OTL Election maps resources thread

Half of Wuppertal, which is one of few parts of western Germany to be primarily Protestant. The FDP and CDU stood joint candidates in both seats, and the FDP got the western half.
Slightly related to the above question, but is there a reason why the FDP are seemingly very weak at the constituency level in federal elections?
 
Slightly related to the above question, but is there a reason why the FDP are seemingly very weak at the constituency level in federal elections?
No real incentive for them to pursue targeting, since the electoral system guarantees them the same level of representation whether or not they win any constituencies. And conversely, because the constituency elections are FPTP, you get the same tactical voting phenomenon as in the UK.
 
SBV is short for Svenska Bogerliga Vänster?
Indeed - Ruotsin Porvarilinnen Vasemmisto in Finnish (with reservations for spelling).

Interestingly, the results table lists Swedish-speaking parties in Swedish only and Finnish-speaking parties in Finnish only (the SDP gets both, because they had a Swedish and a Finnish list, of which the Finnish one is shown on the map). This is weirder than it sounds, because they also wrote Finnish in blackletter and Swedish in Antiqua.
 
Indeed - Ruotsin Porvarilinnen Vasemmisto in Finnish (with reservations for spelling).

Interestingly, the results table lists Swedish-speaking parties in Swedish only and Finnish-speaking parties in Finnish only (the SDP gets both, because they had a Swedish and a Finnish list, of which the Finnish one is shown on the map). This is weirder than it sounds, because they also wrote Finnish in blackletter and Swedish in Antiqua.
It was common in the 19th and early 20th century to use antiqua in texts aimed at more educated people while fraktur, familiar from the Bible, was used for the wider audiences (i.e. Finnish-speakers).

Pretty weird that they were still doing it in 1930s though.
 
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So these are the first two maps of the 1979-1980 Basque election maps. The Vizcaya and Guipuzcoa provincial assemblies' maps, with their odd executive which was reflective of the elected members in each constituency (so, forcibly multi-party). This was the only instance in which this system was used, starting with the 1983 election, the Juntas Generales would work as a regular parliamentary system, with an executive reflective of the parliamentary majority.

I'm separating the various provinces partly because they ran different elections but also because Álava has a completely different electoral system (people voting for local councillors, who in turn elect from among themselves the provincial assembly and the provincial executive). Álava will come later, and so will the 1980 regional election.

Provincial Assembly of Vizcaya (90 seats)
EAJ-PNV:
39.62%, 40 seats -
HB: 19.89%, 19 seats
PSE-PSOE: 15.41%, 14 seats
UCD: 11.18%, 10 seats
PCE-EPK: 5.54%, 3 seats
EE: 5.51%, 4 seats

Diputación Foral (30 seats)
EAJ-PNV: 15 seats
HB: 6 seats
PSE-PSOE: 5 seats
UCD: 4 seats


Provincial Assembly of Guipúzcoa (81 seats)
EAJ-PNV:
35.18%, 33 seats -
HB: 21.49%, 19 seats
PSE-PSOE: 15.21%, 12 seats
EE: 11.44%, 10 seats
CI: 5.51%, 4 seats
PCE-EPK: 3.21%, 0 seats
UCD: 2.95%, 3 seats

Diputación Foral (27 seats)
EAJ-PNV: 12 seats
HB: 6 seats
PSE-PSOE: 4 seats
EE: 4 seats
CI: 1 seat
 
The 1976 Senate election in Texas. Lloyd Bentsen won largely thanks to overwhelming margins in rural areas and a narrow win in Harris County (Houston). Republican Alan Steelman did very well in the suburbs and some traditionally GOP counties near Gillespie County. Bentsen put in an impressively strong performance in the Panhandle, only losing a single county there.
 
These are some local elections' maps from the Spanish Second Republic.

So here's Madrid in 1931. These are the old city boundaries before the city tripled in size and doubled in population in the 50s by incorporating a good chunk of surrounding municipalities. The 1931 elections were held under the 1907 electoral law's system, which established a simple SNTV system where the 3-7 most-voted candidates, regardless of party affiliation were elected.

The law prescribed that electoral districts should elect ideally 4 members but the permitted range was from 3 to 7. In Madrid, the 50 members of the City Council were elected in 10 5-member constituencies that matched the city's districts at the time. Voters were could vote for several candidates depending on the size of the district. In the case of Madrid, voters could vote for up to 3 candidates out of the 5 seats.

As a result, in Madrid, the candidatures would only present 3 candidates, usually resulting in a 3:2 division between majority coalition and minority coalition. As is the case in Madrid. There were two coalitions, the anti-monarchist (Republican-Socialist Coalition) and the monarchist one.

The anti-monarchist was a broad coalition: Socialists, left-wing republicans from the PRRS and AR, centrist republicans from the PRR and right-wing republicans from DLR plus some independents.

The monarchist was as well: Ranging from old-school liberal monarchists (Romanonistas), conservative monarchists, ultra-conservative monarchists as well as some independent monarchists, one running as a 'democrat monarchist'.

The election was a great victory for the republicans, with the anti-monarchist bloc gaining 69% of the vote and 60% of the seats. The republicans were strongest in the south of the city, which was - and is - more left-wing. Instead, the monarchists were strongest in the then-district of Bellavista, which today corresponds roughly to the Salamanca and Retiro areas, where the right is near-hegemonic today.



In Barcelona, 50 members were also elected from 10 districts corresponding to the city's ten districts under the same system as in Madrid. But here district size varied more, from 3 to 6 members elected depending on the district. The support for the Lliga to this day corresponds well with the areas where the right does better, with the exception of Ciutat Vella, which is now more of a bohemian area, voting for the CUP in regional elections.

Also, unlike Madrid, Barcelona's city boundaries have roughly remained the same since the early 1920s.

In here, there were three blocs - a Republican-Socialist Coalition formed chiefly by the PRR (by far the strongest anti-Catalanist party in Catalonia) due to the weakness of the PSOE in the city and the flirtation with Catalanism of the republican left.

Then there was the Esquerra Catalana (Catalan Left) coalition, formed by ERC, the Catalanist socialists of the USC and some minor parties. At the time ERC was a broad home of people ranging from centre-right republican Catalanism to Marxists, but it was nationalist first and left-liberal second.

Lastly, the Lliga Regionalista (Regionalist League), that had been the strongest party in the city and in Catalonia since the early 1900s, was the main centre-right party. The Lliga was soft-monarchist (aka. didn't give a shit) but more conservative than Esquerra and pissed at no longer being the vehicle for Catalanism in Spanish politics.

Esquerra Catalana obtained 30.74% of the vote and 50% of the seats, the Lliga obtained 21.61% of the vote and 24% of the seats, and the PRR obtained 20.53% of the vote and 24% of the seats. The big losers were the centrists from ACR who obtained over 13% of the vote but no seats.


In most of Spain the 1931 ones were the only local elections held democratically until 1979. Not so in Catalonia where the powers over holding local elections were transferred by the Estatut of 1932. As a result, the Generalitat drafted a new electoral law and organised local elections in 1934. Unlike in 1931, Barcelona was now an at-large constituency.

In the weird, typically Second Republic-style electoral system, the most-voted list of candidates obtained 66% of the seats, the second-most voted, the 66% of the remaining seats and so on. Barcelona's city council was reduced from 50 to 40 members, of which 26 were members of the 'Coalició d'Esquerres' coalition between ERC, USC, the ACR (centrist Catalanists) and the PNRE, a party that broke off from the ERC because it thought the party was too moderate by acquiescing to autonomy.

The main opposition was the 'Lliga Catalana' (the new name of the Llega) which also included a Carlist (Comunión Tradicionalista) among its elected members.

The PRR also obtained four seats.

The Left Coalition obtained 50.2% of the vote and 65% of the seats, the Llega obtained 41.3% of the vote and 25% of the seats, whereas the PRR got 6.5% of the vote but 10% of the seats. The next party, the right-communist BOC obtained less than 1% of the vote.


 
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