"Our Struggle": What If Hitler Had Been a Communist?

Chapter XXV
"As an English general has very truly said, the German Army was 'stabbed in the back'."

~ Erich Ludendorff


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By early 1920 the militant German right were both emboldened and furious. It is arguable that in this environment something resembling the violence of the Kapp Putsch may have been inevitable but the extent of the emotion involved is somewhat called into question by how calculated the plot was.

Even prior to German defeat many on the right had been prone to conspiracy theories and paranoia aimed at particular groups. Jews, Communists, Social Democrats, and Women were only a few of the groups held in particular disregard for being either responsible for defeat or failing to bring about victory. The potency of this poisonous rage was only increased by the speedy growth of the ‘Stab in the Back’ myth, a lie spread partially by those who had asked for the armistice that had led to the end of the war and now wished to exploit the defeat to their advantage. Pinning the defeat and the subsequent humiliation at the hands of the victorious powers on those who now formed the Weimar coalition was the instigator for action those who already despised the republic needed.

At the head of this large but disorganised revolutionary movement were members of the old establishment, defeated and deposed in the First World War and now convinced that it was not their fault and that in the wake of Germany’s humiliation at Versailles the nation called to them to lead once again and destroy the failed democratic experiment. The Social Democratic government they had propped up the year before was now the enemy.

The Weimar coalition wasn’t blind to these stirrings of rebellion but much preferred to look the other way than inquire as to the loyalty of certain radical officers. Though many of the leading culprits weren’t particularly secretive in their actions, there was a paranoia that any potential conspiracy went far deeper than those the government could see, there was a fear that the highest levels of the Reichswehr might turn on the government if any action as to be interpreted as unjust interference in their affairs.

Versailles would ultimately be the instigator that would force the confrontation between Weimar and the Reichswehr known popularly as the Kapp Putsch. The treaty had demanded a German armed forces of no more than one hundred thousand men and the numerous Freikorps militia were in contravention of this diktat. Having crushed the communists they were to be demobilised and disbanded.

The first major unit to face demobilisation was the 2nd Marine Brigade under the leadership of Captain Hermann Ehrhardt, whose namesake has often been ascribed to the group. Ehrhardt was representative of the disdain held for the republic within the Freikorps and was determined to the turn the attempted demobilisation into a conflict that would lead to its demise. The brigade’s six thousand men were to occupy Berlin and install a new provisional government, to be initially headed by Wolfgang Kapp, a Prussian civil servant with roots to the far-right DNVP, the German National People’s Party.

The paranoia of many in the Weimar coalition would soon be proven correct, for Erhardt and Kapp had successfully gained the tacit support of much of the German right and indeed the Reichswehr though this support manifested itself largely in inaction and calls for dialogue with Kapp’s new provisional government. Unlike Mussolini’s march on Rome the following Summer, the German right were never fully willing to throw their support behind the reactionary coup.

It was a mistake they would later seek to remedy.


~ Bridging the Horseshoe, David Irons

---

As he heard the marching sounds outside Ernst couldn’t help but feel a queasy sense of déjà vu. Once again the government he served was being forced to flee the capital, barely more than a year since they had had to do so the last time. Back then it had been Communists who had set out to destroy the republic, people whose principles he could basically agree with despite total revulsion for their methods, now Germany faced a half-baked politician from East Prussia and a Freikorps colonel, a slightly comedic duo if they hadn’t had such support from those who helped to stop the Communists the last time.

The Freikorps outnumbered the Reichswehr and by all he had heard the Reichswehr were sympathetic to the aims of the coup, or at least willing to see how it played out. Most on the German right seemed to have a similar attitude. They were willing to see democracy die but were hesitant about dipping their hands in the blood only to end up accountable to those whose political power they had wished to take away. Kapp’s provisional government had promised that they were in fact the guardians of democracy, that they wished to prevent the Weimar coalition from becoming a dictatorship, he trusted them about as far as he could throw them. As he looked out at the street below he saw an armoured car drive by with a slogan hastily painted on.

“HANG THE NOVEMBER CRIMINALS”​

These were now people who could be reasoned with and now they were outside his flat.

Ernst had already resolved that he would have no part in the farcical provisional government set up by the reactionaries ad to his relief it seemed that most of the civil service remaining in Berlin had agreed. He had been lurking in his flat ever since, hopeful that the coup wouldn’t extend to the outer suburbs just yet.

That had been until there was a knock on the door and a large man in grey walked in without being beckoned. At that point Ernst just wanted to go home, even before he addressed him personally,

“Ernst Muller?”

“Yes?”

“By the order of the provisional government I am here to take you in for questioning.”

Despite his militaristic attire, the figure in front of Ernst certainly wasn’t in the Reichswehr. The German military might have changed since the end of the war but they still didn’t tend to have skulls on their helmets. It wasn’t just his uniform that seemed unprofessional, his entire manner seemed somewhat distracted and even in the awkward silence the soldier briefly looked behind his back. Ernst decided that this was a man whom it wasn’t best to disagree with despite the man’s nervousness. If something was going wrong then that could only be a good thing, and it was never wise to argue with an armed man in a hurry.

Ernst stared out at the city as he put on his suit, he had insisted that he be dressed in a businesslike manner if he was going to be interrogated, nothing seemed particularly different from when he had walked out at the start of the putsch. The Freikorps he had seen had been in high spirits when there were smoke plumes rising above the city and gunshots in the air, now all was quiet and this man seemed far more nervous, as Ernst accompanied his new friend out of the flat he hoped that the man’s disposition reflected on the entire situation. Outside there was a requisitioned taxi waiting for him, Ernst would have been pleased enough not to travel in the armoured car, but this was yet another hint that the reactionaries where causing the sort of disorder they claimed to be fighting against.

Ernst had been in cars before though the experience was hardly routine, he expected it was the same for many of his captors, whose eyes would widen with every pothole although they seemed to be anxious about more than just the mode of transport. It wasn’t long before he was proven right, as they drove the soldiers around him remained silent but the signs were obvious as the city came closer. Having previously only noticed that there were no fires of conflict, he now realised that there was no smoke coming from the large chimney’s either, the workers were out in droves and the Freikorps had given up trying to control the crowds. Over and over again he saw the banners of several different organisations with one common slogan,

“GENERAL STRIKE!”
---

The British General in question was actually asking Ludendorff if he thought Germany had been stabbed in the back but Erich wasn't going to let a little fact like that get in the way of a good conspiracy theory.
 

Deleted member 92121

Cool to see the Kapp Putsch! Not a very well know event in German History. People aways remember Hitler in 1923, but don't realize that the far right authoritarian factions in Germany were acting long before that. Also, Ludendorff really had a gift for being a asshole. I mean, being a mediocre pompous elitist general who sent countless people to their deaths in the war in pointless charges for no better reason than desire for "Prussian glory" was bad enough. Then not having the cajones to own his failures, and blaming everyone from Jews to Communists to liberals for the country's defeat. And to top it all of the asshole jumps in the Nazi bandwagon as soon as he has the chance. HOW do you manage such levels of assholeness without really trying!?!?!? But at least Wonder Woman will probably kick his ass in her movie so...that's something i guess.
 
While we're waiting for The Red to update with anticipation, let's spend that time working on this.

It's a TVTropes page for this timeline. About damn time we acquired one.
 

QueerSpear

Banned
I've finally read this- very good so far. You're a superb writer Red, and your description of art, politics and war are very captivating.

Will the Ruhr uprising occur or was it butterflied away?

Also I've edited the TVTropes which was severely lacking and vague.
 
I've finally read this- very good so far. You're a superb writer Red, and your description of art, politics and war are very captivating.

Will the Ruhr uprising occur or was it butterflied away?

Also I've edited the TVTropes which was severely lacking and vague.
Thank you, I am the most beginner of beginners in TVTropes, so this is why I asked for help.
 
You can send a message to the writer. The answer would be quite faster and the thread wouldn't be bumped, that is, moving up to the first page without any real content or reason to do so. It's against the rules, IIRC, so, be careful about doing that.
 
Sorry guys, delays due to the usual computer stuff I'm sure you're all tired of hearing about alongside the Easter holidays. Back in Scotland now after a lovely time in central and eastern Europe, I did manage to get some research done when I was away though...


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Chapter XXVI
"They were prisoners of their own leftism."

~ Gilbert Badia on the KPD


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Whilst Hitler continued to languish in prison as punishment for his actions, the party he would eventually come to lead had fallen into dire straits.

Despite earnest efforts to rebuild from the failed revolutions of 1919, the KPD found itself in a dreadful state as the news of the Kapp Putsch spread across the nation. As such it is possible to understand with the hesitancy of the party's right-wing dominated central committee whilst still recognising that their bungled and incompetent response ultimately lies in their own actions.

Paul Levi was a survivor of the Spartacist uprising that had led to the murder of the founders of the party, most notably Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. It appears that his experience of the doomed revolt in the capital had made him wary of further direct action in the short-term and through his allies in the KPD central committee he had worked to remove those he suspected of overly anarchic or violent positions from influence. Levi feared that any further spontaneous actions by the party would be met with no more popular support than they had the previous year and only leave the party weaker than it already was. He asserted that the restoration of relative calm that the provisional government's alliance with Freikorps had brought would endure for several years and argued that this lull would be time that the party could use to better organise itself and build their support amongst the proletariat and the trade unions in preparation for the next crisis.

It was a line which many in the party detested, and when Levi's timetable fell apart in the spring of 1920 he was left with few sympathisers, especially as he continued to call for inaction in the face of the Weimar coalition's calls for a general strike. Levi had nullified the KPD to such an extent that the centre-left was now taking more radical steps to oppose the reactionary coup, a failure on his part that would leave his future leadership of the party untenable. Most party members and supporters ignored his calls for waiting out the putsch and took part in the strikes and protests sponsored by the democratically elected government. Others took more radical steps, and rose up in arms once more in the largest revolutionary struggle the young republic had yet seen.

The heavy industry of the Ruhr was the nirvana of Marxist theory, a strong working class resided there with a proud identity, one that was detached from the KPD in Berlin. Worker's councils had arose in the Ruhr as in many other places but here they had been far more radically inclined. Even as it seemed that the revolutions of 1919 had been crushed the communist presence remained in the hands of the workers and the large numbers of former soldiers returning from the front to their old jobs. They were bitter but they had hope, and more importantly they had organisation and experience that neither the neither the Spartacists nor the Bavarian Soviet could call upon.

In the chaotic days following the news of the Kapp Putsch, armed workers had assembled in Hagen for what had been planned as a peaceful, if intimidating, protest against Kapp and in support of the general strike. Local communists had been quick to ignore the orders coming from Berlin and marched out alongside other workers in the display of strength.

It was not long, however, before news spread of an ongoing shootout in the city of Wetter.



~ Benito MacDiarmid, The KPD, From Protest to Power

---

"They let them out? They didn't even have to escape, they just let them out?!"

Colonel Hans von Seisser was already suffering from the stress of the last few days, he certainly didn't need more work to do. It had been his job for the entire morning to try and maintain order in Munich, all of Germany seemed to have become a powder keg and after the events of the previous spring he was not going to take any chances. The news delivered by his secretary was not liable to help the situation.

The always helpful guards at Stadelheim prison had been on the line, politely telling Hans that their problem had become his, that an unknown number of convicts had disappeared and were now likely walking the streets of Munich. It wasn't the first time in the last week that he felt his head was ready to cave in from undue pressure from the outside world.

The irony was that he actually had a great deal of time for the ideas that had been put forward by Kapp’s provisional government. Germany had become weak and unstable and those who had thrown together a constitution in Weimar were largely to blame. It was only their fault if the army had refused to be broken apart by such weaklings, and if Germany could have been delivered from them then all the better. After all, he had been forced to spend the previous spring in exile as the Communists had run amok, if Germany had a strong nationalist government like they had had during the war then he wouldn’t have to endure such nonsense again.

Except here he was, trying to work out how he would cope with the fact that the Freikorps who had saved Munich last spring were now responsible for his colossal headache. They had sworn allegiance to Kapp’s provisional government and had almost immediately begun jailing anyone they considered to be their political opponents. Now Kapp was gone, it was impossible to tell who exactly was in charge in Berlin and the former soldiers had sullenly gone back to their homes.

With the putsch brought to an end amidst a general strike it had seemed that those who were concerned about Stadelheim overflowing had been overly keen to make sure that everyone imprisoned without trial was released as quickly as possible before a mob of workers showed up at the door. As it turned out, there had been no repeat of the revolutionary violence, at least for now.

He wondered how long that would remain the case, as the secretary continued his report.

“He claims that the Freikorps marched in and threw people into cells without any proper registry and it created some confusion as to which communists were to be held, sir.”

“They didn’t keep any records?!”

“It seems that they were incomplete sir, given the confusion from last year…”

“We were supposed to prevent the chaos from last year from happening again! Not causing it!

The frustration was getting the better of Hans but he felt that he couldn’t help it any longer, the incompetence of his peers would ultimately reflect on himself. The workers who had gone on strike in Munich had not yet settled down and who knows how many dangerous would now lurk among them, spreading seeds of chaos and treachery wherever they wanted.

He held is head in his hands as he privately cursed everyone around him. Trying to find these people was not a task he was going to look forward to.

---

The woodcut is 'Man on a Plain' by Edvard Munch.

Thanks for everyone's patience. :)
 
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