It cannot be expected that workers who are under the influence of those Social Democratic the ideology of class collaboration with the bourgeoisie, which has been instilled in them for decades, will break with this ideology of their own accord, by the action of objective causes alone. No. It is our business, the business of Communists, to help them free themselves from the hold of reformist ideology.
~ Georgi Dimitrov,
Unity of the Working Class against Fascism
Rosa Luxemburg Platz, Berlin; April 1934
The ministerial car drove through Berlin’s streets faster than was really necessary, it was the way Chancellor Hitler preferred to travel now that he had grown accustomed to the ministerial car.
Willi Munzenberg, Minister for Economic Affairs and the car’s other passenger, would have rather continued to use public transport when moving to and fro between the Reichstag and Communist Party headquarters but he understood why two senior cabinet members might not be able to take a tram in the same way one might.
Today he was glad for the car however, the Chancellor’s current remarks weren’t fit for public consumption. Or his own for that matter.
“Reformists! Cowards! Pacifists! Idiots! We should have shot those bastards when we had the chance, now they will sacrifice the country for their arrogance. We find ourselves trapped in a coalition of treachery!”
Each curse the Chancellor made towards the United Front cabinet technically beholden to him was laced with more venom than the last. Hitler looked out into the streets of Berlin passing by the window, trying to maintain a sense of calm in the glowing sunlight of a dying, arduous day, until he started punching the door frame to the visual despair of the driver.
Munzenberg would have agreed that the cabinet meeting hadn’t gone particularly well, albeit not to that extent.
The events in France over the preceding months had provoked a war scare amongst many Germans. The response of the People’s Guard in the Rhineland and Saar Basin had been partially motivated by this and had largely been welcomed by the German people, but it hadn’t put minds at ease. Germany was now surrounded by overtly hostile powers and it seemed they might be conspiring to attack at any moment. The People’s Guard took this threat as seriously as the public and had issued a report regarding it to the cabinet. This had been the purpose of the day’s meeting, to consider a report which had made for grim reading.
The findings of the report stated that in spite of the progress made since the civil war, there was little chance of Germany withstanding a full blown French invasion. Even with the remilitarisation of the Rhineland and the occupation of the Saar Basin there was little chance of being able to hold off any large-scale offensive for long enough to offset the French advantages in airpower, armour and artillery. Although it was estimated German industry could allow the People’s Guard to match France in the long-term there was no chance of doing so immediately in such a scenario. If Italy and Poland were to attack alongside France it was estimated Germany would be overrun in a matter of weeks.
With the aim of resolving these issues the report had recommended the increased development of the current German-Soviet military cooperation up to and including a formal military alliance between the two countries. Alongside this it had called for remilitarisation to become a major focus of state economic planning in the future to bridge the gap between the People’s Guard and the reactionary powers surrounding it as quickly as possible. These were recommendations that the Chancellor approved of but his cabinet had been divided.
Alongside agreeing to the principle of one unified workers party, Hitler had sworn to President Zeigner that his cabinet would be representative of the equality between Communists and Social Democrats that made up the United Front, as it had been with Paul Levi. Although the proposals for a merger of the two parties continued to face difficulties in coming to fruition, Hitler had managed to organise a cabinet which would allow the two parties to govern as one without causing the leadership of the Social Democrats to bolt. The approaches the two parties made regarding the issues continued to diverge however and whilst the report had been alarming to them all, the recommendations had not gone down well with the Social Democratic members, or indeed some of the Communists who felt their leader had overstepped the mark in his endorsement.
Whilst the cabinet agreed on the principle of increased defence spending in certain areas and for greater cooperation with the Soviet Union, the idea of an alliance with Stalin was too much for some, as was prioritising the military in state planning. Furthermore, the way in which the People’s Guard was attempting to set economic and foreign policy drew comparisons to the way the Reichswehr had operated prior to the civil war. The entire meeting had devolved into a farce over the line between party and state and the interference of each. The question of how to get appropriate measures through the Reichstag hadn’t even been brought up when the cabinet itself was in revolt over them.
In regrouping to Karl Liebknecht Haus, Munzenberg could understand Hitler’s rage but that didn’t make him any more willing to be a party to it.
“They are miserable worms! But they will be made to suffer. They will answer to the German worker!” Rather than subject the doorframe to more punishment Hitler suddenly brought his hand to his mouth, suddenly deep in calculation.
“How many party members do we currently have?” He barked at Munzenberg, as if he were still party treasurer. Luckily he remained a man with a keen eye for numbers.
“It’s steady at over a million people if we include all composite organisations under the party.”
“And what truly is our level of interference in the state?”
“It’s more than the Social Democrats would like, if they knew the extent truly they likely would have made more of an issue of it than they have so far. It’s mostly passive however and those more active in actually building cells within said organisations are the sorts who are most hostile to the current German Workers Party proposals.”
“Forget that!” Hitler snapped.
“Well,” Munzenberg sighed, “the party wouldn’t be in a position to take power rather than merely exercise it if that is your meaning. And any hint of such to Zeigner may well ruin our relationship with one of the few SPD leaders we can actually count on.”
“Yes, Zeigner is a true comrade.” Hitler relented. His tone calmer than it was before but no less direct as he looked Munzenberg in the eyes.
“But how do we detach him from the traitors?”
“Knowing what we do about the President. I don’t think he would go in for any sort of attempt to separate him from his party, he is genuinely keen on us all being one big happy family remember. If we’re to deal with the Cabinet then it must not be unilateral.”
“But what if it were public?”
“I fear hashing out Cabinet differences in a public forum would only be of advantage to our enemies in the Reichstag. It could be enough to give Noske’s gang the ammunition they need to try and get rid of us.”
“But if the public were to know the details of the report and that there were some in the cabinet who resisted acting on it…”
Hitler was smiling now but Munzenberg could only shake his head.
“People are alarmed as things stand, the panic that would cause-”
“And the anger it would cause,” Hitler interrupted, “directed towards our enemies in the cabinet...”
“People won’t be able to see who's in the right and who’s in the wrong if they’re losing their heads!” Munzenberg exclaimed. “The way we are spending would make Keynes weep and the extent of remortgaging we have had to undertake is a financiers dream. If this were to get out there could be mass hysteria and then everything we have built could go up in flames. Hell, if I were the French that’s when I’d invade!”
Munzenberg hadn’t been able to control his outburst but now he expected another in response.
Hitler merely continued to smile however.
“Comrade Munzenberg, you seem to be forgetting. For we Communists chaos can be a gift. As long as it is given its proper regard.”
---
The painting is
The Wanderer by George Grosz