the First Punic War.
Also, fyi, I completely derped and forgot that there was a fill tool. Thus everything but Africa was actually hand coloured... including very carefully pixelling around the rivers D: ! Good grief I'm silly...
My first map that's gone something resembling okay, hopefully this clears up any confusion about the aftermath of the First Punic War.
Also, fyi, I completely derped and forgot that there was a fill tool. Thus everything but Africa was actually hand coloured... including very carefully pixelling around the rivers D: ! Good grief I'm silly...
Major Mediterranean Powers of 227 BCE
Since I've now figured out how to not be silly when making maps, I thought i'd provide another! This map is of the major Mediterranean powers as of 227 BCE, in their native names (because why not).
Whoa, whoa, whoa.
Okay, some things methinks need clearing up. Carthage, even OTL, never controlled that much of Iberia or Numidia.
Also, how did Epirus spread so far into Illyria?
I think I was a little too subtle; in OTL the Barcids conquered much of Spain after the First Punic War, but Hamilcar died before the conquest was complete; here he survives and pushes the conquest right up to the Pyrenees. I don't imagine that the Numidian territory is actually controlled by Carthage, it was intended to refer to vassals in the area. Carthage is overall stronger than in this period OTL, it had longer to build up strength before the Punic War began and the war was not as lengthy, and Alexander V is far more pragmatic than the Romans would have been; the kind of person who is keen to solidify sure gains at the first sign of the enemy rallying.
As for Epirus, this is going to be explored in an update soon. Bear in mind that Illyrians played a large part in Brennos' expedition; their losses from Brennos' conquest of the region and his defeat in the campaign have weakened many of the Illyrian polities significantly. Epirus is under the control of Leonnatus' dynasty, and unable to expand into Argead or Hellenic territory are bound to get hungry at signs of Illyrian weakness...
As for Epirus, this is going to be explored in an update soon. Bear in mind that Illyrians played a large part in Brennos' expedition; their losses from Brennos' conquest of the region and his defeat in the campaign have weakened many of the Illyrian polities significantly. Epirus is under the control of Leonnatus' dynasty, and unable to expand into Argead or Hellenic territory are bound to get hungry at signs of Illyrian weakness...
I really don't think Carthage would be strong enough militarily to conquer the whole peninsula, filled with warlike and very strong tribal confederations that gave the Roman Republic a hell of a lot of trouble themselves, especially after losing a major war, and then fighting another against the mercenaries. It seems extremely unrealistic.
Well, since this is my first hurdle of the timeline I won't be coy; I was expecting the conquests to collapse both soon, and rapidly, for exactly the reason that you just said; Carthage's military resources simply aren't enough to maintain that kind of area. So, the assumption was that Carthage would lose at least half of that territory in the next decade or so, possibly more.
If you think that even that is too unrealistic, then i'm happy to take another stab at it.
If you think that even that is too unrealistic, then i'm happy to take another stab at it.
I suppose that is fine so long as you give more details about how it was done. Simply saying, oh yeah, Hamilcar Barca, he just kinda walked in there and took it all over. I would imagine he would face battles where he was outnumbered, and his troops would be tired, ect, but if you give the details of what he perhaps did to turn things around, I would accept it more.
I guess it just seems like such an insult to history and the ancient cultures to say, well, Hamilcar Barca just took over Iberia, and it was that easy.
If you need any information or help when it comes to the cultures and histories of ancient Europe, feel free to PM me, it's kind of my forte.
I think you're a little bit at the mercy of not knowing what updates are going to cover; I wasn't intending to leave Hamilcar in Spain as simply being a one line anecdote, it was put in there to be a precursor to the explanation, much like Alexander V was mentioned relatively early on, before later updates gave you his whole story.
I think it might help if I gave you some idea of what I'm planning to do updates on; the Epirotes after the war against Brennos, the Barcids, the rest of Phillip IV's reign, the instability after the end of his reign, the Second Punic War, the Mauryan Empire, Argead Religious development, Argead internal politics, the statelets of Magna Graecia, and Argead Symbology.
Altogether that will take us to the end of the 200s BCE.
I think it might help if I gave you some idea of what I'm planning to do updates on; the Epirotes after the war against Brennos, the Barcids, the rest of Phillip IV's reign, the instability after the end of his reign, the Second Punic War, the Mauryan Empire, Argead Religious development, Argead internal politics, the statelets of Magna Graecia, and Argead Symbology.
Altogether that will take us to the end of the 200s BCE.
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'The Sheep That Became A Lion': An examination of the 3rd Century BCE Epirote State
The latter part of the 4th Century BCE had not been kind to Epirus. Not only had it been dragged into Macedon's series of civil wars, it eventually ended up with the rightful heir exiled never to return. Epirus became kingless, and was essentially an extension of the Macedonian state. This was not to last however, as Epirus received a second wind in the form of Leonnatus and his wife Kleopatra. Through Kleopatra, the Macedonia general had a claim to the throne, and the tripartite peoples of Epirus were eager to be led again. Receiving the support of first Ptolemy Soter, then the restabilised Argead Empire, Leonnatus had found friends everywhere. By 283 BCE, not only had the Epirote state re-emerged but it was positively thriving. The oracle at Dodona and the city around it were splendidly restored. But this prosperity came at a price; Epirus was now tied to the Argead Empire at the hip.
Epirus, though now rich and in possession of important Hellenic religious sites, was still obscure and had no international clout. The winds of change were about to change that, on the hurricane that was Brennos and his hordes in 279 BCE. When confronted with this menace, the aging Leonnatus stepped up to the challenge, and in alliance with the Argeads and Macedonians defended the Hellenic world against destruction. Though the conflict was to be the end of Leonnatus, the important contribution of Epirotes in the eventual victory did not escape notice. Expansionist yearning grew in the younger Epirote generation, who found support in Leonnatus' son and heir Alexander. The problem was that there seemed to be nowhere to expand to; Macedon was now back in the welcoming bosom of the Argead Emperor, and the Hellenic League to the south was under its protection. Similarly, Thessaly was neutral ground and off-limits.
The relationship between Illyria and Epirus had always been mixed; the Hellenised south Illyrians had often been friendly towards them but the Celtic-aligned Illyrians were generally hostile, and often raided the Epirote coastline. But the conquest of such a huge area of land had been unthinkable as Epirus simply lacked the resources to do so. But that was to change in 274 BCE: Brennos had been busy, and had gathered many resources in order to undertake the conquest of Italy. This included the support of many Illyrian tribes and states, and when the expedition was broken and annihilated at the Rubicon it caused an already fractured region to descend into utter chaos.
Alexander found several of the Hellenised cities and states of Illyria beseeching him for support amid the bloody wars that had erupted, prominent among them being the Kingdom of Daorson. Some of the best fish had already willingly placed themselves in his net. Alexander Leonnatid graciously received the embassies, and signed treaties of alliance. Several of the states agreed to pay regular tribute to Alexander in return for the alliance, and new wealth began to invigorate the Epirote state. It acquired a taste for more, and now they had a foot in the door. So when his allies began to complain about the activities of the Enkhelei and the Cavii in 272 BCE, Epirus was more than eager to assist.
Epirus' military was not huge by any means. But as a Macedonian of long-service, Leonnatus had made sure that its army was well trained and armed; Epirotes armed with pike and trained in the phalanx style of warfare were the backbone of the army, supported by Thessalian cavalry hired at great expense and highly experienced irregular warriors from Epirus itself, Illyria and Thrace. In addition to all this, 2000 Hellenic mercenaries were bought for the expedition into Illyria. Alexander began his quest to emulate his famous namesake. After the Cavii and Enkhelei were defeated in the field, it became clear that the expedition was seeking more; colonies were settled with Hellenes and Epirotes, and more tribes to the north of Epirus found themselves displaced, defeated or even destroyed completely. After three campaigns, Alexander's conquest was completed in 268 BCE, though he didn't know it at time. With the inclusion of the vassal states now surrounded by Epirote territory, he had practically doubled the size of Epirus.
Drunk on glory and plunder, he attempted another campaign in 259 BCE, but resistance had stiffened in the face of a sudden new threat and he was killed by a javelin wound that became infected. It was left to his son Parmenion to lead Epirus further, a task to which he was well suited. He was a credible, practical and rational man. Though he had a fiery temper when pushed, he was upright and fair if somewhat cold. He easily saw off a challenge for the throne from his brother Agelas, the first of several Leonnatid dynastic disputes, and in an act of mercy spared his brother's wife and children. Over his reign, several of the tributary states suffered succession crises, or rebellion's; in each case he was able to increase Epirote control by marriage, the choice of credible pro-Epirote leaders, and in a few cases outright conquest.
The Illyrians had not been idle in this lull; they had recognised that an aggressive, powerful state had suddenly awoken to their south and had formed a great confederation in response. With the union of their forces they felt confident enough to begin raiding Daorson and other Epirote allies, followed by the Epirote coast itself. This was a situation no monarch could have tolerated, and Parmenion quickly responded by gathering his forces. He first moved north, to war against the tribes on Epirus' new northern frontier. He was merciful to innocents and surviving royalty, but this was not purposeless or simply an act of morality; he sought to divide the confederation by planting suspicion that some Illyrians were co-operating with him. However, he was unable to defeat the Confederation in battle; three campaigns were launched, and three campaigns failed.
Parmenion then added a new player to the equation; in return for giving up his claims to the territory lost to Aetolians when it was kingless, he gained assistance from the Hellenic League. Chiefly, he gained assistance from their navy, still one of the most powerful in the Mediterranean. The raiders were caught and slaughtered by squadrons of Athenian and Corinthian warships. This reverse managed to cause the Confederation to break asunder amid claims of poor leadership and acrimonious bickering. Parmenion saw his chance to break the power of the Dalmati Illyrians, and launched his last campaign to the north. He broke their power in battle, and occupied a large sway of coastline; he restrained from actually occupying the mountainous parts of Illyria, as he felt them indefensible. He populated this new conquests with Hellenes, in exchange for the right to trade and dock freely in Epirus for Hellenic League cities.
Epirus may still have been the vassal of the Argeads, but it was no longer an obscure backwater. The rest of Parmenion's reign was spent increasing Epirus' ties to other states, and in investing huge amounts of labour and coinage into the construction of sophisticated infrastructure and a modern navy. Part of Epirus' wealth came from its religious sites, but it had also experienced a windfall when Daorson came under its direct control; Daorson had been immensely wealthy, able to survive amid much more militaristic Illyrian tribes because of its financial influence. Now its treasury and influence was under Epirote control. The Adriatic was increasingly becoming an Epirote lake.
Parmenion died in 242 BCE, amid plans to intervene in the First Punic War. His son, Alexander II, was a rather less honourable figure than his father. There was no land to be gained from intervening against Carthage, and Alexander was prideful; he needed to prove himself in battle. Thus Epirus' interests were once again turned north, to the remaining Dalmati Illyrians. Many of their formers allies had since migrated towards the territory of the Pannoni, and their numbers had not yet recovered from the last war; in the end the conquest was easy, and much of the former Dalmati territory was then directly incorporated into the Epirote state in 237 BCE.
But what Alexander had gained in territory he lost in esteem; the Argeads and Hellenes deeply resented the Epirote king ignoring their fight against Carthage for the pursuit of a war against practically defenceless barbarians. The friendly working relationship Parmenion had built up with the Hellenic League was practically destroyed overnight, and Epirus' image as a loyal vassal of the Argead Empire was severely eroded. Even the amiable Phillip IV considered deposing Alexander and integrating Epirus into Macedon. Though it was not obvious to most Epirotes their state was perilously close to disappearing into the ether.
Fortunately for Epirus and for the diplomatic balance of the Mediterranean, Alexander mellowed as he grew older; many historians posit the cause as the early death of his firstborn son, which suits their narrative of hubris. Whatever the reason, relations were repaired with the Hellenic League. This was achieved by awarding Hellenic League leaders unprecedented access to the Oracle at Dodona, and by a humbling pilgramage to the Necromanteion in view of witnesses. Alexander also attempted to integrate the Illyrians in the Epirote realms, training some in phalanx warfare. He then succeeded in repairing much of the damage he himself had caused. And it was in this state that Epirus confronted the political chaos that engulfed the Mediterranean in 227 BCE. Alexander was one of the main backers of the man who became Alexander VI of the Argead Empire upon the end of the civil war, earning Epirus great stock with the new Emperor. More pressingly for Epirus, the Hellenic League was practically disintegrating at the very time that Carthage was launching a full scale assault on the Roman Republic. The entire international system of the Mediterranean seemed as though it was about to collapse.
At a time where the Argead Empire and Hellenic League were both in turmoil, Epirus and its armies were the only ally that Rome could rely on; Alexander personally led an army to Sicily in 223 BCE, in time to rescue Syrakuse from its two year siege. Alexander, in combination with the Syrakusans and Romans, managed to drive the Carthaginians from Sicily completely over a long ten year campaign. Returning home, Alexander died with the conflict still rumbling on. The Hellenic League reformed itself as the League of Persian Remembrance in 212 BCE, and thus Agathon came to the throne in a much more stable situation. But Hannibal's campaigns in Italy continued to disrupt the Romans, and Agathon believed the Romans to be crucial to the future of the Mediterranean. In a truly audacious move, he landed on Italy's east coast with a highly mobile cavalry force and began cutting off the overland supply route between occupied Italy and Spain. Between Agathon's campaign, and the Argead Empire finally intervening, the long war finally began to turn in Rome's favour.
When peace was signed in 206 BCE, the situation in the Mediterranean was now quite different; the Carthaginians were almost completely broken when only two decades earlier they had been the only power capable of rivalling the Argead hegemony. Instead, the Romans were now the most powerful state in Europe, having gained control of Corsica, the remaining Carthaginian strongholds in Sicily and the eastern coast of Spain . Epirus found itself well connected in the new order, and so Agathon might have felt himself secure. Taken in isolation, the 3rd century bestowed almost nothing but good fortune and prestige upon Epirus; its territory more than doubled, and with no unfriendly states in any position to threaten it. It's a fascinating case of demonstrating how quickly a polity of modest means can exceed expectations. If only Agathon had known what the 2nd Century BCE had in store.
The latter part of the 4th Century BCE had not been kind to Epirus. Not only had it been dragged into Macedon's series of civil wars, it eventually ended up with the rightful heir exiled never to return. Epirus became kingless, and was essentially an extension of the Macedonian state. This was not to last however, as Epirus received a second wind in the form of Leonnatus and his wife Kleopatra. Through Kleopatra, the Macedonia general had a claim to the throne, and the tripartite peoples of Epirus were eager to be led again. Receiving the support of first Ptolemy Soter, then the restabilised Argead Empire, Leonnatus had found friends everywhere. By 283 BCE, not only had the Epirote state re-emerged but it was positively thriving. The oracle at Dodona and the city around it were splendidly restored. But this prosperity came at a price; Epirus was now tied to the Argead Empire at the hip.
Epirus, though now rich and in possession of important Hellenic religious sites, was still obscure and had no international clout. The winds of change were about to change that, on the hurricane that was Brennos and his hordes in 279 BCE. When confronted with this menace, the aging Leonnatus stepped up to the challenge, and in alliance with the Argeads and Macedonians defended the Hellenic world against destruction. Though the conflict was to be the end of Leonnatus, the important contribution of Epirotes in the eventual victory did not escape notice. Expansionist yearning grew in the younger Epirote generation, who found support in Leonnatus' son and heir Alexander. The problem was that there seemed to be nowhere to expand to; Macedon was now back in the welcoming bosom of the Argead Emperor, and the Hellenic League to the south was under its protection. Similarly, Thessaly was neutral ground and off-limits.
The relationship between Illyria and Epirus had always been mixed; the Hellenised south Illyrians had often been friendly towards them but the Celtic-aligned Illyrians were generally hostile, and often raided the Epirote coastline. But the conquest of such a huge area of land had been unthinkable as Epirus simply lacked the resources to do so. But that was to change in 274 BCE: Brennos had been busy, and had gathered many resources in order to undertake the conquest of Italy. This included the support of many Illyrian tribes and states, and when the expedition was broken and annihilated at the Rubicon it caused an already fractured region to descend into utter chaos.
Alexander found several of the Hellenised cities and states of Illyria beseeching him for support amid the bloody wars that had erupted, prominent among them being the Kingdom of Daorson. Some of the best fish had already willingly placed themselves in his net. Alexander Leonnatid graciously received the embassies, and signed treaties of alliance. Several of the states agreed to pay regular tribute to Alexander in return for the alliance, and new wealth began to invigorate the Epirote state. It acquired a taste for more, and now they had a foot in the door. So when his allies began to complain about the activities of the Enkhelei and the Cavii in 272 BCE, Epirus was more than eager to assist.
Epirus' military was not huge by any means. But as a Macedonian of long-service, Leonnatus had made sure that its army was well trained and armed; Epirotes armed with pike and trained in the phalanx style of warfare were the backbone of the army, supported by Thessalian cavalry hired at great expense and highly experienced irregular warriors from Epirus itself, Illyria and Thrace. In addition to all this, 2000 Hellenic mercenaries were bought for the expedition into Illyria. Alexander began his quest to emulate his famous namesake. After the Cavii and Enkhelei were defeated in the field, it became clear that the expedition was seeking more; colonies were settled with Hellenes and Epirotes, and more tribes to the north of Epirus found themselves displaced, defeated or even destroyed completely. After three campaigns, Alexander's conquest was completed in 268 BCE, though he didn't know it at time. With the inclusion of the vassal states now surrounded by Epirote territory, he had practically doubled the size of Epirus.
Drunk on glory and plunder, he attempted another campaign in 259 BCE, but resistance had stiffened in the face of a sudden new threat and he was killed by a javelin wound that became infected. It was left to his son Parmenion to lead Epirus further, a task to which he was well suited. He was a credible, practical and rational man. Though he had a fiery temper when pushed, he was upright and fair if somewhat cold. He easily saw off a challenge for the throne from his brother Agelas, the first of several Leonnatid dynastic disputes, and in an act of mercy spared his brother's wife and children. Over his reign, several of the tributary states suffered succession crises, or rebellion's; in each case he was able to increase Epirote control by marriage, the choice of credible pro-Epirote leaders, and in a few cases outright conquest.
The Illyrians had not been idle in this lull; they had recognised that an aggressive, powerful state had suddenly awoken to their south and had formed a great confederation in response. With the union of their forces they felt confident enough to begin raiding Daorson and other Epirote allies, followed by the Epirote coast itself. This was a situation no monarch could have tolerated, and Parmenion quickly responded by gathering his forces. He first moved north, to war against the tribes on Epirus' new northern frontier. He was merciful to innocents and surviving royalty, but this was not purposeless or simply an act of morality; he sought to divide the confederation by planting suspicion that some Illyrians were co-operating with him. However, he was unable to defeat the Confederation in battle; three campaigns were launched, and three campaigns failed.
Parmenion then added a new player to the equation; in return for giving up his claims to the territory lost to Aetolians when it was kingless, he gained assistance from the Hellenic League. Chiefly, he gained assistance from their navy, still one of the most powerful in the Mediterranean. The raiders were caught and slaughtered by squadrons of Athenian and Corinthian warships. This reverse managed to cause the Confederation to break asunder amid claims of poor leadership and acrimonious bickering. Parmenion saw his chance to break the power of the Dalmati Illyrians, and launched his last campaign to the north. He broke their power in battle, and occupied a large sway of coastline; he restrained from actually occupying the mountainous parts of Illyria, as he felt them indefensible. He populated this new conquests with Hellenes, in exchange for the right to trade and dock freely in Epirus for Hellenic League cities.
Epirus may still have been the vassal of the Argeads, but it was no longer an obscure backwater. The rest of Parmenion's reign was spent increasing Epirus' ties to other states, and in investing huge amounts of labour and coinage into the construction of sophisticated infrastructure and a modern navy. Part of Epirus' wealth came from its religious sites, but it had also experienced a windfall when Daorson came under its direct control; Daorson had been immensely wealthy, able to survive amid much more militaristic Illyrian tribes because of its financial influence. Now its treasury and influence was under Epirote control. The Adriatic was increasingly becoming an Epirote lake.
Parmenion died in 242 BCE, amid plans to intervene in the First Punic War. His son, Alexander II, was a rather less honourable figure than his father. There was no land to be gained from intervening against Carthage, and Alexander was prideful; he needed to prove himself in battle. Thus Epirus' interests were once again turned north, to the remaining Dalmati Illyrians. Many of their formers allies had since migrated towards the territory of the Pannoni, and their numbers had not yet recovered from the last war; in the end the conquest was easy, and much of the former Dalmati territory was then directly incorporated into the Epirote state in 237 BCE.
But what Alexander had gained in territory he lost in esteem; the Argeads and Hellenes deeply resented the Epirote king ignoring their fight against Carthage for the pursuit of a war against practically defenceless barbarians. The friendly working relationship Parmenion had built up with the Hellenic League was practically destroyed overnight, and Epirus' image as a loyal vassal of the Argead Empire was severely eroded. Even the amiable Phillip IV considered deposing Alexander and integrating Epirus into Macedon. Though it was not obvious to most Epirotes their state was perilously close to disappearing into the ether.
Fortunately for Epirus and for the diplomatic balance of the Mediterranean, Alexander mellowed as he grew older; many historians posit the cause as the early death of his firstborn son, which suits their narrative of hubris. Whatever the reason, relations were repaired with the Hellenic League. This was achieved by awarding Hellenic League leaders unprecedented access to the Oracle at Dodona, and by a humbling pilgramage to the Necromanteion in view of witnesses. Alexander also attempted to integrate the Illyrians in the Epirote realms, training some in phalanx warfare. He then succeeded in repairing much of the damage he himself had caused. And it was in this state that Epirus confronted the political chaos that engulfed the Mediterranean in 227 BCE. Alexander was one of the main backers of the man who became Alexander VI of the Argead Empire upon the end of the civil war, earning Epirus great stock with the new Emperor. More pressingly for Epirus, the Hellenic League was practically disintegrating at the very time that Carthage was launching a full scale assault on the Roman Republic. The entire international system of the Mediterranean seemed as though it was about to collapse.
At a time where the Argead Empire and Hellenic League were both in turmoil, Epirus and its armies were the only ally that Rome could rely on; Alexander personally led an army to Sicily in 223 BCE, in time to rescue Syrakuse from its two year siege. Alexander, in combination with the Syrakusans and Romans, managed to drive the Carthaginians from Sicily completely over a long ten year campaign. Returning home, Alexander died with the conflict still rumbling on. The Hellenic League reformed itself as the League of Persian Remembrance in 212 BCE, and thus Agathon came to the throne in a much more stable situation. But Hannibal's campaigns in Italy continued to disrupt the Romans, and Agathon believed the Romans to be crucial to the future of the Mediterranean. In a truly audacious move, he landed on Italy's east coast with a highly mobile cavalry force and began cutting off the overland supply route between occupied Italy and Spain. Between Agathon's campaign, and the Argead Empire finally intervening, the long war finally began to turn in Rome's favour.
When peace was signed in 206 BCE, the situation in the Mediterranean was now quite different; the Carthaginians were almost completely broken when only two decades earlier they had been the only power capable of rivalling the Argead hegemony. Instead, the Romans were now the most powerful state in Europe, having gained control of Corsica, the remaining Carthaginian strongholds in Sicily and the eastern coast of Spain . Epirus found itself well connected in the new order, and so Agathon might have felt himself secure. Taken in isolation, the 3rd century bestowed almost nothing but good fortune and prestige upon Epirus; its territory more than doubled, and with no unfriendly states in any position to threaten it. It's a fascinating case of demonstrating how quickly a polity of modest means can exceed expectations. If only Agathon had known what the 2nd Century BCE had in store.
Summary of 240 BCE
The State of the World in 240 BCE
The Argead Empire
Symbol: The 'Vergina Sun', winged, on a background of purple.
Leadership: The Argead Empire is currently ruled directly by the Emperor, with his heir acting as a deputy under the title Crown Prince. Authority for subdivisions in the Empire rests in the hand of satraps, of which there are around fifty: the one area exempt from the satrapal system is Macedon, which has a viceroy. Generals are usually taken from the ranks of the royal family or from aristocratic Macedonian families, but can sometimes originate from other aristocratic groups within the Empire.
Capital: Babylon is the capital of the Empire in most respects, but several other cities are large enough to support the Imperial bureaucracy and ultimately the capital is wherever the Emperor is currently located.
Armed Forces: The standing Imperial Army is currently around 150,000 men: the majority of this is composed of Macedonians, Persians, Arameans and Babylonians. This is in addition to garrison forces in the Empire. When required, many groups in the Empire can be levied for troops; in essence, the forces available to an Argead Emperor in this period are equal to that of the Achaemenids plus the additional manpower provided by Macedon.
Languages: Currently, the emerging Koine (common) Greek dialect is the lingua franca for much of the dealings of the Empire, with Aramaic as a close second. Macedonian, Persian and Elamite are considered prestige languages, along with Akkadian to a degree.
Economy: The majority of the population remain agricultural in this period, whilst the urbanisation of the Empire continues. There are signs of something a little more large-scale, with the use of extremely large-scale extraction sites for gold, silver, and lapis lazuli. Lapis Lazuli is valuable in particular as the Argeads have a complete monopoly on it; the world's only source is in Arachosia. They also have a near monopoly on Frankincense. The Empire's most important import continues to be grain to support its growing population, though this dependence is slowly decreasing over time as agricultural projects come to the fore.
Friends and Foes: The Empire currently enjoys a warm working relationship with Egypt, though calling the two states friends would be extremely hasty. Epirus enjoys high relations with the Empire and is using its comfortable position to great effect. The Hellenic League is under the protection of the Argeads, though their goals are only occasionally aligned. The Mauryan Empire remains an ally of the Argeads, the stability of both Empires guaranteeing the security of the other. The Bosporan states have recently joined the fold of Argead allies, essentially allowing the Argeads to dominate the Black Sea almost entirely. The Roman Republic is a firm ally of the Empire, and is central to the Empire's Mediterranean foreign policy in order to counter the threat of Carthage; even after the First Punic War the Carthaginians remain the state most capable of damaging the Argeads if left unchecked. The other major foe of the Argeads are the Saka, various tribes of which roam from OTL Ukraine to Kazakhstan; they continue to assault the Bactrian satrapies of the Empire on a regular basis, searching for weaknesses.
The Hellenic League
Symbol: Various, the symbol generally associated with the Hellenic League is the Greek character Eta. This is not an official symbol, rather a symbol associated with the current phase of panhellenism.
Leadership: The Hellenic Council consists of two representatives from each city in the alliance, no matter what their size. A new 'Hegemon' city for the League is chosen each year in rotational order, to prevent any one state attempting to commandeer the League. Individual cities have their own constitutions and systems of government; some strict oligarchies, some democracies, some between the two. What unites them is their belief in self governance and in panhellenism.
Capital: Difficult to define; the administrative functions of the member cities remain autonomous. But the site of Platea is used for meetings of the Hellenic Council, who decide upon foreign policy; it is felt that using any of the major Greek cities would unfairly imbalance the league. Major cities include Corinth, Athens, Sparta, Chalcis, and Elis.
Armed Forces: A full muster of the Hellenic League would probably produce around 60,000 troops, with around half of that still being hoplites. The rest would likely be more lightly armed and mobile troops armed with lances and javelins. The gravest threat to the League is that it is not capable of a full muster for more than a short period of time, and that the number of hoplites it can produce is shrinking and not growing. This is due to the decrease in size of the citizen bodies of many of their largest members, in particular Sparta.
Languages: Koine Greek has recently been co-opted by the League as an excellent unifying tool; previously the lingua franca had been Attic Greek. Major dialects in the league include Attic, Dorian, Aetolian, Thessalian and Achaean.
Economy: Slave-based workforces dominate the League still, with a new twist: the emergence of huge agricultural estates in the wake of prior destruction of the countryside has increased the demand for slaves and is thus distributing Hellenic coin all over European slave markets. This is also serving to concentrate wealth in the hands of even fewer landowners than before. The major cities are also still suffering from a demographic crisis, most especially Sparta.
Friends and Foes: The Hellenic League essentially function as independent vassals of the Argeads, which is resented but also affords the Hellenes the security to operate internationally. The Romans and Hellenes continue to mistrust one another, and have clashing interests in Sicily and Southern Italy. They enjoy a good relationship with Ptolemaic Egypt, due to their mutual hatred for Carthage. The Leaguers' relationship with the Italian and Sicilian Hellenes has been high ever since the end of the war with Rome in 274 BCE, though they are currently in disputes with Syracuse over the League's Sicilian colonies.
Ptolemaic Egypt
Symbol: Various, the imagery associated with Egypt is diverse and long-standing. Since the reign of Ptolemy III began in 250 BCE, the symbol associated with Ptolemaic armies has been the Eagle holding a Shem with a solar disk in the centre (the Shem being a circle of rope with no beginning or end, representing eternity). The creation of an official Alexander Cult has led to the use of images of Alexander, or the Greek character Alpha, being used quite frequently.
Leadership: The Ptolemaic Dynasty as Pharoahs, currently Ptolemy III.
Capital: Alexandria-by-Egypt, with the second city of the Kingdom being Alexandria-in-Arabia (on the site of OTL Aden).
Armed Forces: The standing army of Egypt numbers is perhaps 50,000 full time professional troops trained Macedonian style. Native levies and auxilaries can increase that number substantially, perhaps fourfold in an absolute emergency. Like the Argead Empire, the Egyptian state has the luxury of being rich enough to actually equip armies of this size without requiring private initiative.
Languages: Koine Greek was born in Egypt, with Alexandria in Egypt being one of the premier intellectual hubs of the world. Koine Greek and Egyptian are thus spoken by the majority of the population: Arabic is increasingly common, both due to its use as a trading language and the increasing use of Arabs in Ptolemaic armies.
Economy: The huge amount of foodstuffs produced from the fertile Nile are the breadbasket of half the Mediterranean, and of Arabia as well. What Frankincense the Argeads do not control, is controlled by the Ptolemies. They also control access to the Indian Ocean from the Mediterranean, a far more reliable trade route than the overland route through Argead territory.
Friends and Foes: The Ptolemies have been cautiously amicable with the Argead Empire for some time, and not worrying about their shared border has left the Ptolemies free to develop and expand. The Hellenic League has been grateful to Egypt ever since Ptolemy Soter helped in their liberation. The Ptolemies have almost as many contacts in the Mauryan Empire as the Argeads but have little interest in eastwards expansion. Their most implacable foes are the Carthaginians, especially after the recent Egyptian conquest of Leptis Magna in OTL Libya.
Epirus
Symbol: A red lion on a pale green background, or a simplistic black horse on green as an older symbol for Epirus.
Leadership: The Leonnatid Dynasty, currently represented by Alexander II Leonnatid. He is not the sole branch of government; in theory the King is only the arbiter of the original Epirote Federation and the Council of the Three Tribes is still a powerful body. But the success of the Leonnatids has left it meek, and unambitious.
Capital: Epidammnos, with Dodona and Daorson functioning as major regional centres.
Armed Forces: A full muster of Epirote forces would only number 20,000 men, but this is not taking into account the frequent use of Hellenes as mercenaries and various Illyrian levies. The Epirote state would be capable of matching the Hellenic League in a fair fight, if it came to it, but its pursuit of friendly relations with the Argead Empire has always been based around the fact that the Empire could crush Epirus underheel with ease if it wished to.
Languages: Epirote Greek remains in common usage, but Koine Greek is beginning to make inroads via diplomatic contacts with the rest of the Hellenistic world and foreign soldiers serving in the Epirote army. Celtic dialects are also widely spoken.
Economy: Epirus relies on its religious significance for much of its income; the Oracle at Dodona in particular is one of the most major oracles in the Mediterranean outside of Delphi. However, its recent acquisitions of Dalmati territory in OTL Dalmatia have left it in possession of some highly fertile soils. Much of Epirus' wealth is derived from plunder in fact, either from loot or from resources gained from tributary states caught in its wake.
Friends and Foes: Until recently, Epirus enjoyed a particularly healthy relationship with the Argead Empire and the Hellenic League, but the actions of its current monarch Alexander II have done much harm to relations with both; he has concentrated on further conquests in Illyria rather than aiding in the First Punic War. Epirus is still a firm ally of Rome, with the Illyrians and Celts as a shared set of enemies along with Carthage. Carthage is too distant, and Epirus still too obscure, to be a major foe at this point. But any state aligned to the Ptolemaic-Argead-Hellenic set of interests is bound to come to blows with Carthage sooner or later.
Carthage
Symbol: The imagery most associated with Carthage is the symbol of Tanit, the city's patron goddess: a crescent moon over a crude figure with lifted arms.
Leadership: Like the Romans, Carthage is ruled by a 'Senate', a council of elders. These elders are known as Suffets and share power with a popular assembly. In the event of a tied vote, the popular assembly is the deciding voice in the matter, and so the oligarch dominated government is occasionally thwarted by popular figures. Most recently this has been the case with the Barcid family; the mistrust of the Suffets for this family has been outweighed by the huge support the family have found in the popular assembly.
Armed Forces: For the time being, very few of Carthage's contingents are actually Phoenician descended. For centuries now they have preferred to use their vast wealth to assemble large mercenary armies, drawn from Africa, Spain and the Mediterranean islands. It is thus difficult to know how many men Carthage commands, but certainly enough to be a credible danger to even the Argead Empire. Their problem has been poor leadership and poor morale, problems that the Barcid family are seeking to fix.
Capital: Carthage, 'Qart-Hadast' in Phoenician. The city of Utica is also important in the Carthaginian Empire, still retaining many ancient rights of self governance. Most of the important cities in the Empire are also former Phoenician colonies that were conquered, and were not actually founded by Carthage.
Languages: The primary language of state the Carthaginian dialect of Phoenician; due to the polyglot nature of its armies, eastern Iberian is used as a lingua franca in many areas.
Economy: Until recently, Carthage dominated the most lucrative trade routes in the western Mediterranean. The loss of much of Sicily has therefore weakened Carthage's economic dominance, as has the loss of Sardinia and Malta, and the fertile coast around Leptis Magna. But Carthage still controls trade routes around the coast of Europe and West Africa, allowing it access to luxury goods found nowhere else in the Mediterranean, and it remains one of the richest states in the Mediterranean world.
Friends and Foes: The entire Hellenised world, with their puppet Rome, seem to be fixated upon breaking Carthage. For allies, Carthage can turn to several of the tribes of Spain, the Numidians and Mauretanians in Africa, and some Celtic tribes in the south of Gaul. But its entire foreign policy is based around defending itself from the Greek speaking world, and retaking its lost territory back from their former ally the city of Rome.
Roman Republic
Symbol: Variously, a golden eagle on red, the letters 'SQPR' meaning 'the Senate and People of Rome', and more recently a Raven on red. The last of these refers to Corvus, the martyr of the Rubicon. His stock as a symbol of the Roman people and its armies has been growing steadily in the decades since his death, helped by a pre-existing Celtic goddess. To the Gauls allied to Rome, Corvus was known as Catubodua - 'battle crow', and the Raven marked Gallic tribes allied to Rome.
Leadership: Annual magistrates run much of the Roman state, led by two Consuls. The confusing Roman constitution allows for democratic elections but with the weight of a person's vote being determined by their social status. The Roman Senate has acquired the majority of state functions, with its members carefully restricted by property assessment, though it competes with the Plebeian controlled Tribunes Populares. The Roman state is still in the process of allowing Plebeian families to compete equally with aristocratic Patrician families, and so the nature of the Roman state is beginning to change. Nonetheless, social status is almost everything to a Roman.
Capital: Rome, of course.
Armed Forces: In time of war, Rome will typically raise four legions of Romans, and four corresponding legions of its Italian allies, the 'Socii'. It is also able to count on levies of its Gallic and Veneti allies of late, as their numbers slowly recover from the Descent of Brennos. Should total war break out, Rome will simply send legion after legion at its enemies until they are broken, and in times of dire emergency the Roman state could possibly muster seven legions at a time. The Roman armies still exclude the poorest citizens, and differentiate equipment and battlefield roles by wealth and status.
Languages: Latin is becoming increasingly dominant throughout the Italian peninsula, but many Italian languages and dialects continue to be used. Greek is also widely spoken, as a language of status and also for diplomatic communication. The Gallic tribes allied to Rome have begun to Romanise, but they continue to speak in their own tongues as well.
Economy: Rome relies on slavery for labour almost as much as the Hellenes do. But their economy is even more agriculturally based due to the fertile soil of Italy. Wealth is beginning to concentrate in the hands of a new 'Senatorial' class emerging distinct from the Patricians. The Roman economy is beginning to rely on the slave trade and on expansion, which ties in with their well-ingrained paranoia. Perhaps the most key export of the Republic is its wine, which is beginning to be traded all over Europe.
Friends and Foes: Rome has found itself aligned with the Hellenes against the threat of Carthage, despite its natural tendency to dispute with the Italian Greeks and Syrakuse. This uneasy tension is balanced by the respect that the Argead Empire has shown its ally, along with the boons it has received. But Romans never like to bend the knee, and a growing anti-Argead movement may grow to sour Rome against its vassal-like status. They are suspicious of everyone more powerful than them, everyone they have to depend on, and any state weaker than them whose intentions are uncertain. In its quiet way, Rome is far more aggressive than Epirus ever could be.
The State of the World in 240 BCE
The Argead Empire
Symbol: The 'Vergina Sun', winged, on a background of purple.
Leadership: The Argead Empire is currently ruled directly by the Emperor, with his heir acting as a deputy under the title Crown Prince. Authority for subdivisions in the Empire rests in the hand of satraps, of which there are around fifty: the one area exempt from the satrapal system is Macedon, which has a viceroy. Generals are usually taken from the ranks of the royal family or from aristocratic Macedonian families, but can sometimes originate from other aristocratic groups within the Empire.
Capital: Babylon is the capital of the Empire in most respects, but several other cities are large enough to support the Imperial bureaucracy and ultimately the capital is wherever the Emperor is currently located.
Armed Forces: The standing Imperial Army is currently around 150,000 men: the majority of this is composed of Macedonians, Persians, Arameans and Babylonians. This is in addition to garrison forces in the Empire. When required, many groups in the Empire can be levied for troops; in essence, the forces available to an Argead Emperor in this period are equal to that of the Achaemenids plus the additional manpower provided by Macedon.
Languages: Currently, the emerging Koine (common) Greek dialect is the lingua franca for much of the dealings of the Empire, with Aramaic as a close second. Macedonian, Persian and Elamite are considered prestige languages, along with Akkadian to a degree.
Economy: The majority of the population remain agricultural in this period, whilst the urbanisation of the Empire continues. There are signs of something a little more large-scale, with the use of extremely large-scale extraction sites for gold, silver, and lapis lazuli. Lapis Lazuli is valuable in particular as the Argeads have a complete monopoly on it; the world's only source is in Arachosia. They also have a near monopoly on Frankincense. The Empire's most important import continues to be grain to support its growing population, though this dependence is slowly decreasing over time as agricultural projects come to the fore.
Friends and Foes: The Empire currently enjoys a warm working relationship with Egypt, though calling the two states friends would be extremely hasty. Epirus enjoys high relations with the Empire and is using its comfortable position to great effect. The Hellenic League is under the protection of the Argeads, though their goals are only occasionally aligned. The Mauryan Empire remains an ally of the Argeads, the stability of both Empires guaranteeing the security of the other. The Bosporan states have recently joined the fold of Argead allies, essentially allowing the Argeads to dominate the Black Sea almost entirely. The Roman Republic is a firm ally of the Empire, and is central to the Empire's Mediterranean foreign policy in order to counter the threat of Carthage; even after the First Punic War the Carthaginians remain the state most capable of damaging the Argeads if left unchecked. The other major foe of the Argeads are the Saka, various tribes of which roam from OTL Ukraine to Kazakhstan; they continue to assault the Bactrian satrapies of the Empire on a regular basis, searching for weaknesses.
The Hellenic League
Symbol: Various, the symbol generally associated with the Hellenic League is the Greek character Eta. This is not an official symbol, rather a symbol associated with the current phase of panhellenism.
Leadership: The Hellenic Council consists of two representatives from each city in the alliance, no matter what their size. A new 'Hegemon' city for the League is chosen each year in rotational order, to prevent any one state attempting to commandeer the League. Individual cities have their own constitutions and systems of government; some strict oligarchies, some democracies, some between the two. What unites them is their belief in self governance and in panhellenism.
Capital: Difficult to define; the administrative functions of the member cities remain autonomous. But the site of Platea is used for meetings of the Hellenic Council, who decide upon foreign policy; it is felt that using any of the major Greek cities would unfairly imbalance the league. Major cities include Corinth, Athens, Sparta, Chalcis, and Elis.
Armed Forces: A full muster of the Hellenic League would probably produce around 60,000 troops, with around half of that still being hoplites. The rest would likely be more lightly armed and mobile troops armed with lances and javelins. The gravest threat to the League is that it is not capable of a full muster for more than a short period of time, and that the number of hoplites it can produce is shrinking and not growing. This is due to the decrease in size of the citizen bodies of many of their largest members, in particular Sparta.
Languages: Koine Greek has recently been co-opted by the League as an excellent unifying tool; previously the lingua franca had been Attic Greek. Major dialects in the league include Attic, Dorian, Aetolian, Thessalian and Achaean.
Economy: Slave-based workforces dominate the League still, with a new twist: the emergence of huge agricultural estates in the wake of prior destruction of the countryside has increased the demand for slaves and is thus distributing Hellenic coin all over European slave markets. This is also serving to concentrate wealth in the hands of even fewer landowners than before. The major cities are also still suffering from a demographic crisis, most especially Sparta.
Friends and Foes: The Hellenic League essentially function as independent vassals of the Argeads, which is resented but also affords the Hellenes the security to operate internationally. The Romans and Hellenes continue to mistrust one another, and have clashing interests in Sicily and Southern Italy. They enjoy a good relationship with Ptolemaic Egypt, due to their mutual hatred for Carthage. The Leaguers' relationship with the Italian and Sicilian Hellenes has been high ever since the end of the war with Rome in 274 BCE, though they are currently in disputes with Syracuse over the League's Sicilian colonies.
Ptolemaic Egypt
Symbol: Various, the imagery associated with Egypt is diverse and long-standing. Since the reign of Ptolemy III began in 250 BCE, the symbol associated with Ptolemaic armies has been the Eagle holding a Shem with a solar disk in the centre (the Shem being a circle of rope with no beginning or end, representing eternity). The creation of an official Alexander Cult has led to the use of images of Alexander, or the Greek character Alpha, being used quite frequently.
Leadership: The Ptolemaic Dynasty as Pharoahs, currently Ptolemy III.
Capital: Alexandria-by-Egypt, with the second city of the Kingdom being Alexandria-in-Arabia (on the site of OTL Aden).
Armed Forces: The standing army of Egypt numbers is perhaps 50,000 full time professional troops trained Macedonian style. Native levies and auxilaries can increase that number substantially, perhaps fourfold in an absolute emergency. Like the Argead Empire, the Egyptian state has the luxury of being rich enough to actually equip armies of this size without requiring private initiative.
Languages: Koine Greek was born in Egypt, with Alexandria in Egypt being one of the premier intellectual hubs of the world. Koine Greek and Egyptian are thus spoken by the majority of the population: Arabic is increasingly common, both due to its use as a trading language and the increasing use of Arabs in Ptolemaic armies.
Economy: The huge amount of foodstuffs produced from the fertile Nile are the breadbasket of half the Mediterranean, and of Arabia as well. What Frankincense the Argeads do not control, is controlled by the Ptolemies. They also control access to the Indian Ocean from the Mediterranean, a far more reliable trade route than the overland route through Argead territory.
Friends and Foes: The Ptolemies have been cautiously amicable with the Argead Empire for some time, and not worrying about their shared border has left the Ptolemies free to develop and expand. The Hellenic League has been grateful to Egypt ever since Ptolemy Soter helped in their liberation. The Ptolemies have almost as many contacts in the Mauryan Empire as the Argeads but have little interest in eastwards expansion. Their most implacable foes are the Carthaginians, especially after the recent Egyptian conquest of Leptis Magna in OTL Libya.
Epirus
Symbol: A red lion on a pale green background, or a simplistic black horse on green as an older symbol for Epirus.
Leadership: The Leonnatid Dynasty, currently represented by Alexander II Leonnatid. He is not the sole branch of government; in theory the King is only the arbiter of the original Epirote Federation and the Council of the Three Tribes is still a powerful body. But the success of the Leonnatids has left it meek, and unambitious.
Capital: Epidammnos, with Dodona and Daorson functioning as major regional centres.
Armed Forces: A full muster of Epirote forces would only number 20,000 men, but this is not taking into account the frequent use of Hellenes as mercenaries and various Illyrian levies. The Epirote state would be capable of matching the Hellenic League in a fair fight, if it came to it, but its pursuit of friendly relations with the Argead Empire has always been based around the fact that the Empire could crush Epirus underheel with ease if it wished to.
Languages: Epirote Greek remains in common usage, but Koine Greek is beginning to make inroads via diplomatic contacts with the rest of the Hellenistic world and foreign soldiers serving in the Epirote army. Celtic dialects are also widely spoken.
Economy: Epirus relies on its religious significance for much of its income; the Oracle at Dodona in particular is one of the most major oracles in the Mediterranean outside of Delphi. However, its recent acquisitions of Dalmati territory in OTL Dalmatia have left it in possession of some highly fertile soils. Much of Epirus' wealth is derived from plunder in fact, either from loot or from resources gained from tributary states caught in its wake.
Friends and Foes: Until recently, Epirus enjoyed a particularly healthy relationship with the Argead Empire and the Hellenic League, but the actions of its current monarch Alexander II have done much harm to relations with both; he has concentrated on further conquests in Illyria rather than aiding in the First Punic War. Epirus is still a firm ally of Rome, with the Illyrians and Celts as a shared set of enemies along with Carthage. Carthage is too distant, and Epirus still too obscure, to be a major foe at this point. But any state aligned to the Ptolemaic-Argead-Hellenic set of interests is bound to come to blows with Carthage sooner or later.
Carthage
Symbol: The imagery most associated with Carthage is the symbol of Tanit, the city's patron goddess: a crescent moon over a crude figure with lifted arms.
Leadership: Like the Romans, Carthage is ruled by a 'Senate', a council of elders. These elders are known as Suffets and share power with a popular assembly. In the event of a tied vote, the popular assembly is the deciding voice in the matter, and so the oligarch dominated government is occasionally thwarted by popular figures. Most recently this has been the case with the Barcid family; the mistrust of the Suffets for this family has been outweighed by the huge support the family have found in the popular assembly.
Armed Forces: For the time being, very few of Carthage's contingents are actually Phoenician descended. For centuries now they have preferred to use their vast wealth to assemble large mercenary armies, drawn from Africa, Spain and the Mediterranean islands. It is thus difficult to know how many men Carthage commands, but certainly enough to be a credible danger to even the Argead Empire. Their problem has been poor leadership and poor morale, problems that the Barcid family are seeking to fix.
Capital: Carthage, 'Qart-Hadast' in Phoenician. The city of Utica is also important in the Carthaginian Empire, still retaining many ancient rights of self governance. Most of the important cities in the Empire are also former Phoenician colonies that were conquered, and were not actually founded by Carthage.
Languages: The primary language of state the Carthaginian dialect of Phoenician; due to the polyglot nature of its armies, eastern Iberian is used as a lingua franca in many areas.
Economy: Until recently, Carthage dominated the most lucrative trade routes in the western Mediterranean. The loss of much of Sicily has therefore weakened Carthage's economic dominance, as has the loss of Sardinia and Malta, and the fertile coast around Leptis Magna. But Carthage still controls trade routes around the coast of Europe and West Africa, allowing it access to luxury goods found nowhere else in the Mediterranean, and it remains one of the richest states in the Mediterranean world.
Friends and Foes: The entire Hellenised world, with their puppet Rome, seem to be fixated upon breaking Carthage. For allies, Carthage can turn to several of the tribes of Spain, the Numidians and Mauretanians in Africa, and some Celtic tribes in the south of Gaul. But its entire foreign policy is based around defending itself from the Greek speaking world, and retaking its lost territory back from their former ally the city of Rome.
Roman Republic
Symbol: Variously, a golden eagle on red, the letters 'SQPR' meaning 'the Senate and People of Rome', and more recently a Raven on red. The last of these refers to Corvus, the martyr of the Rubicon. His stock as a symbol of the Roman people and its armies has been growing steadily in the decades since his death, helped by a pre-existing Celtic goddess. To the Gauls allied to Rome, Corvus was known as Catubodua - 'battle crow', and the Raven marked Gallic tribes allied to Rome.
Leadership: Annual magistrates run much of the Roman state, led by two Consuls. The confusing Roman constitution allows for democratic elections but with the weight of a person's vote being determined by their social status. The Roman Senate has acquired the majority of state functions, with its members carefully restricted by property assessment, though it competes with the Plebeian controlled Tribunes Populares. The Roman state is still in the process of allowing Plebeian families to compete equally with aristocratic Patrician families, and so the nature of the Roman state is beginning to change. Nonetheless, social status is almost everything to a Roman.
Capital: Rome, of course.
Armed Forces: In time of war, Rome will typically raise four legions of Romans, and four corresponding legions of its Italian allies, the 'Socii'. It is also able to count on levies of its Gallic and Veneti allies of late, as their numbers slowly recover from the Descent of Brennos. Should total war break out, Rome will simply send legion after legion at its enemies until they are broken, and in times of dire emergency the Roman state could possibly muster seven legions at a time. The Roman armies still exclude the poorest citizens, and differentiate equipment and battlefield roles by wealth and status.
Languages: Latin is becoming increasingly dominant throughout the Italian peninsula, but many Italian languages and dialects continue to be used. Greek is also widely spoken, as a language of status and also for diplomatic communication. The Gallic tribes allied to Rome have begun to Romanise, but they continue to speak in their own tongues as well.
Economy: Rome relies on slavery for labour almost as much as the Hellenes do. But their economy is even more agriculturally based due to the fertile soil of Italy. Wealth is beginning to concentrate in the hands of a new 'Senatorial' class emerging distinct from the Patricians. The Roman economy is beginning to rely on the slave trade and on expansion, which ties in with their well-ingrained paranoia. Perhaps the most key export of the Republic is its wine, which is beginning to be traded all over Europe.
Friends and Foes: Rome has found itself aligned with the Hellenes against the threat of Carthage, despite its natural tendency to dispute with the Italian Greeks and Syrakuse. This uneasy tension is balanced by the respect that the Argead Empire has shown its ally, along with the boons it has received. But Romans never like to bend the knee, and a growing anti-Argead movement may grow to sour Rome against its vassal-like status. They are suspicious of everyone more powerful than them, everyone they have to depend on, and any state weaker than them whose intentions are uncertain. In its quiet way, Rome is far more aggressive than Epirus ever could be.
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An Introduction to the Barcids
The city of Qart-Hadast had been founded by Phoenician colonists; the name translates as 'New City'. After gaining independence from Phoenicia around 650 BCE, their strength had waxed and they began to dominate trade in the Western Mediterranean. For centuries they fought against the Greeks for prime colonial real estate one moment, and then co-operated with them the next. But while the territory that Qart-Hadast controlled grew, it had never been a highly militaristic state; few of their own citizens, or their fellow ex-Phoenician colonies of Utica Hadramentum and Kerkouane, actually served in their armies as soldiers. They had instead relied upon their wealth enabling them to command vast armies of mercenaries, from all across the Mediterranean. And most of their holdings were small and coastal, or were areas without a strong centralised state such as Corsica and Sardinia. Their true strength lied in their navy.
When the Argead Empire emerged, the Qarthadastim had been dismissive. But several decades later, not only had the Argead state become the most powerful Empire in the Mediterranean, but it was interfering with Qart-Hadast's sphere of influence; through their lack of concern, the Qarthadastim had earned the mistrust of their previous allies the Romans, and the Romans had turned to the Argeads for a new protector. Fearing that Argead dominance would turn the Romans hostile, they began to invest time and energy in further increases to the size of their navy. But it was not enough, the manpower and wealth of Alexander V was more than enough to match their own.
Nor had the Qarthadastim ignored the sudden rash of new Greek settlements on Sicily. But the Suffets of Qart-Hadast grew wary of disturbing the balance in the Mediterranean, and of challenging a far more militaristic state then they, and so the 250s BCE ended with no action taken. But a new political force was emerging; the Barcids were a family of energetic, driven and cunning individuals who advocated war against the Roman Republic, the Hellenic League and Syrakuse; the restlessness of the citizens of Qart-Hadast gave them a willing audience. And so the city became aggressive once more in the 240s BCE, threatening to invade and destroy the Greek settlements of Sicily once and for all. The Romans, Hellenes and Argeads called their bluff. Qart-Hadast did not blink.
The war ended in 243 BCE with mixed results for the Barcid family, led by Hamilcar; Hamilcar had fought with distinction in Sicily, preserving a rump area of the island for Qart-Hadast, but the war he had advocated had led to the loss of Sardinia, Melita, and most of Sicily. Equally pressing was the Ptolemaic advance up the African coast. The Suffets removed Hamilcar from positions of responsibility, but that very year a large scale revolt broke out among their mercenary armies. Hamilcar was restored to a leadership position, and broke the back of the revolt by a simple application of money. The mercenaries that would take gold for an answer were given the sword instead. He followed up immediately with a counter-attack on the Egyptians, and three years later they had been pushed back to Leptis Magna.
With the Barcid star once again rising, the Suffets saw no choice but to award him control over the Qarthadastim armies and overseas territories. And Hamilcar had a bold vision; his people already controlled part of the south of Spain, with its rich silver mines, a complete lack of Romans, and only a few token Hellenic settlements on the coast. In 237, he and his family then travelled to Iberia to begin their war of conquest. They moved first against the Lusitani on the west coast, identifying them as the strongest of the Iberian tribes. The war took four long years, for the Lusitani were loathe to acknowledge any hegemony. But at last they were put to the yoke of Qart-Hadast, and several other Iberian tribes bent the knee to Hamilcar then and there. After spending another year consolidating his forces, Hamilcar then assigned his son Hannibal and his son-in-law Hasdrubal the Fair their own armies; he was to continue moving north, towards the remaining Lusitani who continued to hold out, Hannibal was to move towards the territory of the Carpetani in central Iberia, and Hasdrubal was to move along the eastern coast.
Hasdrubal, being the most skilled diplomat of the three, had the easier time of it; he was able to gain control of the eastern coast up to Barkeno, before halting due to Roman displeasure. He founded colonies on the eastern coastline, at Melqart, Barkeno and Carthago Nova, acting as capitals for the new territory. His diplomacy brought the Turbolatae, Sedetani and Lacetani into the Qarthadastim sphere, and he had gained control of the entire eastern coast of Iberia up to the Pyrenees by 229 BCE.
Hannibal was operating in areas without any prior Qarthadastim presence, and found himself consistently faced with hostile tribes who outnumbered him. His main tactics consisted of luring the enemy into ambushes, and in using gold to buy the loyalty of any tribes willing to be bought. This resulted in slow, but steady progress. He was forced to halt in the heartlands of the Celtiberians however; in particular, the fighters of Numantia proved utterly implacable, and no amount of destruction or coin could persuade them to submit. Many historians seemed to feel that Hannibal grew to admire the Numantians, and thus signed a treaty of alliance recognising them as independent. This marked the limit of his conquests in central Iberia.
Hamilcar was facing enemies as skilled as himself in irregular warfare, and found many of his mercenaries growing angry with the lack of progress and the waiting game that he was playing. He brutally put down a mutiny, but this was not enough to quench the dissatisfaction of his men. But he then found an opportunity to strike, and hesitated not a moment to take it; the Battle of the Four Rivers ended in the collapse of the last remaining Lusitani army, albeit with the loss of many on Hamilcar's side. What mattered, however, was that the revolt was silenced and the greatest of the Iberian tribes had been utterly vanquished. Hamilcar had intended to invade the territory of the Callaeci on the north western coast, but an outbreak of disease among his army rendered that impossible.
By the time the three Barcids reassembled in 228 BCE, three quarters of Iberia was either under Qart-Hadast's direct control, in their pocket, or allies. They claimed to have conquered the entire peninsular, and for all intents and purposes they had. The Suffets of Qarthadastim announced the Iberian peninsular as being entirely the territory of their city, but anyone in Iberia knew full well that many tribes still refused to bend to their knee and that Carthaginian control was often flimsy at best. All things considered, the Barcids had achieved their task; a huge amount of new manpower and resources were now available to Qart-Hadast, enough perhaps to defeat Rome in a new war.
The city of Qart-Hadast had been founded by Phoenician colonists; the name translates as 'New City'. After gaining independence from Phoenicia around 650 BCE, their strength had waxed and they began to dominate trade in the Western Mediterranean. For centuries they fought against the Greeks for prime colonial real estate one moment, and then co-operated with them the next. But while the territory that Qart-Hadast controlled grew, it had never been a highly militaristic state; few of their own citizens, or their fellow ex-Phoenician colonies of Utica Hadramentum and Kerkouane, actually served in their armies as soldiers. They had instead relied upon their wealth enabling them to command vast armies of mercenaries, from all across the Mediterranean. And most of their holdings were small and coastal, or were areas without a strong centralised state such as Corsica and Sardinia. Their true strength lied in their navy.
When the Argead Empire emerged, the Qarthadastim had been dismissive. But several decades later, not only had the Argead state become the most powerful Empire in the Mediterranean, but it was interfering with Qart-Hadast's sphere of influence; through their lack of concern, the Qarthadastim had earned the mistrust of their previous allies the Romans, and the Romans had turned to the Argeads for a new protector. Fearing that Argead dominance would turn the Romans hostile, they began to invest time and energy in further increases to the size of their navy. But it was not enough, the manpower and wealth of Alexander V was more than enough to match their own.
Nor had the Qarthadastim ignored the sudden rash of new Greek settlements on Sicily. But the Suffets of Qart-Hadast grew wary of disturbing the balance in the Mediterranean, and of challenging a far more militaristic state then they, and so the 250s BCE ended with no action taken. But a new political force was emerging; the Barcids were a family of energetic, driven and cunning individuals who advocated war against the Roman Republic, the Hellenic League and Syrakuse; the restlessness of the citizens of Qart-Hadast gave them a willing audience. And so the city became aggressive once more in the 240s BCE, threatening to invade and destroy the Greek settlements of Sicily once and for all. The Romans, Hellenes and Argeads called their bluff. Qart-Hadast did not blink.
The war ended in 243 BCE with mixed results for the Barcid family, led by Hamilcar; Hamilcar had fought with distinction in Sicily, preserving a rump area of the island for Qart-Hadast, but the war he had advocated had led to the loss of Sardinia, Melita, and most of Sicily. Equally pressing was the Ptolemaic advance up the African coast. The Suffets removed Hamilcar from positions of responsibility, but that very year a large scale revolt broke out among their mercenary armies. Hamilcar was restored to a leadership position, and broke the back of the revolt by a simple application of money. The mercenaries that would take gold for an answer were given the sword instead. He followed up immediately with a counter-attack on the Egyptians, and three years later they had been pushed back to Leptis Magna.
With the Barcid star once again rising, the Suffets saw no choice but to award him control over the Qarthadastim armies and overseas territories. And Hamilcar had a bold vision; his people already controlled part of the south of Spain, with its rich silver mines, a complete lack of Romans, and only a few token Hellenic settlements on the coast. In 237, he and his family then travelled to Iberia to begin their war of conquest. They moved first against the Lusitani on the west coast, identifying them as the strongest of the Iberian tribes. The war took four long years, for the Lusitani were loathe to acknowledge any hegemony. But at last they were put to the yoke of Qart-Hadast, and several other Iberian tribes bent the knee to Hamilcar then and there. After spending another year consolidating his forces, Hamilcar then assigned his son Hannibal and his son-in-law Hasdrubal the Fair their own armies; he was to continue moving north, towards the remaining Lusitani who continued to hold out, Hannibal was to move towards the territory of the Carpetani in central Iberia, and Hasdrubal was to move along the eastern coast.
Hasdrubal, being the most skilled diplomat of the three, had the easier time of it; he was able to gain control of the eastern coast up to Barkeno, before halting due to Roman displeasure. He founded colonies on the eastern coastline, at Melqart, Barkeno and Carthago Nova, acting as capitals for the new territory. His diplomacy brought the Turbolatae, Sedetani and Lacetani into the Qarthadastim sphere, and he had gained control of the entire eastern coast of Iberia up to the Pyrenees by 229 BCE.
Hannibal was operating in areas without any prior Qarthadastim presence, and found himself consistently faced with hostile tribes who outnumbered him. His main tactics consisted of luring the enemy into ambushes, and in using gold to buy the loyalty of any tribes willing to be bought. This resulted in slow, but steady progress. He was forced to halt in the heartlands of the Celtiberians however; in particular, the fighters of Numantia proved utterly implacable, and no amount of destruction or coin could persuade them to submit. Many historians seemed to feel that Hannibal grew to admire the Numantians, and thus signed a treaty of alliance recognising them as independent. This marked the limit of his conquests in central Iberia.
Hamilcar was facing enemies as skilled as himself in irregular warfare, and found many of his mercenaries growing angry with the lack of progress and the waiting game that he was playing. He brutally put down a mutiny, but this was not enough to quench the dissatisfaction of his men. But he then found an opportunity to strike, and hesitated not a moment to take it; the Battle of the Four Rivers ended in the collapse of the last remaining Lusitani army, albeit with the loss of many on Hamilcar's side. What mattered, however, was that the revolt was silenced and the greatest of the Iberian tribes had been utterly vanquished. Hamilcar had intended to invade the territory of the Callaeci on the north western coast, but an outbreak of disease among his army rendered that impossible.
By the time the three Barcids reassembled in 228 BCE, three quarters of Iberia was either under Qart-Hadast's direct control, in their pocket, or allies. They claimed to have conquered the entire peninsular, and for all intents and purposes they had. The Suffets of Qarthadastim announced the Iberian peninsular as being entirely the territory of their city, but anyone in Iberia knew full well that many tribes still refused to bend to their knee and that Carthaginian control was often flimsy at best. All things considered, the Barcids had achieved their task; a huge amount of new manpower and resources were now available to Qart-Hadast, enough perhaps to defeat Rome in a new war.