OTL Election maps resources thread
- Thread starter Thande
- Start date
Alex Richards
Donor
I think, whatever else, @Erinthecute the CSU and Bayern Partei, and the CSU and independents are near indistinguishable from eachother using those colours.
As some of you might remember, I have had an ongoing battle to map out the 1990 and 1992 Czechoslovak elections. Recently, I had a breakthrough as both the Czech and Slovak Statistical offices got back to me with the data of the federal elections at the okres level, allowing me to finish the visual part of the map. There remains a problem, as they do not have online data of the seat distribution per constituency. And I have tried to reverse engineer the results based off the electoral system they used but I have not yet managed to obtain the exact same results that the official results say.
This is the Lower Chamber in 1990. The House of the People was formed by 150 members, assigned to each republic on the basis of population (101 MPs from Czechia, 49 from Slovakia in 1990). These were then subdivided according to the respective electoral constituencies (also used for republic and SN elections). The Czech Republic used a 3% threshold whereas Slovakia used a 5% one.
Bratislava was assigned 4 seats, West Slovakia had 16 seats, Central Slovakia had 15 seats and Eastern Slovakia had 14 ones. This does not mean they actually elected that many MPs, as leftover seats and votes (that did not reach the quota) passed to the second scrutiny where they'd be distributed.
And the upper chamber, the 'House of Nations'. The House of Nations was formed by 150 members, 75 for each federal republic. These were then subdivided according to the respective electoral constituencies (also used for republic and SL elections). The Czech Republic used a 3% threshold whereas Slovakia used a 5% one.
Bratislava was assigned 6 seats, West Slovakia had 25 seats, Central Slovakia had 23 seats and Eastern Slovakia had 21 ones. This does not mean they actually elected that many MPs, as leftover seats and votes (that did not reach the quota) passed to the second scrutiny where they'd be distributed.
@Petike this might be of interest to you.
This is the Lower Chamber in 1990. The House of the People was formed by 150 members, assigned to each republic on the basis of population (101 MPs from Czechia, 49 from Slovakia in 1990). These were then subdivided according to the respective electoral constituencies (also used for republic and SN elections). The Czech Republic used a 3% threshold whereas Slovakia used a 5% one.
Bratislava was assigned 4 seats, West Slovakia had 16 seats, Central Slovakia had 15 seats and Eastern Slovakia had 14 ones. This does not mean they actually elected that many MPs, as leftover seats and votes (that did not reach the quota) passed to the second scrutiny where they'd be distributed.
And the upper chamber, the 'House of Nations'. The House of Nations was formed by 150 members, 75 for each federal republic. These were then subdivided according to the respective electoral constituencies (also used for republic and SL elections). The Czech Republic used a 3% threshold whereas Slovakia used a 5% one.
Bratislava was assigned 6 seats, West Slovakia had 25 seats, Central Slovakia had 23 seats and Eastern Slovakia had 21 ones. This does not mean they actually elected that many MPs, as leftover seats and votes (that did not reach the quota) passed to the second scrutiny where they'd be distributed.
@Petike this might be of interest to you.
I have always made a map for the 2014 Belfast city council election and felt that it was not up to scratch. But here it is a now (Improved) version. Criticism is always welcome.
Very, he was the candidate who could be best described as a 'putin crony.' He got second place in the rest of the Russian regions. Zelensky is in general is more of a 'third way' type of guy: Speaks Russian but favors neither of Ukraine's big neighbors.
Also, candidate margin maps, from my Twitter as usual.
Here is a map of the 2016 Peruvian General Election. Credit goes to the creators of the VT-Bam, Q-Bam, and MicroWorlda for the base maps. Bonus points to you if you can find the one place where the color for Fernando Olivera was used.
I spot a tiny patch of lavender in a sea of yellows.
Yesterday, Andorra held her general election, the 8th since the 1993 constitution legalised political parties and reformed the electoral system and ended the medieval sindics model with a cap del govern elected by the Consell.
The governing Demòcrates d'Andorra (DA), a liberal-conservative party created shortly after the 2009 election through the merger of the parties inside the Reformist Coalition has lost its absolute majority, partly thanks to the coalition at the district level between the Social Democratic Party (PS) and the Liberal Party (PLA), known as 'd'Acord' ('in agreement'). The PLA is a founding member of Demòcrates that later split off re-creating the PLA brand, whereas the PS is one of the oldest parties in Andorra (dating all the way back to late 1990s) and well, its ideology is straightforward.
The other parties are Tercera Via (Third Way), a coalition of the regionalist UL (they want autonomy for the parish of Sant Julià de Lòria) and small Christian democratic parties and Ciutadans Compromesos (CC, Committed Citizens), a small centrist party that only ran in the parish of La Massan where they have been governing since 2015.
Andorra has an unusual electoral system, an odd mix of tradition and modernity. It is a non-compensatory mixed system where each municipality (known as parròquia, lit. parish) elects two deputies regardless of their population (a legacy of the pre-1970s system where each parished elected 4 members regardless of the population), with the two seats being allocated to the most voted list. Then there's a 14-seat national constituency elected via PR with the D'Hont quota and no threshold (in practice, the mathematical threshold is around 7,14% of the vote).
This has usually created a great benefit for the largest party as they gain a large number of seats from the majoritarian side of the electoral system. Hence the importance of 'd'Acord'.
The governing Demòcrates d'Andorra (DA), a liberal-conservative party created shortly after the 2009 election through the merger of the parties inside the Reformist Coalition has lost its absolute majority, partly thanks to the coalition at the district level between the Social Democratic Party (PS) and the Liberal Party (PLA), known as 'd'Acord' ('in agreement'). The PLA is a founding member of Demòcrates that later split off re-creating the PLA brand, whereas the PS is one of the oldest parties in Andorra (dating all the way back to late 1990s) and well, its ideology is straightforward.
The other parties are Tercera Via (Third Way), a coalition of the regionalist UL (they want autonomy for the parish of Sant Julià de Lòria) and small Christian democratic parties and Ciutadans Compromesos (CC, Committed Citizens), a small centrist party that only ran in the parish of La Massan where they have been governing since 2015.
Andorra has an unusual electoral system, an odd mix of tradition and modernity. It is a non-compensatory mixed system where each municipality (known as parròquia, lit. parish) elects two deputies regardless of their population (a legacy of the pre-1970s system where each parished elected 4 members regardless of the population), with the two seats being allocated to the most voted list. Then there's a 14-seat national constituency elected via PR with the D'Hont quota and no threshold (in practice, the mathematical threshold is around 7,14% of the vote).
This has usually created a great benefit for the largest party as they gain a large number of seats from the majoritarian side of the electoral system. Hence the importance of 'd'Acord'.
Last edited:
Alex Richards
Donor
I'm guessing Kuczinsky was consistently second to beat Mendoza to the second round despite the latter's lead in all those municipalities.
He did win large parts of Lima (which accounts for somewhere between a third and a fourth of the country's population by itself), and was presumably second in most other major cities. Mendoza's support was based on rural indigenous peoples, so the places she won were probably mostly small villages.
That's about right. In addition to winning a lot of Lima he was in second place pretty much everywhere, while Mendoza had little to no presence outside of the areas she won.
The 1979 election to the Parlamento Foral (Foral Parliament) of Navarra was held simultaneously with the local elections and the elections to the Juntas Generales of the three Basque provinces. This is the only instance in which the mediaeval administrative unit, the merindad, was used as an electoral constituency. Since 1982, the Navarrese Parliament has been elected from a single constituency. This is also the only election since 1936 in which a party espousing a Carlist ideology (even if it was Titoist Carlism) obtained a seat at a regional assembly.
Each merindad was assigned 5 seats regardless of its population, with the remaining seats distributed between merindad according to their demographic weight until having allocated all 70 seats. The city of Pamplona (Iruña in Basque) was separated from the rest of the merindad of Pamplona and acted as its own constituency for all purposes. Other than that, it was a typical Spanish election with closed lists, D'Hont quota and 3% threshold.
The Regional government, the Diputación Foral was elected simultaneously: Each constituency was assigned one member of the Diputación, with the exception of Tudela which was given two on account of its larger population (Pamplona was after all split into two constituencies). The party that obtained the most votes in the legislative election in each constituency was automatically given the merindad's seat in the Diputación. In the case of Tudela, the same procedure applied, but for the two largest parties.
The parties could be divided between Basque nationalists and non-Basque nationalists. And the non-Basque nationalist was further divided between those who favoured a more 'normal' position for Navarra within Spain (PSE-PSOE, UCD) and those who instead advocated for the continuity of its mediaeval privileges, the fueros. (UPN). There was also the left-right axis, although most Basque nationalist groupings were left-wing.
Notes:
Herri Batasuna (HB) was the political arm of ETAm (ETA militar). It only ran its own list in the two Pamplona constituencies. Everywhere else, it ran within the Amaiur coalition.
Amaiur was a coalition of Herri Batasuna, Euskadiko Ezkerra (EE, the political branch of ETApm) and the Basque-nationalist communist EMK party, as well as some local independent groups, like AETE (Estella), Orhi Mendi (Sangüesa) and AEPM (Olite). It was also supported by the PNV-EAJ.
Nacionalistas Vascos (NV) was an electoral coalition that only ran in the two Pamplona constituencies formed by the PNV, Euskadiko Ezkerra and ESEI.
UNAI was an electoral coalition formed by the Maoist party ORT (Revolutionary Labour Organisation), that only ran in the Tudela constituency.
IFN was an independents' list formed by Jesús Ezponda Garaicoechea in the Sangüesa constituency. It has a Basque nationalist, foralista ideology.
Each merindad was assigned 5 seats regardless of its population, with the remaining seats distributed between merindad according to their demographic weight until having allocated all 70 seats. The city of Pamplona (Iruña in Basque) was separated from the rest of the merindad of Pamplona and acted as its own constituency for all purposes. Other than that, it was a typical Spanish election with closed lists, D'Hont quota and 3% threshold.
The Regional government, the Diputación Foral was elected simultaneously: Each constituency was assigned one member of the Diputación, with the exception of Tudela which was given two on account of its larger population (Pamplona was after all split into two constituencies). The party that obtained the most votes in the legislative election in each constituency was automatically given the merindad's seat in the Diputación. In the case of Tudela, the same procedure applied, but for the two largest parties.
The parties could be divided between Basque nationalists and non-Basque nationalists. And the non-Basque nationalist was further divided between those who favoured a more 'normal' position for Navarra within Spain (PSE-PSOE, UCD) and those who instead advocated for the continuity of its mediaeval privileges, the fueros. (UPN). There was also the left-right axis, although most Basque nationalist groupings were left-wing.
Notes:
Herri Batasuna (HB) was the political arm of ETAm (ETA militar). It only ran its own list in the two Pamplona constituencies. Everywhere else, it ran within the Amaiur coalition.
Amaiur was a coalition of Herri Batasuna, Euskadiko Ezkerra (EE, the political branch of ETApm) and the Basque-nationalist communist EMK party, as well as some local independent groups, like AETE (Estella), Orhi Mendi (Sangüesa) and AEPM (Olite). It was also supported by the PNV-EAJ.
Nacionalistas Vascos (NV) was an electoral coalition that only ran in the two Pamplona constituencies formed by the PNV, Euskadiko Ezkerra and ESEI.
UNAI was an electoral coalition formed by the Maoist party ORT (Revolutionary Labour Organisation), that only ran in the Tudela constituency.
IFN was an independents' list formed by Jesús Ezponda Garaicoechea in the Sangüesa constituency. It has a Basque nationalist, foralista ideology.
The 1979 election to the Parlamento Foral (Foral Parliament) of Navarra was held simultaneously with the local elections and the elections to the Juntas Generales of the three Basque provinces. This is the only instance in which the mediaeval administrative unit, the merindad, was used as an electoral constituency. Since 1982, the Navarrese Parliament has been elected from a single constituency. This is also the only election since 1936 in which a party espousing a Carlist ideology (even if it was Titoist Carlism) obtained a seat at a regional assembly.
Each merindad was assigned 5 seats regardless of its population, with the remaining seats distributed between merindad according to their demographic weight until having allocated all 70 seats. The city of Pamplona (Iruña in Basque) was separated from the rest of the merindad of Pamplona and acted as its own constituency for all purposes. Other than that, it was a typical Spanish election with closed lists, D'Hont quota and 3% threshold.
The Regional government, the Diputación Foral was elected simultaneously: Each constituency was assigned one member of the Diputación, with the exception of Tudela which was given two on account of its larger population (Pamplona was after all split into two constituencies). The party that obtained the most votes in the legislative election in each constituency was automatically given the merindad's seat in the Diputación. In the case of Tudela, the same procedure applied, but for the two largest parties.
The parties could be divided between Basque nationalists and non-Basque nationalists. And the non-Basque nationalist was further divided between those who favoured a more 'normal' position for Navarra within Spain (PSE-PSOE, UCD) and those who instead advocated for the continuity of its mediaeval privileges, the fueros. (UPN). There was also the left-right axis, although most Basque nationalist groupings were left-wing.
Notes:
Herri Batasuna (HB) was the political arm of ETAm (ETA militar). It only ran its own list in the two Pamplona constituencies. Everywhere else, it ran within the Amaiur coalition.
Amaiur was a coalition of Herri Batasuna, Euskadiko Ezkerra (EE, the political branch of ETApm) and the Basque-nationalist communist EMK party, as well as some local independent groups, like AETE (Estella), Orhi Mendi (Sangüesa) and AEPM (Olite). It was also supported by the PNV-EAJ.
Nacionalistas Vascos (NV) was an electoral coalition that only ran in the two Pamplona constituencies formed by the PNV, Euskadiko Ezkerra and ESEI.
UNAI was an electoral coalition formed by the Maoist party ORT (Revolutionary Labour Organisation), that only ran in the Tudela constituency.
IFN was an independents' list formed by Jesús Ezponda Garaicoechea in the Sangüesa constituency. It has a Basque nationalist, foralista ideology.
I had to look up the place to make sure it's real