This looks interesting as while economics definitely will be long term issue that needs to be dealt with, are there any short term problems that need to be address and or opportunities to exploit?

I know the Basmachi are still trying to raid the central Asian republics, Ukraine is mostly under control with minor resistance.

Poland is definitely something we need to think of incorporating into our foreign policy Czechoslovakia, Lithuania and Germany all have disputes with them. Seems a decent bridge to build relations with our neighbors with addressing the common enemy.
 
Felix Dzerzhinsky is starting to look a bit worrisome. We appointed him to a really nasty job because he was the only one who voted against doing that job, so we kind of trusted him to do that job. It doesn't look like he'll die until 1926 after we've made a massive decision about who will end up coordinating the policies of the party (by 1923 at the latest), nor after we've started to fuc^Wwork on the Soviet Economy (1921, Lenin and Kronstadt picked that for us, reminds me of a movie with a set of stairs). In any case around 1926 Dzerzhinsky will probably need replacing. We trusted him in the job because he detested it, so it likely to have run it honestly and cleanly. Even though it is a job blacker than the night and darker than baby shoes never worn.
 
Chapter Two: General Secretary Alexei Rykov and Rykovism
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Voted in as the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, head of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), as well as the de facto leader of the Soviet Union, Alexei Rykov would begin an Era known in the Soviet Union as that of so called Rykovism. As part of the Council of People’s Commissars accompanied by Bukharin, Kamenev, Zinoview and in coalition with Molotov and Kalinin, as well as others, the future of the new, young Soviet Union had to be decided. His heavy taxation on Vodka later on would give the drink the nickname Rykovka inside the Soviet Union and abroad.

Some of the major decisions to undergo, were regarding the Ukraine and Central Asia, were Soviet control and influence was not yet total. Because of that the National delimitation in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics had to further specify the territorial national units and define them, as Soviet Socialist Republics (SSR), or Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics (ASSR), while also deciding if it was better to leave as many of them as smaller, more localized ethnic and religious regions of their own, or form bigger multi-nation regions (like the proposed Vostokslavia East Slavic Union Republic) to help with a new type of Soviet Union nation building and merging them into a more homogeneous Union over time. This was a response to the Question if Marxism was a National and International Question, in support of the Deceleration of Rights of the People of Russia by the Bolshevik Government and the idea to create a federated union of nationalities as a new form of government and nation state.

Then there was the question of the Trade-union debate, the dividing possibility if the Trade Unions should be tasked with being educational organizations and school administrations, control economic management and the spread of communism and it’s control over the means of production overall. It soon escalated into the question how much influence the CPSU itself should have in top-down control, or if the people should control it all from down to top. As a part of that the elected Soviets were meant to form a government structure, with committee and ministries aiding in the administration. Sme belied that the model of the NEP (new economic politics) market oriented/ NEPmen or NEPmani noubeau riches (new riches) of letting people make their own production and market decisions was right, others argued that would lead to injustice in form of capitalism again and that at least some form of state control and regulation should be ensured to keep the competition fair and just, to ensure economic benefits and a better standard of living for all. Some even hoped for foreign Capital investors, or the Soviet Union Jews to help them build up the new state, despite some seeing them as negative because they resembled capitalists in the eyes of many in the new regime.

Then there was the question how the still feudal, Soviet peasantry should be brought on pair with the overall industrial countries and nation states of Europe, many of which feared and rivaled the Soviet Union out of the sheer terror the Soviet Regime had brought to most of their monarchies thanks to the Execution of the Romanov family in Yekaterinburg. Logistics, infrastructure and urbanization were all in worse shape then before the Russian Civil War and internal powerful groups, like the Petrograd Soviets and the circle around Stalin still remained as potential dangers.

With grain being the most the Soviet Union at the moment had to offer foreign markets to finance their rebuilding, modernization and industrialization, but also needing it to feed it’s own population after the Russian Civil War, further questions arose how to balance this without creating more suffering for the Soviet people, or slow down their own attempts of rebuilding, modernization and industrialization alike.
 
Without revealing the specific choices I made, I'll say that I'm aiming for a more decentralized Soviet Union. The federal government definitely has a place in guiding the economy but at a certain point you've got to realize that local decisions are best handled by locals.
 
One problem with the decentralisation options is that it requires a "civil society" wherein different powers can contest. That's very threatening for a minority party with 99% new membership clinging to control over society by using institutions their own party training claims are hostile to the interest that party is meant to represent.

It does mean, however, that their are bodies in our society with aims opposed to those of the party and therefore the utmost development of class forces to position the proletariat to be capable of its own historical liberation internationally.*1 This continuing class struggle can expected to become yet stronger under government by a socialist party. As past classes contest our power and control of the commanding heights of finance banking, heavy industry and logistics, we can expect rural grains networks to attempt to recapitulate banking, urban bourgeois to seek new transport avenues. If we end up less than centralised this means that local party members will need to be fully equipped for class struggle as during the civil war. Which means a cook in every party headquarters and every oblast council.

I'm not seeing party agreement yet over the strength and organisation of workplace soviets. But I do have to remind people that an anti-party fraction developed during the counter-revolutionary events near the old capital. False sections of the working class misleading others can lead to the use of local soviets against the party in counterrevolutionary situations. Possibly with foreign intervention. Possibly even leading to an attack on the party's monopoly position as the producer of the correct historical line on working class and socialist development. We shot people over this last tuesday, and there were bolsheviks in those fake soviets too. If we're risking decentralisation like that, that means we need to be even more astute on consensus management and decision making across space. Even more than merely letting the bourgeois form of state government under proletarian control be coordinated by consensus. I mean I know most factories are broken and the old working class fled to the countryside to be able to eat, but…

I see that as an opportunity rather than a weakness. The problem is that there's a major powerhouse individual of consensus decision making on the outer at the moment, but still with access to telephones and telegraphs. Fellow party member's lives and criminal statuses are sacrosanct, so we couldn't go after him or his supporters. Have to out organise him. Obviously his opinions are wrong. But tendencies will form around incorrect opinions until the correct line is demonstrated.

yours,
Sam R.

1) OP: you have to raise this after the Shanghai Soviet fails. China will devour a significant portion of our party's time as we wait for Europe to once again be ready for revolution in this new age of Revolutions. The Great French Revolution was about 100 years ago, and it took 25 years, so we've got another 20 years of socialist uprisings expectable right? Right?
 
Clearly how to unify the people behind the party and new government will be a tricky job, as will being decisions like if (and how) the Chinese Soviets should be supported and supplied, or those in other regions, like the Bavarian, Hungarian ones who OTL were short lived, but showed potential of the hoped for world revolution.
 
Another factor besides revolutions is the insurgencies in Poland to consider. The USSR did and given the current timeline are still trying to back Belarussian insurgents against Poland, naturally as you can imagine led by the soviet officers such as Kirill Orlovskii through groups like the Communist Party of West Belarus from USSR and Lithuanian bases.

Now assuming we don't completely alienate the Ukrainians that is another source to use against Poland we might invest in.

That said I know the USSR needs to preserved first and while Poland is a hostile nation, the more we put pressure on it the greater risk of escalation and if destabilize it to much well then it will get swallowed in turn we will lose one of the main unifying concerns of the nations that forces them to cooperate with us against a common enemy.
 
Chapter Three: Challenges Ahead
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Inside the Soviet Union under Chairman Alexei Rykov a mix of multi-national unions and ethnic or religious nation states was created by combining related and closely related to one another, like the Rus SSR which would encompassed the Russian SSR, White Russian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR. At the time the new Soviet hierarchy, allowed Trade Unions, Committees and Councils form on their own to give them self-determination and more influence, while also trying to balance their power out with their local advisers and experts be overlooked by our own commissaries for traitors against the Revolution- To supply their need for modernization with modern machinery and instruction on how to use it, while also form commune unions and guide smaller groups so they are more efficient in competing with bigger ones without to direct state control and ownership. In their attempt to form the war-torn Soviet Union citizens with our grain first and stock some reserves for bad times, then sell the rest to finance our modernization and industrialization and other needs as we had few other successors to sell in large enough quantities to the outside world.

At the same time the new members of our party and the liberties we would allow the liberated masses, also posed the dangers of power gliding out of our hands, until another, more unified group would oust and oppose us like the Bolsheviks. New party members could therefore not be entrusted with positions of power in the new government, or military easily. Because of that those parts of our revolution, new government and overall society that hinders the Revolution and what it tried to archive in liberating the people of Russia and ultimately the world. To truly liberate our Proletariat on the inside, wee need not only to End our oppression from the aristocratic monarch of the Czar, but of those opposing out Class struggle by other means. Those contesting out party and power need to be stopped, so that banking could revitalize financing, infrastructure and logistics be repaired and expanded upon so the rural agricultural areas of the Soviet Union would not only get more efficient, but help us finance a modern, industrious society even better. Our system of elected representatives, advisers and commissaries looking over them should equip our party with the means to keep everyone under control and in line with our revolution.

The Soviet Councils, Trade Unions and other such groups would thereby strike a balance from bottom-up and top-down while keeping both sides in control. At the same time the Saint Petersburg 4th and 5th Petrograd Soviets, opposition in Siberia and Central Asia who are counter-revolutionary breeding grounds. While our society and the working class had to be liberated trough revolution, they now needed to be protected from, including counter revolutionary people and groups hiding in our midst. Because of them to much centralization is dangerous for the freedoms won by our revolution and to the support of some national soviet republics who are members of the Soviet Union, just like to few risks the national ethnic soviets breaking away for full autonomy. People need to be encouraged to work in the factories and rebuild them and our cities once the food supplies are guaranteed and secured once more in the farms.

Clearly we need to organize ourselves better then those enemies in our midst and outsmart them, show them as the criminal reactionaries they truly are. At the same time the French Revolution has once swept over Europe, but our Soviet Revolution has failed in Bavaria (Germany), Hungary, as well as other places. It would be wise to support the White Russian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR as an overall part of the Rus Upper Socialist Soviet Republic USSR/ VSSR to use the White Russian and Ukrainian ethnic irredentism in our struggle against the Polish in Eastern Poland with the need of their own local bases and socialist or communist parties to fall in line with those of the local White Russian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR. At the same time the Urkainians resist the most to the Ukrainian SSR with their own Ukrainian People’s Republic backed by the Whites, a resistance still felt to this day. The question now is how to approach this remaining internal and external threats and enemies, so the Soviet Union can be secured for good against all our rivals and enemies. Simultaneously many Finnish Reds wish to oust the Finnish Whites in Finland from Mannerheim, as well.
 
First and foremost it makes more sense to secure the homeground from all internal opposition and traitors. The Soviet Union at current state is simply too weak for spreading the Revolution abroad. Give it 10 to 15 years, when the Soviet state is supported by a powerful industry, army and ideology - only then we can look abroad for opportunities. Right now we have to rebuild and industrialize the USSR, reform the army, party, state - and do it all fast and everything must be done at the same time. Spreading revolution right now honestly is a dumb idea but what can you dear comrades expect from Trotsky and his followers?
 
First and foremost it makes more sense to secure the homeground from all internal opposition and traitors. The Soviet Union at current state is simply too weak for spreading the Revolution abroad. Give it 10 to 15 years, when the Soviet state is supported by a powerful industry, army and ideology - only then we can look abroad for opportunities. Right now we have to rebuild and industrialize the USSR, reform the army, party, state - and do it all fast and everything must be done at the same time. Spreading revolution right now honestly is a dumb idea but what can you dear comrades expect from Trotsky and his followers?
Indeed mainly Trotzky's Clique is in support of that, to keep the fire burning, so to speak ;D
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