Osman Aga
Banned
Kosovo maybe. It has a decent Serb minority + acceptable Turkish minority. They may prefer to stay with the Ottoman Empire. That and maybe Western Macedonia.
Osman Reborn; The Survival of Ottoman Democracy [An Ottoman TL set in the 1900s]
- Thread starter Sarthak
- Start date
Great chapter
If the OE servive , then the empire will have a huge population increase in the future (1 religion 2 oil 3 conservative Society) .
Also the region of Middle East was controlled by multi ethnic empires for soo long of its history (the last Arab ruler was the Abbasid's)...so an Arab revolt with a stable OE will not be a big problem also the the idea of selling the Balkan lands is.... 😅 no country in its own mind will do it , especially in the 19th century where we have the Empires of the world fighting for more land and colonies and in the case of the ottomans the Balkans is a core territory
If the OE servive , then the empire will have a huge population increase in the future (1 religion 2 oil 3 conservative Society) .
Also the region of Middle East was controlled by multi ethnic empires for soo long of its history (the last Arab ruler was the Abbasid's)...so an Arab revolt with a stable OE will not be a big problem also the the idea of selling the Balkan lands is.... 😅 no country in its own mind will do it , especially in the 19th century where we have the Empires of the world fighting for more land and colonies and in the case of the ottomans the Balkans is a core territory
Thanks! Yeah no country will viably sell their own land for nothing in return costing the loyalty of their people.
1914 is different than 1912. In 1912 the powers actually did fear a jihad, with Grey calling it 'a probable calamity'. Even if no revolt actually did happen, the fear was there
A multi-ethnic and multi-religious empire will always have disputes and conflicts. But without outside intervention, he has a chance to solve problems.
And according to the name of the thread, they get a chance to get involved in the affairs of the empire. Representatives from Albania can influence domestic policy. Emphasizing the external threat - essentially from all sides - will reduce the desire for independence.
Osman Aga
Banned
Maybe not in 1910s, considering the nature of world politics then. But the 1950s could be different.
Chapter 5: The 1912 Ottoman General Elections.
Chapter 5: The 1912 Ottoman General Elections.
***
“General Elections were held in the Ottoman Empire in April 1912, during when the people of the empire were still happy and drunk with victory after the end of the Italo-Ottoman War of 1911. The ruling Committee of Union and Progress, even though they had seen the war to the end victoriously, many blamed the CUP for their ultranationalist stance of not allowing the Italians invest in Libya, which allowed the Italians to use a casus belli to invade the region (indeed, no economic freedom in Libya was one of the casus belli’s used by Italy to invade Libya) and for ignoring the looming danger of the Italian invasion for far too long. The news that the Ottoman military had been few weeks away from drying out of ammunition before pushing the Italians out had been common knowledge and many put this against the CUP as well. The regional population and ethnic minorities also remembered very well how the CUP had imposed Ottoman Turkish as the only language in ottoman schools throughout the country controlling the education system through the national curriculum.
(1)Ali Kemal. (2) Syrja Bey Vlora
The major parties contesting the election other than the Committee of Union and Progress was the Liberal Union or the Freedom and Accord Party led this time by Ali Kemal, who had won the by-elections to the top spot of the party. Ali Kemal, alongside his deputy, Syrja Bey Vlora, an ethnic Albanian, spearheaded the Liberal Union’s party campaign for the election. The Liberal Union ran a platform of mild-ottomanism (Rather than the radical sense of ottomanism that the CUP wanted to throw at the minorities), teaching Ottoman Turkish and ethnic languages in schools and also ran on the platform of being the middle-ground for Turks and ethnic minorities in the empire.
The third party to run for the election was the Ottoman Democratic Party led by Ibrahim Temo. Temo ran on a platform of democratic liberalism and ran on a platform of economic focus. He laid out plans for economic development throughout the empire, and increasing the economic standards of living in the country as well as upgrading the aging infrastructure of the nation, and connecting the rural areas via new railroads. He also backed teaching both Ottoman Turkish and regional languages in schools, rather than just Ottoman Turkish.
Ibrahim Temo.
The fourth party to take part in the election was the Armenakan Party. This party, unlike other Armenian parties, did not call for Armenian independence, and as such were allowed to challenge the elections. This party was more of an autonomist party, and chose to champion the rights of the Armenian population of the country and their religious rights. They also attracted a bit of Jewish and Greek votes as well due to their religious stances, which called for equal standing of all religions in the country (with Islam being first among equals due to the Sultan’s stature). The party was led by ethnic Armenian Mekertich Portukalian. It had once been militant in nature during the reign of Abdul Hamid II and had preached Armenian independence, however had mellowed out during the 1910-12 years, which made them legal once again.
The last party seriously campaigning during the elections was the Social Democratic Hunchakian Party. This party was social democratic in nature, mixed economic ideals, whilst it also tried to juggle religious politics, with which they supported the Caliph, however guaranteed the rights of the Jewish and Christian population of the empire. The party was led by ethnic Armenian Gevorg Gharadijan.
The other parties taking part in the election were too small, and likely not going to pass the five percent benchmark. As such the rest were all independents, vying for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies.
The results of the elections were:-
Whilst the CUP had won the most seats in the Chamber, the CUP had not won the majority of seats allowed to make a government, and instead the Liberal Union, Ottoman Democratic Party and the Armenakan Party instead announced a coalition government between the three parties, forming the government. The CUP and the Social Democratic Hunchakian Party instead formed the opposition in the Chamber of Deputies. The leader of the Liberal Union, Ali Kemal was elected Grand Vizier (and nominally appointed by the Sultan) and he formed his government.
The cabinet of his government was:-
“The effects of the Italo-Ottoman War was felt by the Italian nation acutely. The war had been far more costly than they had anticipated and the war had made the Italian military the laughing stock of Europe, with many snickering that they had lost to the Sick Man of Europe, the Ottoman Turks. Giovanni Giolitti was able to keep his position as Prime Minister through a hair’s breathe as his party ruled out a Vote of No Confidence in the Chamber of Deputies by a small margin. San Giuliano was not as successful, and the man resigned as Foreign Minister and retired from politics entirely, his name blemished by the war. After the Right and Left conducted an alliance in the Italian Chamber of Deputies against him, he founded the Liberal Union Party in Italy that followed conservative liberalism as their main ideology. Giolitti used his transformismo to conduct alliances with several liberals in the country. Giolitti managed to gain an alliance with the Radicals, and the Democrats, however his offer for an alliance was turned down by the Reformist Socialists and the Clericals. His new government in early 1912 consisted of a flexible centrist government, that shied away from the extremes of the left and right. However, Giolitti remained quite unpopular due to his part in the Italo-Ottoman War, and his inability to properly cope with the economic problems that arose after the end of the Italo-Ottoman War. As such just before the 1913 General Elections Campaigning season began, Giolitti would resign as the leader of the Liberal Union, and ensured that popular statesman Sidney Sonnino took his place as the leader of the Liberals.” The Giolitttian Era: A History, Osprey Publishing, 1997.
Sidney Sonnino
“The Italo-Ottoman War also brought in a whole different slew of national heroes for the Ottoman nation. Neshat Bey who had led the successful defense and recapture of Tripoli was renamed Neshat Pasha and was elevated from Governor of Tripoli to the Governorship of Tripolitania. Mustafa Kemal Bey, who had successfully defended Cyrenaica and recaptured Tobruk was elevated to become Mustafa Kemal Pasha, and his rank was elevated to Miralay which was the equivalent of a Brigadier in the Ottoman Military, and the highest field command in the Ottoman Armed Forces.
Mustafa Kemal Pasha.
Mustafa Kemal Pasha, however soon came into conflict with his political party, the Committee of Union and Progress, for his central ideology of nationalism and ottomanism, and his backing of the De-politicization of the armed forces. As such in March, Mustafa Kemal Pasha left the CUP, and instead joined the Ottoman Democratic Party as an observer, as the party did not wish to have an active member of the armed forces as a full member of the party. Nonetheless, the his victories in Libya made him a household name.” Mustafa Kemal Pasha: A Biography, University of Angora, 2008
“Within the Balkan Countries of Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro, the Ottoman victory in the Italo-Ottoman War had been a massive surprise for the countries, and the utter Italian disaster, in terms of its economy, meant that the countries could no longer count on Italian investment to shore their economies up to shape as well. This made the Serbo-Bulgarian alliance, made in secret in October, 1911 quite redundant, and the Ottoman-Greek Treaty signed in December, 1911 basically kept Greece out of any Balkan intrigue in favor of the Serbs. With nothing pulling them closer, the Serbo-Bulgarian alliance, seemed to be on the verge of collapse, however the intervention of Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Sazonov kept the situation calm, and instead the Russian foreign minister pointed out that the Ottomans, drunk with victory may try to use force to stop the disputed claims in the Balkans, and an alliance would be the only thing to keep the Ottomans at bay. He also pointed out to Serbia, that the hostile Ottoman and Austrian Empires would not allow the Serbs access to the seas for Serbian economic interests and that the Bulgarian ports were a heaven sent for the Serbian economy. He pointed out to Bulgaria, that no matter how militarized Bulgaria was, it alone would not be able to fight the Ottomans, and needed the Serbian military for defense as well. The alliance endured when on April 27th, Bulgarian Defense Minister Mihail Savov confirmed that the alliance would be staying between the two nations, however the debate that was now raging was about the secrecy of the alliance. Many debated that coming out in the open would be better, however for now, the Russians advised to keep the alliance secret.
Mihail Savov.
In Greece, the Ottoman victory was seen neutrally. Many had actually predicted that the Ottoman victory was possible in the war, as the moment Egypt started subverting the blockade to aid the Ottomans, the Turks had been able to send supplies (in small numbers, but still) to Libya, and the after the treaty in December, the Ottomans had been able to use Greek ports to subvert the Italian blockade as well. The Greeks were however worried about the current naval program of the Ottoman Empire, as by 1916, the Ottoman Empire would have the strongest navy in the Eastern Mediterranean by a good margin, and what was worse, the ships would be very modern. With relations cooling down, and both sides opening new consulates in each other’s countries, some Greek politicians in the Greek parliament opened the motion about a naval treaty with the Ottoman Empire. The basic form of such a treaty would be not allowing the Ottomans to go beyond their already ordered ships, and keeping the same number of ships for a suitable period of time. Whilst this was supported by Venizelos’s Liberals, the opposition led by Georgios Theotokis opposed such a move, calling for the need for Greece in return to build up her own navy as well. And to be fair, this was going on as well, as in response to the Ottoman buildup in the naval arena, 10 destroyers were ordered from the United Kingdom and United states as well.” A History of the Balkans, University of Damascus, 1976.
Georgis Theotokis.
“The Italo-Ottoman War was a victory for the Ottomans, yes, however it also showed a large amount of deficiencies in the Ottoman Armed Forces. The Ottoman Logistical cells bemoaned that the infrastructural level of the country was not up to par with the rest of the great powers, and that the sparse railroad networks were a hamper to the Ottoman military. The Ottomans when they had moved to defensive positions in the Balkans in December, 1911 had also run far behind date, showing a fault in their mobilization system, and the semi-mobilization that had taken place had shown that the Redif troops of the army were severely under trained. During the semi-mobilization, many German officers who had overseen the mobilization as a part of the German Mission in Constantinople had bemoaned to the Ottoman Ministry of War that many soldiers in the Redif formations did not even know how to shoot properly or use a rifle properly. Support services in the Ottoman Armed Forces were small, and often times inefficient, and this had been seen in the Italo-Ottoman War with ample examples as well and the need for support services was quickly becoming high. The last and greatest problem that the army saw was that many of its officers were political appointees and politicized to such levels that they often were involved in politics, rather than the art of war. To some levels every armed forces in the planet was politicized, however the extent to which the ottoman army was, was a hindrance to the armed forces. As such, in late April, 1912, Mahmud Shevket Pasha would propose the following army reforms to the military:-
The Hejaz Railway in 1914.
The Ottoman Economy had also been shown its weaknesses. The food supply of the country was not adequate, and the railroad system was extremely inadequate which made the economy extremely vulnerable. However, the economy also had an out. The Italians had been forced to waive around 33% of the debt owed by the Ottoman government to the Italian government, meaning that the Ottoman government had reduced around 70% of the total debt owed by the Ottomans to Italy throughout the war, and had freed up around 11 million pounds for the economy. This 11 million pound was to be funneled into a new economic project called the Hejaz-Damascus railway. This railway had started construction way back, but had stopped due to a lack of funds, and the Germans not having investor confidence in the Ottoman Empire. The first was solved due to the waiving of debt, and the second was also solved by the victory of in war, which had made ottoman stocks in the international market rise by around a good 6.5%. The construction would start again in June, 1912.” Excerpts from ‘The Ottoman War in the Sands’.
***
***
“General Elections were held in the Ottoman Empire in April 1912, during when the people of the empire were still happy and drunk with victory after the end of the Italo-Ottoman War of 1911. The ruling Committee of Union and Progress, even though they had seen the war to the end victoriously, many blamed the CUP for their ultranationalist stance of not allowing the Italians invest in Libya, which allowed the Italians to use a casus belli to invade the region (indeed, no economic freedom in Libya was one of the casus belli’s used by Italy to invade Libya) and for ignoring the looming danger of the Italian invasion for far too long. The news that the Ottoman military had been few weeks away from drying out of ammunition before pushing the Italians out had been common knowledge and many put this against the CUP as well. The regional population and ethnic minorities also remembered very well how the CUP had imposed Ottoman Turkish as the only language in ottoman schools throughout the country controlling the education system through the national curriculum.
(1)Ali Kemal. (2) Syrja Bey Vlora
The major parties contesting the election other than the Committee of Union and Progress was the Liberal Union or the Freedom and Accord Party led this time by Ali Kemal, who had won the by-elections to the top spot of the party. Ali Kemal, alongside his deputy, Syrja Bey Vlora, an ethnic Albanian, spearheaded the Liberal Union’s party campaign for the election. The Liberal Union ran a platform of mild-ottomanism (Rather than the radical sense of ottomanism that the CUP wanted to throw at the minorities), teaching Ottoman Turkish and ethnic languages in schools and also ran on the platform of being the middle-ground for Turks and ethnic minorities in the empire.
The third party to run for the election was the Ottoman Democratic Party led by Ibrahim Temo. Temo ran on a platform of democratic liberalism and ran on a platform of economic focus. He laid out plans for economic development throughout the empire, and increasing the economic standards of living in the country as well as upgrading the aging infrastructure of the nation, and connecting the rural areas via new railroads. He also backed teaching both Ottoman Turkish and regional languages in schools, rather than just Ottoman Turkish.
Ibrahim Temo.
The fourth party to take part in the election was the Armenakan Party. This party, unlike other Armenian parties, did not call for Armenian independence, and as such were allowed to challenge the elections. This party was more of an autonomist party, and chose to champion the rights of the Armenian population of the country and their religious rights. They also attracted a bit of Jewish and Greek votes as well due to their religious stances, which called for equal standing of all religions in the country (with Islam being first among equals due to the Sultan’s stature). The party was led by ethnic Armenian Mekertich Portukalian. It had once been militant in nature during the reign of Abdul Hamid II and had preached Armenian independence, however had mellowed out during the 1910-12 years, which made them legal once again.
The last party seriously campaigning during the elections was the Social Democratic Hunchakian Party. This party was social democratic in nature, mixed economic ideals, whilst it also tried to juggle religious politics, with which they supported the Caliph, however guaranteed the rights of the Jewish and Christian population of the empire. The party was led by ethnic Armenian Gevorg Gharadijan.
The other parties taking part in the election were too small, and likely not going to pass the five percent benchmark. As such the rest were all independents, vying for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies.
The results of the elections were:-
- CUP: 31% (89 seats)
- Liberal Union: 27% (77 seats)
- Ottoman Democratic Party: 22% (63 seats)
- Armenakan Party: 8% (23 seats)
- Social Democratic Hunchakian Party: 7% (20 seats)
- Independents: 5% (16 seats)
The cabinet of his government was:-
- Grand Vizier: Ali Kemal (Liberal Union)
- Minister of the Interior: Ibrahim Temo (Ottoman Democratic Party)
- Minister of the Navy: Ciballi Mehmed Bey (Independent)
- Minister of War: Mahmud Shevket Pasha (Independent)
- Minister of Foreign Affairs: Syrja Bey Vlora (Liberal Union)
- Minister of Justice: Aristidi Pasha (Ottoman Democratic Party)
- Minister of Agriculture: Riza Nur (Liberal Union)
- Minister of Education: Riza Tevfik Bolukbasi (Liberal Union)
- Minister of Finances, Economics, Industry and Trade: Mizanci Murat (Ottoman Democratic Party)
- Minister of Pious Foundations: Mekertich Portukalian (Armenakan)
“The effects of the Italo-Ottoman War was felt by the Italian nation acutely. The war had been far more costly than they had anticipated and the war had made the Italian military the laughing stock of Europe, with many snickering that they had lost to the Sick Man of Europe, the Ottoman Turks. Giovanni Giolitti was able to keep his position as Prime Minister through a hair’s breathe as his party ruled out a Vote of No Confidence in the Chamber of Deputies by a small margin. San Giuliano was not as successful, and the man resigned as Foreign Minister and retired from politics entirely, his name blemished by the war. After the Right and Left conducted an alliance in the Italian Chamber of Deputies against him, he founded the Liberal Union Party in Italy that followed conservative liberalism as their main ideology. Giolitti used his transformismo to conduct alliances with several liberals in the country. Giolitti managed to gain an alliance with the Radicals, and the Democrats, however his offer for an alliance was turned down by the Reformist Socialists and the Clericals. His new government in early 1912 consisted of a flexible centrist government, that shied away from the extremes of the left and right. However, Giolitti remained quite unpopular due to his part in the Italo-Ottoman War, and his inability to properly cope with the economic problems that arose after the end of the Italo-Ottoman War. As such just before the 1913 General Elections Campaigning season began, Giolitti would resign as the leader of the Liberal Union, and ensured that popular statesman Sidney Sonnino took his place as the leader of the Liberals.” The Giolitttian Era: A History, Osprey Publishing, 1997.
Sidney Sonnino
“The Italo-Ottoman War also brought in a whole different slew of national heroes for the Ottoman nation. Neshat Bey who had led the successful defense and recapture of Tripoli was renamed Neshat Pasha and was elevated from Governor of Tripoli to the Governorship of Tripolitania. Mustafa Kemal Bey, who had successfully defended Cyrenaica and recaptured Tobruk was elevated to become Mustafa Kemal Pasha, and his rank was elevated to Miralay which was the equivalent of a Brigadier in the Ottoman Military, and the highest field command in the Ottoman Armed Forces.
Mustafa Kemal Pasha.
Mustafa Kemal Pasha, however soon came into conflict with his political party, the Committee of Union and Progress, for his central ideology of nationalism and ottomanism, and his backing of the De-politicization of the armed forces. As such in March, Mustafa Kemal Pasha left the CUP, and instead joined the Ottoman Democratic Party as an observer, as the party did not wish to have an active member of the armed forces as a full member of the party. Nonetheless, the his victories in Libya made him a household name.” Mustafa Kemal Pasha: A Biography, University of Angora, 2008
“Within the Balkan Countries of Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro, the Ottoman victory in the Italo-Ottoman War had been a massive surprise for the countries, and the utter Italian disaster, in terms of its economy, meant that the countries could no longer count on Italian investment to shore their economies up to shape as well. This made the Serbo-Bulgarian alliance, made in secret in October, 1911 quite redundant, and the Ottoman-Greek Treaty signed in December, 1911 basically kept Greece out of any Balkan intrigue in favor of the Serbs. With nothing pulling them closer, the Serbo-Bulgarian alliance, seemed to be on the verge of collapse, however the intervention of Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Sazonov kept the situation calm, and instead the Russian foreign minister pointed out that the Ottomans, drunk with victory may try to use force to stop the disputed claims in the Balkans, and an alliance would be the only thing to keep the Ottomans at bay. He also pointed out to Serbia, that the hostile Ottoman and Austrian Empires would not allow the Serbs access to the seas for Serbian economic interests and that the Bulgarian ports were a heaven sent for the Serbian economy. He pointed out to Bulgaria, that no matter how militarized Bulgaria was, it alone would not be able to fight the Ottomans, and needed the Serbian military for defense as well. The alliance endured when on April 27th, Bulgarian Defense Minister Mihail Savov confirmed that the alliance would be staying between the two nations, however the debate that was now raging was about the secrecy of the alliance. Many debated that coming out in the open would be better, however for now, the Russians advised to keep the alliance secret.
Mihail Savov.
In Greece, the Ottoman victory was seen neutrally. Many had actually predicted that the Ottoman victory was possible in the war, as the moment Egypt started subverting the blockade to aid the Ottomans, the Turks had been able to send supplies (in small numbers, but still) to Libya, and the after the treaty in December, the Ottomans had been able to use Greek ports to subvert the Italian blockade as well. The Greeks were however worried about the current naval program of the Ottoman Empire, as by 1916, the Ottoman Empire would have the strongest navy in the Eastern Mediterranean by a good margin, and what was worse, the ships would be very modern. With relations cooling down, and both sides opening new consulates in each other’s countries, some Greek politicians in the Greek parliament opened the motion about a naval treaty with the Ottoman Empire. The basic form of such a treaty would be not allowing the Ottomans to go beyond their already ordered ships, and keeping the same number of ships for a suitable period of time. Whilst this was supported by Venizelos’s Liberals, the opposition led by Georgios Theotokis opposed such a move, calling for the need for Greece in return to build up her own navy as well. And to be fair, this was going on as well, as in response to the Ottoman buildup in the naval arena, 10 destroyers were ordered from the United Kingdom and United states as well.” A History of the Balkans, University of Damascus, 1976.
Georgis Theotokis.
“The Italo-Ottoman War was a victory for the Ottomans, yes, however it also showed a large amount of deficiencies in the Ottoman Armed Forces. The Ottoman Logistical cells bemoaned that the infrastructural level of the country was not up to par with the rest of the great powers, and that the sparse railroad networks were a hamper to the Ottoman military. The Ottomans when they had moved to defensive positions in the Balkans in December, 1911 had also run far behind date, showing a fault in their mobilization system, and the semi-mobilization that had taken place had shown that the Redif troops of the army were severely under trained. During the semi-mobilization, many German officers who had overseen the mobilization as a part of the German Mission in Constantinople had bemoaned to the Ottoman Ministry of War that many soldiers in the Redif formations did not even know how to shoot properly or use a rifle properly. Support services in the Ottoman Armed Forces were small, and often times inefficient, and this had been seen in the Italo-Ottoman War with ample examples as well and the need for support services was quickly becoming high. The last and greatest problem that the army saw was that many of its officers were political appointees and politicized to such levels that they often were involved in politics, rather than the art of war. To some levels every armed forces in the planet was politicized, however the extent to which the ottoman army was, was a hindrance to the armed forces. As such, in late April, 1912, Mahmud Shevket Pasha would propose the following army reforms to the military:-
- The army training system of the Ottoman Armed Forces would be revamped, with more daily military moves and maneuvers being practiced on part of the army and officers.
- Redif formations were to be reformed along the lines of Prussian and German reservist forces, to create a better reservist force in the empire.
- Support services for the army, like demolition, supply, logistics, medical care etc, would be allocated 15% more funds, and given high priority.
- Officers would not be allowed to get involved in politics, other than observer status at most.
The Hejaz Railway in 1914.
The Ottoman Economy had also been shown its weaknesses. The food supply of the country was not adequate, and the railroad system was extremely inadequate which made the economy extremely vulnerable. However, the economy also had an out. The Italians had been forced to waive around 33% of the debt owed by the Ottoman government to the Italian government, meaning that the Ottoman government had reduced around 70% of the total debt owed by the Ottomans to Italy throughout the war, and had freed up around 11 million pounds for the economy. This 11 million pound was to be funneled into a new economic project called the Hejaz-Damascus railway. This railway had started construction way back, but had stopped due to a lack of funds, and the Germans not having investor confidence in the Ottoman Empire. The first was solved due to the waiving of debt, and the second was also solved by the victory of in war, which had made ottoman stocks in the international market rise by around a good 6.5%. The construction would start again in June, 1912.” Excerpts from ‘The Ottoman War in the Sands’.
***
I would’ve thought the CUP would’ve gained popularity from winning the war. After all, it is very difficult to besmirch a party that won a war by saying they would’ve done it better. The only way as I see it for the party to lose power, would be if the war heros came out against said parties policies.
It gained 20 seats actually. A believable amount rather than the fraudulent +200 they got in otl. The war gave them a boost but there were a lot of prewar tensions that did not allow them a majority allowing their opponents to make a coalition
reforms! So bulgaria and serbia tied togather no balkans war no Greece vs ottomans. Hopefully the empire integrates its arabian territory and stop treating them like after thoughts.
it could, however the Serbo-Bulgarian alliance will have an interesting future.
More railways is always good. The military reforms look like they might take a bit too long to complete though, especially since no deadline is ever met 
.
.
Germaniac
Donor
The CUP’s election in 1912 was less a matter of it being corrupt and more with the weakness of the other political parties political infrastructure. While many who were previously in name only Unionists would break off, the victory in the war should see the much better organized CUP in a majority position unless there are more drastic issues. There could definitely be a weak I’ll defined CUP, but I don’t see them getting kicked out of power without external influences like OTL “saviors coups”.
I find it very unlikely Temos party, which had previously little to no outreach outside of a few seats and no defined program, doing this well in the election unless the POD is earlier in the political sense.
I find it very unlikely Temos party, which had previously little to no outreach outside of a few seats and no defined program, doing this well in the election unless the POD is earlier in the political sense.
I will be going into more depth about ottoman politics during the war which led to the election results in a other chapter.
The naval buildup is supported by everyone within Greece at this time Venizelos definately included. Historically the initial order for Salamis was placed in July 1912. I expect a pair of 14in battleships to be ordered from the US at that date.
Destroyers wise, buying ships also from the US is an interesting development but may I suggest you alter the number to 12? Why I am proposing this? 4 of the ships are almost certainly the 4 San Luis class large destroyers the Argentines were building in Britain but sold instead to Greece, what became Leon class. Four more would likely be M class ships to be built in Greece. If they are turning also to the US, instead of buying the German destroyers they picked up in OTL, they wouldn't be buying just a pair of ships. So it's likely 4 Aylwin class equivalents...