What's this? A Brazilian-centric timeline? Count me in!
It's always nice to see a tl focusing on my country, and South America in general is very underrepresented in the forum.
I'll be accompanying this eagerly!
I'm sad to see Brazil won't be an empire, but a functional republic is pretty nice too.
 
Very interesting to see a Brazilian TL.

I admit I'm sad to see to see the Brazilian monarchy butterflied away in favour of a republic (especially given republicanism won anyway in OTL), but like I said it is very interesting to see anything on Brazil and it is well written stuff so far. :)
 
Nice chapter. Will Brazil conquer the whole of spanish america or the territorial integrity will be more or less the same of OTL?

Yeah, I'm interested to see whether Brazil gets more of Spanish America (I don't see them getting all of it)...

I have plans for an expansionist period in the late 19th Century, but it won't be too ambitious. Without spoilering anything (even if because I only have a broad idea), but Uruguay, Paraguay and that stretch of Argentinian land called "Missiones" will be disputed territories, as will be the Guianas/Suriname. Similar to France and the USA, Brazilian politics for a time will be inflammed by the notion of establishing, even if by war, the so-called "natural borders", along the River Uruguay.

Anything more than that, IMHO, would be an exaggeration. I don't intend to transform this into a Brazilwank... and historically the GPs would hardly support an expansionist Brazil.
 
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What's this? A Brazilian-centric timeline? Count me in!
It's always nice to see a tl focusing on my country, and South America in general is very underrepresented in the forum.
I'll be accompanying this eagerly!
I'm sad to see Brazil won't be an empire, but a functional republic is pretty nice too.

Indeed, people focus to much on Europe/North-America (and then even Canada and Mexico are "second-tier").

Bem-vindo ao fórum, my fellow countryman :rolleyes:.

Very interesting to see a Brazilian TL.

I admit I'm sad to see to see the Brazilian monarchy butterflied away in favour of a republic (especially given republicanism won anyway in OTL), but like I said it is very interesting to see anything on Brazil and it is well written stuff so far. :)

I have my soft spot for the Imperial period as well :D, but I just thought that working with a Republican Brazil would give more breathing space to imagine different outcomes in terms of politics, economics and society in Brazil.

I thank you for the compliments.
 
I´m glad to be here.

I´m wondering... where do you to take this? Do you plan for Brazil to be a regional power, stronger than otl but not by much or is it going to be a great power?

And speaking of that, is immigration going to be a larger factor than it was otl?
 
I´m glad to be here.

I´m wondering... where do you to take this? Do you plan for Brazil to be a regional power, stronger than otl but not by much or is it going to be a great power?

And speaking of that, is immigration going to be a larger factor than it was otl?

That's exactly what I had in mind. I'll work with the idea of a more "powerful" Brazil, but not necessarily in the military aspect. As I intend to focus on its society and economy, and try to craft a scenario that allows for a quicker industralization, Brazil might become like China in the context of 19th Century Asia: with internal issues but a "drive" towards progress.

Immigration will play a very important role, and it will become a more serious political issue than it was in our History, but it will never get in the level of the immigration waves towards the United States.
 
8. The Guianas and Caribbean Theaters of War (1806-1808)
1. The French and Spanish dominions in the Tropic of Cancer and the Equator


Since 1805, after the Battle of Huelva, the British commanders responsible for operating the western theater of war sought to quickly neutralize the French and Spanish presence in their most prizes possessions in the Americas, located in the Tropic of Cancer and the Equator, knowing that their navies wouldn’t be able to respond to the aggression.

In the early 19th Century, France had but a handful of colonies in the Americas. Their largest colonial territory, Canada, was given to Great Britain after the Seven Years’ War, in the previous century, and the vast expanse of Louisiana had been sold to the United States of America in 1803. France hardly cared about North America. Their most profitable enterprises, after all, were located in the Caribbean, centered on the Antilles archipelago and in Saint-Domingue, specialized in the production of sugar, tobacco and other tropical goods. In mainland America, they had only the province of Guiana, whose importance in the conflict owed less to the resources it produced, and more to its strategic position in the Caribbean Sea.

During the Revolutionary Wars, the Netherlands had become a client state of France – dubbed “Batavian Republic” – and thus, in the context of the Napoleonic conflict, the provinces of Suriname, Essequibo, Demerara and Berbice, as well as many islands in the Caribbean, belonged to a hostile nation. A few islands belonged to the Kingdom of Denmark, another nation forced into France’s sphere of influence, and, thus, another enemy of His Majesty, the King of Great Britain and Ireland.

The Spanish dominions would be harder nuts to crack: their presence in the Caribbean was much more substantial, their possessions were more populous and had better resources available than the diminutive islands of the French and Dutch West Indies, like Cuba, Puerto Rico, San Domingo and Florida.


2. The Campaign in French Guiana


In late 1806, some months after the British Embassy was established in Rio de Janeiro, D. Fernando José de Portugal e Castro “loaned” the port of Fortaleza in the Captaincy of Ceará as a naval base to the Royal Navy ships operating in South America and the Caribbean, and granted them the privilege of conscripting any sea vessels – military or commercial – coming from Brazilian ports to assist in their operations for a maximum period of two years by ship. Moreover, the two garrison companies of 500 men from Rio de Janeiro and Niterói were attached to the command of Admiral Sidney Smith, and the British were permitted to conscript another two companies of 500 militiamen from Ceará. In exchange, the government of the United Kingdom provided much needed military equipment and expertize for the Viceroyal army in Rio de Janeiro (the above-mentioned “Regimento da Guanabara”). It had been agreed, as well, that the Crown of Portugal would remain in control of the Guianas, while every island annexed in the Caribbean would become a dominion of the British Crown.

After finishing the preparations in the port of Fortaleza, the British fleet of Admiral Sidney Smith sailed to the fluvial port of Cayenne, the capital of French Guyana, arriving there in February 1807. They had intercepted a local ship sailing to Europe to plead the help of the French government, in which the low morale and weak defenses of the province were detailed, and cemented the British resolve of seizing those territories.


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The northern part of South America in 1800


Through the month of February, four different amphibious operations were carried to capture minor forts in the peninsula where star fort of Cayenne was located, and where the local governor, Jean Baptiste Victor Hughes organized his defense with barely 500 militiamen. Anchored near the coast, and safe from the fort artillery, the British navy bombarded the fort for two days before the Brazilian soldiers disembarked. After they breached the defenses, the day of 16 February 1807 would be the very first time a Brazilian military contingent operated away from the homeland. It was, thus, their “baptism of fire”, and ended in a successful enterprise, as the local garrison suffered irreparable losses, including the death of the Governor Victor Hugues. The Anglo-Brazilian expeditionary force conducted other operations, to capture the village of Kourou and announce the annexation of the province to the Crown of Portugal.

Through the next week, to ensure the compliance of the colonial and indigenous peoples of the province, they paraded along the road leading to the interior, but never went so far as to become stranded in a hostile territory. In 26 February, when D. Marcos de Noronha e Brito, Portuguese Governor of Grão-Pará and Rio Negro, arrived with a company of 600 men-at-arms to occupy and administer the city in the name of the Crown of Portugal, the expeditionaries departed for another campaign.


3. The Campain in Batavian [Dutch] Guiana


The Luso-Brazilian contingent, numbering roughly 1.700 infantry, 50 light cavalry and 3 cannons, was ferried along the coast by the British ships until they sighted Paramaribo in 2nd March 1807, the provincial capital, nested at the estuary formed by the junction of Rivers Surinam and Commewijne. Just like Cayenne, the city was poorly garrisoned, but it had a larger population to pick arms.

The favored attack strategy of the British Navy was repeated: the fortifications were shelled from a safe position in the sea, and a land assault was initiated once the defenses had been weakened. The citizens of Paramaribo – as the Anglo-Brazilian expedition would discovery later – were so short on ammunition that it would be depleted in a single day if all of the garrison’s soldiers used their firearms and the cannons were fired.


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The Port of Paramaribo in Dutch Guiana


Despite this weakness, they resisted for more than a week, harassing the besiegers with crude grenades and burning projectiles thrown by slingers, improvised darts from sharpened brooms, and even arrows crafted by Indians. By 13 March, the surrounding forts had been captured, and the dwindling resources forced some members of the garrison to sally out of the citadel to gather food, and they were expectedly harassed by the besieging troops. Around 22 March, starvation was already setting in, and the desperate Governor, anticipating that no reinforcements would come from Europe – the last military contingent had come more than 50 years earlier – decided to capitulate.

Despite the fact that Suriname was geographically larger than the French Guiana, it was even less populated, and there were no fortified settlements along the coast. Some Luso-Brazilian and British scouts decided to adventure along the sole road leading to the primeval jungles in the northern reaches of the South American continent, and in whose heartland the Spanish conquistadors of old believed to be the famed city of El Dorado. After the occupiers found Lake Brokopondo and contacted the local indigenous tribes, it became clear that only the provincial capital was worthy a battle, as the rest of the country was still inhabited by sullen and sequestered aboriginals.

The other fortified Dutch settlement in the Guianas was the citadel of Stabroek, in the eastern side of the mouth of River Demerara, with a minor stronghold near the estuary of the larger watercourse, the River Essequibo. These settlements had been founded in the 18th Century, and were even smaller in size and population than Paramaribo. Paradoxically, the sole citadel overlooking the sea was more modern than that of Paramaribo, because the Dutch colony of Demerara-Essequibo had been passed by the hands of the British (in 1781), of the French (in 1782) and the Dutch again (in 1784), so its artillery batteries were relatively new. This, however, would be of little significance, as, just like in Paramaribo, the local garrison – comprising barely a 100 musketeers – were short on ammunition and supplies to withstand a siege. Their cannons were used for four consecutive days to delay the encirclement by the enemy fleet. They even managed to strike HMS Justitia, whose captain commanded its return to Fortaleza for repairs.

After the gunpowder depleted, the garrison decided to give up the vain effort. In 30 March, the Anglo-Brazilian marines were allowed into the city, and the flag of the Dutch Republic was holstered for the last time, replaced by the ensign used by the Portuguese colonial ships – a white flag charged with a gold armillary sphere – and by the British Union Jack.


4. The Caribbean Amphibious Operations


Through the 18th Century, the island of Hispaniola, the very first place where Christopher Colombus disembarked in American soil, almost three centuries earlier, originally belonged to the Crown of Spain, but since 1795 it pertained to Revolutionary France, acquired by the Treaty of Basel. At the time, a revolt of black slaves was in progress, since 1790, and would soon provoke the collapse of the colonial administration in Saint-Domingue, in what became known as the Haitian Revolution. In 1804, Haiti was recognized as an independent nation by the French Empire (while the eastern provinces of the island remained in French control): the second successful emancipationist process in the Americas – after the Thirteen Colonies of England – but its historical significance owed to the fact it was the very first time a slave rebellion succeeded in overthrowing the colonial administration.

For this very reason, the news of Haiti’s creation were received in Brazil not with applause, as was the American Revolution, but rather with consternation. In Portuguese America, like in Hispaniola, the enslaved population of Africans and Amerindians outnumbered the free European-descended ethnicities, and the triumphal subversion of what they believed to be the “natural” order of racial domination served as a very dangerous precedent and an inconvenient inspiration for the unfree peoples. The atrocious massacre of the white Francophone minority in Saint-Domingue perpetrated by the black Haitians in 1804 would be used as the righteous pretext to justify increased violence and brutality against slaves in Portuguese America. More importantly, it served to consolidate a vehement opposition against the abolitionist movements that would begin to appear through the middle 19th Century. After all, the greatest fear of a slaver society, in which the oppressors are the minority, is that the slaves might one day rise against them and invert the domination system.

Nevertheless, the United Kingdom realized that the loss of French Hispaniola was a significant blow to the French designs in the Caribbean, so it didn’t take long for it to organize a systematic takeover of the Francophone colonial dominions. The pétit Empereur was now busy waging a grand war against Prussia in the Baltic, and many French forces were allocated to the Pyrenees to stage a surprise invasion of the Kingdom of Spain after relations with King Carlos IV broke down in 1807, regarding the fate of occupied Portugal – considered a strategic liability by the Parisian government. In any case, Britain was the sole European power able to project its power in the seas, and they found the French and Spanish possessions in the Americas to be very convenient and easy targets.

In June 1807, after the colonial Luso-Brazilian forces had established a direct communication and supply route between the occupied coastal cities of the Guianas to the provinces of Grão-Pará and Rio Negro, the expeditionary forces sailed to the island of Trinidad, occupied by the British barely ten years earlier, and officially annexed to the Crown’s Dominions in 1802.

The combined Anglo-Brazilian forces started the conquest of the French Antilles, beginning with Grenada, in June of 1807. By late January 1808, all the islands of the West Indies were under British control, either those that had pertained to the French Empire, like Guadaloupe and Martinique, and those belonging to the Kingdom of Denmark, such as St. Thomas and St. Croix. In the 6th January, the Luso-Brazilian marines won a hard-fought battle against the Hispanic garrison of San Juan, the capital of Puerto Rico, near the city’s walls, which became known as “Vitória dos Reis Magos” [1].

By February 1808, the Union Jack was being exhibited in the main cities of the province, as per the arrangement formalized in 1806 with the Viceroy of Brazil – representing the Crown of Portugal – the island would be ceded to the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

In November 1807, a supporting Royal Navy fleet commanded by Alexander Inglis Cochrane had come from Barbados to assist in the takeover of Puerto Rico. In 1806, another British squadron, led by Sir John Thomas Duckworth, had decisively defeated a French fleet stationed in French-occupied San Domingo to raid the British trade lines in the Atlantic Sea, so in 1807 the only remaining naval power in the Caribbean was the Kingdom of Spain, still allied to the French Empire.

A Spanish flotilla from Santiago de Cuba harassed the coast of British Jamaica in December 1807, and even managed to disembark troops to attack Kingston, but they fled at the notice of a British fleet approach. The Spanish fleet was chased until the coast of Cuba, and in January 1808 was engaged by the Royal Navy squadrons under Sidney Smith and Sir Duckworth off the Cuban coast, some kilometers east of Cabo Cruz. After a brief battle, the numerically disadvantaged Hispanic ships were vanquished by the more experienced crews operating in the name of His Majesty, the King of Great Britain and Ireland.

The Luso-Brazilian marines, after holding Puerto Rico, were deployed in French San Domingo in April 1808, to occupy the city of same name. Demonstrating how blurry the lines of war can get sometimes, many of the Hispanic inhabitants of the island, despising the corrupt French administration, and fearing the loss of control to the bloodthirsty and abhorrent Haitians, decided it was a lesser evil to collaborate with the Luso-Brazilian contingent to expel the French officers, on the condition that the Haitians be kept off their own territory. The British officers agreed, but, in any event, Jean-Jacques Dessalines – the self-proclaimed Emperor of Haiti – did not seem inclined to launch military operations beyond his own borders.

After the victory of Cabo Cruz, the Royal Navy officers, aware that a full occupation of Cuba and Florida would dilute their forces too much, decided to conduct simple naval raids to hamper the economic potential of the dominions of the Crown of Madrid. Santiago de Cuba was the last city effectively occupied by British mariners; they plundered every armament and munition, and sabotaged the artillery defensed of the beach fortress, and, after leaving, spent the next five months sailing along the Cuban and Floridian coasts, like a hungry vulture, attacking the weakest defensive spots and intercepting merchant ships.

Only in August 1808 did the Admirals responsible for operating in the Caribbean theater received the unexpected news that the French Grand Armée had invaded the Kingdom of Spain and was preparing an invasion of the Spanish-occupied Portugal, and that the government of His Majesty, the King of Great Britain and Ireland, immediately approached the now-reigning King Fernando VII of Spain to formalize a defensive alliance against Napoléon Bonaparte. A British army was being mustered in England, with the purpose of sailing to South America to liberate the provinces of the Plata River from Spanish control, but now they were instead sent to Galicia, led by Sir Arthur Wellesley, to fight against the French invaders.

This sudden change of circumstances provoked the immediate interruption of military activities against the Spanish dominions in the Americas, and the battle-hardened Luso-Brazilian force was deployed back to Paramaribo, where a military contingent of 800 men-at-arms would administrate the recently-captured provinces of the Dutch Guianas, while the French province would remain under the administration of the Portuguese Captaincy of Grão-Pará & Rio Negro, and the archipelagoes in the Caribbean went to the British Crown.

_______________________________________

[1] “Vitória dos Reis Magos” means literally “victory of the Magi”, as the 6th January is the Feast of the Biblical Magi who visited Jesus of Nazareth in his birth.

_______________________________________

Historical Notes: The capture of the French Guyana happened historically, as the Portuguese government-in-exile in Rio de Janeiro created an expeditionary force to assist the British Royal Navy in attacking French territories in the Americas. The capture of Cayenne happened, but I put some more fancy details. Nevertheless, differently from OTL, whence the French and Dutch Guyanas were returned to the respective metropolises after the Napoleonic Wars, ITTL these territories will remain effectively incorporated to Brazil even after the war, and this will have lasting consequences, both in the relation between Portugal and Brazil, but also regarding the Netherlands.
 
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Deleted member 67076

Brazilian invasion of Quisqueya, I did not see that coming.

I love where you're going with this, please continue.
 
Good update. Waiting for more (all in due time)...

Brazilian invasion of Quisqueya, I did not see that coming.

I love where you're going with this, please continue.

Thanks for the support, my friends, and I want to apologize for the long hiatus. It has been since february that I don't post anything (indeed, I haven't been to this forum lately...).

Now, fortunately I have some new chapters to be posted in the next few days. Even if I don't continue the TL all the way to the definite end (that is, the 21st Century), I intend to at least finish the part related to the "Independence War" of Brazil to give this story a "finale" of sorts.
 
9. The Banda Oriental Campaign of 1807-1808
As seen previously, the United Kingdom harbored ambitions regarding the La Plata region, due to its strategic significance in the context of the South American trade. After the state of war between Portuguese America against the Spanish Empire was confirmed in the middle of 1806, and D. Fernando José de Portugal e Castro was extorted into providing soldiers to join the British campaigns, a plan was devised in London to conquer the La Plata region.

It was only executed in well into 1807, though. The Governors of São Pedro do Rio Grande and Santa Catarina, at first uneasy by the new legislation enacted by the Viceroy in Rio de Janeiro, came to accept it as a necessary evil to defend the Portuguese interests in South America, and had mobilized their troops in preparation of war, fearing that the Spaniards would try to reconquer the region of Missões, acquired in the War of 1801.

Col. José de Abreu Mena Barreto had mustered 1.460 soldiers, militiamen and Indians in São Pedro do Rio Grande, and joined with Marcelo Virgílio Paiva, at the head of 800 soldiers of the line and volunteers in the city of Laguna, where they awaited the arrival of two companies promised by Viceroy D. Fernando José de Portugal e Castro (detached from Rio de Janeiro’s city guard).

They only arrived in May 1807, ferried by battleships of the Royal Navy under Admiral Sir Home Riggs Popham, who assumed the overall command of the expedition. Only then Mena Barreto and Virgílio Paiva were informed about the details of the campaign: their combined armies would capture the coastal region of Banda Oriental, while the British mariners and Luso-Brazilian forces sent by the Viceroy would immediately seize the ports of Montevideo and Sacramento, in the La Plata estuary. After securing their position, they would then sail to take Buenos Aires, and defend their positions. Their forces totaled about 3.250 Luso-Brazilians (from both southern provinces and from Rio de Janeiro) and 2.100 British soldiers coming from recently conquered Dutch South Africa.

Admiral Riggs Popham did not care to provide all of the details to the Luso-Brazilian allies, but he was fully aware that a large military contingent was being assembled in England under Arthur Wellesley, whose mission would be the complete conquest of the Viceroyalty of La Plata in the year of 1808. Sir Riggs Popham’s goal was to secure at least Montevideo until the expected reinforcements arrived, in the next year.

In 30 May 1807, the Mena Barreto and Virgílio Paiva’s forces crossed the border in Chuí and penetrated Spanish territory. According to their reconnaissance, the Hispanic garrisons in Banda Oriental weren’t aware of the Luso-Brazilian mobilization in the south, and apparently didn’t even have the knowledge that they were about to be attacked. Apparently Lord Horatio Nelson’s great triumph in Huelva reduced the contact between the Kingdom of Spain and its colonies to a minimum, as they had lost almost their whole navy.

The invading land army marched very quickly, and in two days they reached the star fort of Santa Teresa [1], in a stretch of land between the ocean and a lake called Laguna Negra. The local garrison, numbering about 160 infantrymen, at first sustained hopes of resisting the invaders, owing to the strong defensive position.


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Imagining that a direct assault on the walls could result in unbearable losses, and knowing that they couldn’t wait to starve the garrison into surrender, as they apparently had plenty of supplies, Mena Barreto and Virgílio Paiva, after four days of siege, hatched a stratagem: six Spanish-speaking soldiers would be disguised as peasants fleeing from the invading army, and would infiltrate inside the fortification. Some peasant women and children were made hostages by the Luso-Brazilian forces and forced to cooperate with their plan, to give it some credibility. To reinforce the deception, many other groups of farmers from the region were forced out of their homes, and ordered to move to the fortress at gunpoint. In the 7th May, about forty civilians were reluctantly admitted inside the stronghold, among them the Luso-Brazilian infiltrators, who pretended to have been wounded by the invaders.

In the dark of the night, they silently overpowered the gate’s sentinels, and gave a signal to the besiegers, and immediately opened the way inside. Col. Mena Barreto personally led the heavy cavalry inside the fortress, charging at a firing wall formed by the startled defending soldiers. The dangerous ploy worked as intended: the invading forces kept the gates open and after a quick engagement forced the garrison to capitulate. Less than twenty men fell in the Luso-Brazilian side, but the defenders withstood at least some forty casualties in the fierce bayonet fight. They were then disarmed and sent as prisoners back to the fort of Chuí. Before the sunrise, the invading army was already marching along the south road, leaving a token garrison inside the stronghold.

Four days of rapid march were enough to reach the outskirts of Maldonado, a fortified coastal city surrounded by a creek. The scouts reported that the city had at least 600 professional soldiers to garrison it, but most of them had been ordered to go west, to Montevideo, three days before, when the Royal Navy ships were sighted entering the River Plata estuary.

The gaúcho army besieged the city, whose inhabitants were astonished by the sudden appearance of a relatively numerous invading army. According to the reports, the people of Banda Oriental were completely surprised by the expedition, and so far weren’t even aware of the arrival of the British in Brazil.

During the following days the reconnaissance missions reported that the British ships had sunk the five Spanish patrolling ships anchored in the port of Buenos Aires, without losing even one vessel. The garrison that had been detached from Maldonado, upon learning about the siege of their own city, did try to return to relieve it against the besiegers, but they were ordered by the local commander, Gen. Pascual Ruiz Huidobro, to defend Montevideo, whose walls had better defenses. Soon enough they learned that the British main target was indeed Montevideo, and not Buenos Aires.

When the Luso-Brazilian forces breached the defenses of Maldonado, in 19 May 1807, and took the city by storm after a fierce fight in the streets, they had already been informed that the British marines, supported by the battalions from Rio de Janeiro, had taken Montevideo in three days before.

In 22 May, after garrisoning Maldonado, Mena Barreto and Virgílio Paiva’s army was received in Montevideo, now administrated by Adm. Sir Home Riggs Popham, and he finally disclosed – almost like an afterthought – that they were to hold these positions until a reinforcement came from the home islands. The Luso-Brazilian marines from Rio de Janeiro, hardened by battle, were merged with the gaúcho army, and together the colonials marched against Colonia de Sacramento, while the British contingents remained in Montevideo.

This port-town had been founded by the Portuguese, more than a hundred years earlier, but since then it changed hands between the Portuguese and Spanish Empires, until the victorious Spaniards annexed it to their domains by the Treaty of San Ildefonso (1777). In 27 May 1807, like so many times before, it was besieged by an army loyal to the Portuguese Crown. Neither Mena Barreto nor Virgílio Paiva had the genius of any of Napoléon’s great marshals – and even now they had vanquished the Prussian armies to penetrate in Berlin through the Brandenburg Gate – but they were resourceful and careful with the lives of their men, who were, after all, the only people they identified as “compatriots”; not even the soldiers coming from Rio de Janeiro, with their different dress, accent and manners, could be considered such, not even if they spoke Portuguese and were all subjects to the same monarch.

So, when the colonels sent their men to a breach opened in the northwestern wall of Sacramento, they were sending their own countrymen to fight, and to die. They fought bravely, and they died bloodily, scorched by bullets and mutilated by bayonets, but by the end of the day, the streets were theirs. Some thirty or so urban militiamen escaped to a citadel near the sea wall, but they saw no use in resisting: in the previous days, one frigate of the Royal Navy had intercepted and scared away a squadron of riverine boats coming from Quilmes, in the outskirts of Buenos Aires, to reinforce the city during the night. When HMS Neptune silhouette emerged in the misty night, so close to the steady mouth of the Plata River, the reinforcing companies, which couldn’t have numbered above 200 soldiers in some 15 boats, rowed back to the south coast of the estuary. In 29 May, thus, the remaining city guards capitulated, and the flag of Portugal was lifted in the town square.

In the day that the British took Montevideo, they had discovered that the local Governor, Pascual Ruiz Huidobro, had escaped from the city with only his 50 bodyguards, and ordered one of his lieutenants to command the garrison, and fled to the countryside, allegedly to muster a militia to reinforce the provincial capital. Obviously he didn’t expect that the British marines would be able to storm and seize the city in one day. Until 28 May, his whereabouts were unknown, but it was supposed that he had fled from Montevideo following the course of the River San José. In that day, scouts discovered that he was in the village of San Salvador [2], not far from Sacramento, and close to the junction of the Uruguay and La Plata Rivers.

In 30 May, Mena Barreto led personally a detachment of 280 light cavalrymen, comprising Gaúchos and Guarani Indians, to pursue and make the Governor a hostage. They made forced march, stopping only brief periods to eat and allow the mounts to rest, but by 4th June, when they arrived near San Salvador, they found out that Gov. Ruiz Huidobro had already moved north, aiming to reach the parish-town of Capela da Misericórdia [3]. Both horses and men were exhausted, but in 7th June they finally approached the fleeing hidalgo and his followers. He had indeed been trying to muster a military force from the peasants, and by now his force had almost doubled since his abandonment of Montevideo.


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Col. José de Abreu Mena Barreto

The Gaúchos opted for a night attack, and charged into the Hispanic camp – they had been to careless with the defenses, and didn’t even put watchmen near the entrance or scouts in the road, perhaps didn’t expecting to be attacked so soon – and were surprised by the sudden appearance of the cavalrymen, like furious demons in a dark nightmare. Various conscripted farmers didn’t even had firearms, battling with pitchforks and clubs, so they were slaughtered. Gov. Ruiz Huidobro escaped again, in the dark of the night, but was captured in the next morning, his high-ranking officer uniform and his medals all covered in mud.

Col. Mena Barreto returned to San Salvador, and took down the Spanish flag from the town center. Some poor laborers (all of them indentured servants to the local rural oligarchs) were conscripted into his own battalion, and some scouts were left to watch the movements on the other side of the Uruguay River. The closest crossing of the large watercourse was far to the north, in the bend of the Fray Bentos brook, so if a hostile force coming from Entrerios crossed into Banda Oriental, the occupying forces in Sacramento and Montevideo would be alerted in advance.


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Gaúchos, inhabitants of the regions east of the Uruguay River, partitioned between the Portuguese and Spanish Empires


For the next three months, there were indeed various reports of military movements beyond the border, but no force came from beyond the Uruguay River. In the meantime, the British attempted to launch an amphibious attack to seize Buenos Aires, but were repelled after establishing a fortified position in Quilmes, a suburban district of the provincial capital. Their fleet still controlled the entrance of the estuary of the Plata River, and later the Luso-Brazilian commanders learned that the local Spanish inhabitants had agreed to open the ports to the ships waving the Union Jack.

The interior of Banda Oriental was subdued in a month. The local laborers, fishermen and cattle-grazers mounted only disorganized guerilla bands, but they were too few in number, and too undisciplined to mount a cohesive resistance. The local friars and bishops, very influential among the population, were bribed or coerced to appease the rebellious sentiment in the province.

In the middle of August, a Hispanic army, numbering roughly 5.300 men from the Platine provinces, including Amerindians, approached the river town of Paysandú, where they intended to cross the Uruguay River and penetrate Banda Oriental. They were led by Lt. Col. Jacques Liniers, a French-born officer at the service of the Crown of Spain – known as “Santiago” – and most of them seemed to be professional troops. Paysandú was being held by a detachment of 300 men from Virgílio Paiva’s regiment, and they at first intended to capitalize on the city’s defenses to delay, or even stop, their advance. The plan was frustrated, however, as the local villagers, inspired by the arrival of the rescuing army, immediately rioted against the occupying battalion, and they were forced to fight their way out of the town, following the south road.

Losing some companions, the Gaúcho battalion hurried south, and succeeded in contacting Col. Virgílio Paiva, camped near Fray Bentos, on the border of the Uruguay River with some 600 soldiers, for it was in that spot that they were expecting the enemy attack. The retreating soldiers were ordered to continue south until they reached the shores of the River Negro, a large and serpentine watercourse. The river was too deep and rapid to be forded in that region, so the colonel believed that the much numerous Hispanic forces could be bottlenecked in a bridge, and also preventing flanking maneuvers. Only in 20 August did Lt. Liniers’ army arrived, being attracted to the more favorable position of the Luso-Brazilian forces by the constant harassment of the Gaúcho light cavalry.

Virgílio Paiva underestimated the resolve and discipline of the Spaniards. After many hours of intense fight, the enemy remained intact, while the Gaúchos began to cede space under pressure. An hour before nightfall, the Luso-Brazilian army finally dismantled, with heavy casualties, and Virgílio Paiva lost his own life trying to coordinate a cohesive retreat. After the rout, dozens of his men were slain on spot or imprisoned. Barely 400 men were found to be regrouped by Virgílio Paiva’s brother and aid-de-camp, Pedro dos Santos Virgílio Paiva, and even exhausted they succeeded in escaping the adversary’s hunting parties, by avoiding the roads and penetrating whatever meadows they found. In 28 August they were rescued by Mena Barreto’s cavalry, some 70 km north of Sacramento.

The next month began with an intense disagreement between Col. Mena Barreto and Brigadier General John Robert Beckett, who had been appointed Governor over the conquered province of “North River Plate”. A very contemptuous and uncourteous man, he disdained the Luso-Brazilian soldiers as nothing better than mere barbarians, provoking unnecessary clashes with the local occupying forces. Even his own subordinates, more sensible to the precarious situation they were, came to abhor the mistreatment of the allies. It almost came to the point where the South American and European contingents separated, the first garrisoning the historically more significant city of Sacramento, and the second holding Montevideo.

Fortunately for both of them, though, the approach of the invading army made them reach an agreement: whatever defense they intended would be made in Montevideo, a much larger city than Sacramento, and whose fortifications were more reliable.

Only in 3rd September Lt. Liniers arrived, and urgently prepared his five culverins and six 12-pounds cannons to demolish the fortifications near the northwestern gate. Considering that the British had captured the provincial capital by storm after overcoming the sea-based defenses, the land walls were intact.

The siege lasted for six hard days. After it, Lt. Liniers had lost almost a third of his men, but the combined Luso-Brazilians and British were also exhausted and already low on ammunition. Food and clothes could be supplied by ship, but it was clear that their position became untenable.


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In 10 September, both sides agreed for an armistice. After hours of debates, the Luso-Brazilian and British officers, seeing their own disunion would harbinger the defeat, decided to surrender. Lt. Santiago Liniers gave them safe conduct outside the city, and the British with just brief salutes embarked on their ships back to England, while the Portuguese Americans marched along the coast, back to the Fort of Santa Teresa, which was then emptied from men and resources, and they returned to Chuí, on the border between the nations. Afterwards, foreseeing that the Spaniards might attempt a counterattack, they moved to Bagé, a frontier town from where they could watch the movements beyond the border.

Their fears were grounded: the Platine forces did approach the border in early October, but after some quick cavalry skirmishes, decided to return, despite being in numerical superiority. The Luso-Brazilians couldn’t have known, but this happened because the Spanish Viceroy in Buenos Aires called him back, apparently fearful of a conspiracy among the citizens to dethrone him. After all, just like in Portuguese America, in the La Plata provinces there were also serious revolutionary ideas, and the ruling Spanish elite feared the rising power of the criollos, the American-born people of European descent, and even refused to arm them against the Portuguese.

This tense state of affairs remained until the end of the year, when Col. Mena Barreto had the confirmation from his spies that Lt. Liniers had returned to Buenos Aires, leaving a significant garrison in Montevideo and Sacramento. They probably expected another aggression by the British or the Portuguese-Americans on the next year, but the Gaúcho general disbanded his forces, considering their campaign supplies, including reserve weapons and ammo, were almost depleted, and no notice came from Rio de Janeiro about reinforcements for a new attempt against Banda Oriental.

*****​

In March 1808, London had been communicated about the Grand Armée’s crossing of the Pyrenees to invade the Kingdom of Spain, in March 1808. The plans for the liberation of La Plata were aborted.

Three months later, an armistice was formalized between the Spanish Viceroyalty of La Plata and the Viceroyalty of Brazil, representing the Crown of Portugal. Border skirmishes continued in Banda Oriental until early September, when Governor Diogo Cabano Ferreira of São Pedro do Rio Grande was exonerated from the provincial government, to be sent now to the recently occupied Guianas. Viceroy Fernando José de Portugal e Castro had recently signed the July Compromise, which gave the local provincials the right of disagreeing with his nomination of the new governor, but the Gaúchos happily applauded José de Abreu Mena Barreto’s nomination to be the new Governor, and he dutifully accepted the elevation, which automatically promoted him to the rank of Captain-General of the Provincial Militia.

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[1] The fort of Santa Teresa still exists as a touristic location inside Castillos, in the Rocha Department of Uruguay.

[2] “San Salvador” is the old name for the city of Dolores, in the Soriano Department of Uruguay.

[3] “Capela da Misericórdia” is the old name for the city of Mercedes, in the Soriano Department of Uruguay.



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Historical Notes: This whole chapter is based in the idea of the historical Luso-Portuguese Conquest of Uruguay and in the British invasions of the River Plate (that attempted to capture Buenos Aires), but resulting from different causes and in different outcomes.

Mena Barreto, much like the leaders of the Mineira Conspiracy seen in previous chapters, is a historical character, but an obscure one (though his family - the Mena Barretos - holds to this day some distinction due to a certain general named João de Deus Mena Barreto who served during the 1930's), so, again, I opted to fictionalize his portrayal without risking to grab a better-known historical character.
 
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10. "Independência para o Brasil!" (Pt. 1) (1816)
1. The "Revitalização" Policy

After Napoléon Bonaparte was defeated in Germany while retreating from the failed invasion of Russia and forced to abdicate in 1814, he was exiled to the desolate Ascension Island in the Atlantic Sea. Immediately afterwards, the Austrian Prime-Minister, Klemens von Metternich, convened a general concert of the European nations – the Congress of Vienna – in late 1814 to restore the geopolitics of Europe to the pre-revolutionary period, by redrawing the national borders, with some new countries arising from the ashes of the French revolutionary clientage and others devoured by the victorious empires, as well as to confirm an alliance against the revolutionary terrors.

In Portugal, the Royal House of the Braganças was restored to the throne of Portugal, under the reign of D. João VI. Even despite his weak character, the King was emboldened by the Revolution’s apparent defeat, and sought to enforce his own royal power as an absolutist ruler. Advised by his reactionary ministers, he inaugurated a new set of policies and reforms dedicated to galvanize the broken nation of Portugal around the idea of restoring the former glory of its empire. This policy became known as “Revitalização”, and meant not only a series of economic and military reforms, but mainly the reestablishment of the complete colonial domination.

Brazil was the jewel of the Portuguese Empire. The provinces of Angola, Moçambique, the few trading posts and factories in Asia and in the Atlantic islands… all of these were meaningless. Portuguese America was the flagship of the empire… no, even more, it was the pillar that gave strength to its decaying building.

Brazil without Portugal could become a mighty empire in the Americas: its vast expanse could be filled by ninety times the territory of the tiny metropolis, and was more than the double of the European landmass. Its population was between three and four times more than that of the kingdom centered on Lisboa. Its natural resources were very abundant and seemed unending, while Portugal, despite centuries of exploiting its riches was a poor country, as most of its wealth actually flowed to the foreign markets in London and Amsterdam.

And Portugal without Brazil… was nothing. A decadent princedom, still addicted by the easy riches plundered from the colonies, envious of the other nations of the world.

The Portuguese royalty knew this, of course. The unexpected British intervention in the colony provoked a serious change in the status quo, which threatened the very basis of the colonial regime. Now, the British trade was much more competitive in the colony, and the volume of Portuguese commerce plummeted to unsustainable levels, bankrupting the former prosperous merchants of Porto and Lisboa, and their outrage appalled the recently crowned monarch. Without the taxes collected from the overseas, the metropolitan administration was broken, and the vices of the Lusitanian nobility could not be sustained. The human and resource losses of the wars against Spain and France reduced the whole nation to impoverishment. King João VI was desperate.

Bringing back the “colonial pact” – that forbid the colony to trade with any other country than the metropolis – would antagonize Great Britain, and this they could hardly afford. The ministers to which he commended the administration of the empire were too reactionary, firmly believing in the archaic ideals of the divine rights of the suzerains over their subjects and failed to realize how those few years before had transformed Portuguese America. The Portuguese figured that they could simply undo the unexpected reforms and steady advances that had occurred in the other side of the Atlantic, and the colonial regime would be restored to the first… there would be dissatisfaction, of course, but the revolts would be suppressed. After all, every revolt sparked in the colony had been suppressed so far.

Simply like that, with but a few decrees signed with the King’s name, the people of Portuguese America, that after so many centuries of exploitation firstly experienced the flavor of autonomy and freedom, realized their newfound liberties had been suddenly terminated.


2. The Causes of the Independence War


It is interesting to note that until after the war between the Portuguese and the Luso-Brazilians had already commenced, there were few voices inside Portuguese America that advocated full independence. The prevailing opinion was that Brazil should remain a colony of Portugal, in the condition that they were granted more autonomy to decide their own affairs, a reduction of fiscal burdens and representation inside the metropolitan government. Until the arrival of the British, many of the provincial products were directed to the Portuguese markets, as trade between the colonial provinces was much less profitable than with the metropolis. Also, until Great Britain started to intervene in the Atlantic slave trade, it was one of the most rewarding enterprises in the colony, and so far it was controlled by the Kingdom of Portugal.

A full political rupture with the metropolis could spell doom for Brazil, whose minoritarian European-descended elite dreaded a slave revolt like it had happened in Haiti, and the loss of their commercial opportunities. For the same reasons, very few advocated republicanism, as they opposed enfranchisement of the discriminated ethnicities, and actually believed that monarchism was the best system to preserve order and stability in a country fractured by so many social and economic inequalities.

Their main interest was not independence, but rather more autonomy and political recognition in the metropolitan decision-making. After all, Portuguese America was by far the flagship of the empire: much larger, populous and prosperous than the whole African provinces and the Asian possessions. Its white Iberian-descended elite desired a fair representation in the imperial affairs.

Nevertheless, the reactionary Portuguese government composed after the restoration of the Braganças was amazingly short on political sensibility, which, in hindsight, was the best attitude that could have motivated the Revitalização policy to restore a semblance of stability in the declining age of the Portuguese Empire. What they seemed willing to reform and rebuild in Portugal, they were unwilling to admit in the colonies. “Autonomy” was equated to “subversion”. Reduction of taxes were inadmissible, as they were needed to restore the fractured economy of the metropolis. The recent developments of the colony would have to be undone soon enough, lest it became self-sufficient.

Besides, King João VI too weak and disinterested to prevent the self-destructive radicalization inside his government, and the powerful ministers and churchmen, too greedy and retrograde to consider the necessity of reforms, became the de facto rulers of Portugal. Contaminated by the reactionary trend inaugurated by the post-Napoleonic order, they genuinely believed that repressive measures were the correct solution to save the empire. For them, Portugal was the empire, and the colonies were not seen as constituent parts of it, but rather as provinces to be exploited.

The matters were further complicated by the frightening news: various liberal insurgences threatened the stability of the Spanish Empire, from the deserts of México to the mountains of the Andes. It seemed that the entirety of the Americas had been contaminated by the dreaded revolutionary ideas born in France, and immediate action was needed, lest Portuguese America became infected by it as well. Thinking like military commanders instead as like statesmen, the ruling authorities of Portugal devised a plan to quickly "garrison" the colony and protect their own provinces from the inevitable advances of the Hispano-American Jacobin hordes, and suppress whatever rebellions occur in Brazil itself against the Crown of Portugal.

As the Luso-Brazilians quickly realized that the restoration of the Braganças would actually spell their own ruin, resentment and indignation rose proportionally, especially among the regional elites, who had already become used to their newfound privileges.


3. The Outbreak of the Independence War


For roughly two years after the restoration of the Braganças, tensions between metropolis and colony arose to breaking point.

A committee of distinguished members of the urban elites and clergymen from Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais arrived in middle 1816 in Lisboa, seeking to plead their own cause for increased colonial autonomy before the King himself. They argued that the colonists had remained faithful to the Crown even in its long exile in France, and had only answered to the legitimate governments in Portugal, and even shed their blood to face the kingdom’s enemies. Every reform passed by the previous Viceroys owed to necessity. Their greatest desire, in the end, was to be recognized as brothers to the Portuguese race, and not as mere servants like the Africans and Indians.

As the months passed, they presented their arguments before the ministers many times, but their pleadings were ignored. Failing to obtain an audience with King João VI, it became clear that their effort was in vain, and that they were simply being held up. They discovered too late that large Portuguese armies had been mustered and had been deployed to the Americas, as a means of preventing any revolutions inside the colony as the status quo was restored. When these representatives desperately tried to sail back, however, they were forbidden to return to Portuguese America and became de facto prisoners.

In September 1816, D. Miguel Pereira Forjaz, the new Viceroy, arrived in Rio de Janeiro, with almost 5.000 infantrymen and 20 pieces of artillery under the command of Gen. Carlos José Silva Fragoso Mendes. Both were conservative officers, esteemed by the ruling cabinet in Lisboa, but Fragoso Mendes, unlike his colleague, was a parvenu, whose distinction owed not to his lineage, but to his feats in the battlefields against the French armies. Thus, he was eager to prove himself the right man to restore order in the colony, as Portuguese America was seemingly in the brink of rebellion.


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General Carlos José Silva Fragoso Mendes


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Dom Miguel Pereira Forjaz


The former Viceroy had already communicated Lisboa about serious conspiracies uncovered in the greatest cities of the colony, Rio de Janeiro, Vila Rica and others, and many were arrested for francesia and sedition. Forbidden books and pamphlets that propagated the revolutionary ideas were being found, and rumors abounded that the disgruntled farmers were arming themselves to oppose the new taxation system imposed by the metropolis. An alarming notice had arrived in that very month that a fellow named Lazáro Silvério Marcondes, implicated in an emancipationist plot in Olinda, had sailed on a trading boat with a certain amount of gold and gifts to the United States of America, where he would seek an audience with the government in Washington to ask for support in an independence war.

Alarmed by these notices and rumors, D. Pereira Forjaz took immediate action to fulfill the policies of the metropolis. His predecessor had adopted a neutral stance on the colonial affairs, and made but a feeble effort to implement the Revitalização policies – his laxness had been so much that as soon as he arrived in Lisboa he was arrested and trialed for treason. Now, D. Pereira Forjaz, merging the local Regimento da Guanabara with the arriving Portuguese forces, enhanced persecution against the so-called "francesias" and other conspiracies, outlawed every sort of public meetings in the colony. The Chamber of Rio de Janeiro was dissolved, and, when some of its members wrote a formal protest, they were arrested for treason.

Realizing the strategic importance of seizing the control of the province of Minas Gerais, the army was immediately sent there under command of Gen. Fragoso Mendes. The captaincy’s importance was threefold: (1) it was the most populous and rich province in the southeast; (2) its population was notoriously contaminated by the revolutionary ideology; (3) its geographic position connected it with the colonial hinterland, as well as with Bahia and São Paulo.

His march, however, was delayed by the news of a large revolt in the rural communities around the Lagoa Feia in the northeastern part of the province of Rio de Janeiro. The local population had become impoverished and had no interest in paying new taxes. After government officials were expelled by a vexed mob, the ruthless Portuguese commander decided to impose exemplary punishment: a series of mass executions claimed the lives of hundreds of people with no distinction being made between whites, mulattoes and slaves. Thereafter the place would be known as Lagoa Cemitério [“Graveyard lake”], as most of the parishes were abandoned by the frightened population, and the corpses were left unburied to rot in the roadsides and town squares.

If this infamous bloodbath was supposed to quench the rebellious sentiment, it failed, because the unwarranted atrocity, coupled with the generalized exasperation towards the accumulated abuses of the Portuguese monarchy, and the desire of protecting their newfound liberty, made the most populous and unquiet provinces of Brazil to pick up arms in rebellion.

Similar to what had happened years earlier, during D. Fernando José de Portugal e Castro’s rule, two distinct blocs of resistance were formed: (A) the “Bandeirante” bloc, comprising São Paulo and Minas Gerais, grounded on the still remembered “São Carlos Declaration” // and (B) the “Equador” bloc, championed by Bahia and Pernambuco, represented by the Chamber of Salvador. Both sides feared the loss of their regional autonomy, and while the northeastern provinces realized that the Crown of Portugal would favor the southeastern region due to the moribund auriferous production, the southeastern provinces feared that the resuming of the royal intervention would ransack their own wealth to sustain the coffers of Lisboa.

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Historical Notes: The Congress of London is the ATL equivalent of the Congress of Vienna. In this TL, Napoleon Bonaparte is defeated after a disastrous campaign in Russia, but instead of being exiled to Corsica he is sent to an isolated island in the Atlantic Ocean, and thus the “Hundred Days” and the Battle of Waterloo are butterflied away.

Regarding the causes of the Independence War in Brazil, I tried to picture a somewhat exaggerated, but not improbable scenario, based on similar episodes occurring during the 1820s IOTL, in which the new Liberal regime in Portugal, due to a series of ill-thought decisions, precipitated an emancipationist movement led by the Andrada Family and D. Pedro de Bragança.

The causes for the independence of the Hispano-American colonies were very similar, and also resulted from mismanagement and poor hindsight of the Spanish Crown during the 1810-1820s.
 
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You posted the first part of Chapter 9 twice...

That's because I made a mistake... I jumped from chapter 8 straight to the 10 (that is, the incorrectly numbered "chapter 9"), because I had forgotten about chapter 9 (which I had written a couple weeks ago!).

Now I edited the previous post to correct the mistake, and Chapter 9 is in the correct place. Nevertheless, thanks for pointing it out, and I'm glad you are still here even after this long wait :)
 
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Could we seeing the seeds of a split between the economically alive parts of Brasil (the Southeast) and the soon-to-be-very-poor parts of Brasil (the Northeast)?
 
Could we seeing the seeds of a split between the economically alive parts of Brasil (the Southeast) and the soon-to-be-very-poor parts of Brasil (the Northeast)?

Indeed, that's the macro-historical trend we'll be seeing in Brazil through the 19th Century. Without spoilering anything, but the War of Independence will force an alliance between the provinces of the Southeast/South and Northeast, but the seeds of the split, as you said, will be there already.
 
10. "Independência para o Brasil!" (Pt. 2) (1816-1817)
4. The Portuguese Campaign in Minas Gerais


General Carlos José Silva Fragoso Mendes’ autobiography reveals minute details about the campaigns that he coordinated during the Brazilian War of Independence. In his memoirs, he makes it clear that the Crown of Portugal expected serious rebellions in Brazil if the Revitalização policies were to be implemented. To respond adequately, the Portuguese needed to quickly mobilize their own war machine to launch a preemptive war of sorts, in 1816, attacking the rebels before they could prepare the local resistance.

Two armies would be sent consecutively: the Exército Real do Alentejo under Gen. Fragoso Mendes and, later, the Exército Real de Viseu, to attack the northeastern provinces. According to Fragoso Mendes’ report, the Portuguese fleet was in such a poor state that it could not transport the whole army at the same time. The army was comprised by a handful of Portuguese veteran companies, a large fraction of it had the presence of French mercenaries who saw themselves unemployed after Napoléon’s defeat, and a significant number of men levied from the African colonies.

The Portuguese disadvantages were enumerated as: (A) numerical inferiority; (B) the vast size and little knowledge of the country, increasing the risk of stretching supply lines; (C) unreliable naval support, as the Portuguese warfleet had been reduced to but a few transport ships during the Napoleonic Wars; (D) the arriving soldiers, despite their triumphs in the Peninsular War, were tired of conflict, and became demoralized by the turbulent crossing of the Atlantic Ocean; (E) the initial lack of a sizeable cavalry force, which was supposed to be draw from the loyalist Luso-Brazilian forces.

The advantages, on the other hand, were listed as: (I) the rebels were too disunited, and still amalgamated around mutually exclusive regional identities, so they might fail in mounting a strategic grand-scale resistance; (II) the Portuguese forces were veterans of the Peninsular War, and had been trained by British supervisors during the campaigns, and had much better equipment and training; (III) it was a light moving force, knowledgeable about guerrilla tactics, and he believed they could be quickly maneuvered to strike the resistance before it could organize itself.

General Fragoso Mendes’ strategy consisted of quick and decisive campaigns against urban settlements, to break the main resistance foci in the southeastern provinces, and, if necessary, march all the way to the southern border of the colony, to repel eventual Spanish interference. Indeed, he had anticipated that the Kingdom of Spain might attempt to thwart Portuguese designs in South America in this moment of strategical weakness.

At last, he expected the second royalist army from the Atlantic Sea to arrive in the next year, to wage a separate war in the Northeast region of Portuguese America. After the principal resistance groups were defeated in battle, the royalist faction inside Brazil would gain strength and assist in the restoration of the colonial rule.

Mobilizing all the military forces at his disposal in Rio de Janeiro, bolstering the Exército Real do Alentejo to almost 8.000 troops – a staggering cipher in the record of Brazilian military conflicts – he wasted no time in marching north, through the Estrada do Ouro [“Road of Gold”] that crossed the Serra do Mar and led to the central region of the province of Minas Gerais, where the gold and diamond minefields were concentrated. He sought to fulfill a double purpose: (1) to ensure the control of the production of precious minerals and of the mints; and (2) to reestablish administrative control over one of the most populous and militarized provinces of the colony.

His grand army arrived in March 1816 in the parish of Piedade da Borda do Campo [“Barbacena”], and routed a local militia, which had been put in alarm after he set ablaze the village of Santo Antônio de Paraibuna [“Juiz de Fora”]. The citizens of Piedade da Borda do Campo closed the doors of the small town, but resisted barely two days before their palisades were breached. Demonstrating his little patience for resistance, Gen. Fragoso Mendes coordinated another massacre, and the local slaves were confiscated, leaving the ruined village in flames. Not even the priests escaped violence, and were imprisoned and sent back to Rio de Janeiro to be trialed as traitors. This episode cemented the Mineira opposition against him, including a large part of the clergy, offended by the arbitrary incarceration of church members at specious allegations of treason, and the province bishop wrote a formal protest to the Crown in Lisboa.

After his vanguard was ambushed by a small light cavalry band in the woodlands near Carandaí, Fragoso Mendes became enraged and decided to exact revenge upon the hapless inhabitants of that city. This time the siege lasted a bit longer, as the besieging forces were continuously harassed by minor raiding parties. It barely delayed the inevitable, however, and Carandaí was razed to the ground after its population was slaughtered and deported. Their severed heads and members were displayed along the Estrada do Ouro, in a ghastly display of imperial might. To this day, the inhabitants claim that the specters of the slain men and women wander and moan along the roads in moonless nights.

In May 1816, his large army was attracted to a battlefield chosen by the Captain Antônio Francisco Teixeira Coelho – son of the former Governor Francisco Antônio de Oliveira Lopes – who had been appointed commander of the military forces by Joaquim Silvério dos Reis Montenegro Leiria Grutes, elected Governor by the population of Vila Rica. The rebels comprised a hastily assembled army of almost 6.000 militiamen and conscripted slaves and Indians, protected by a wooden palisade at the top of a hill not far from the village of Queluz [“Conselheiro Lafaiete”]. In the Battle of Queluz, Marshal Fragoso Mendes won a decisive victory, and Captain Teixeira Coelho was forced to retreat with grave losses. His disastrous defeat forced the local citizens to capitulate and open the gates to the Royalist forces.

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Exército Real do Alentejo marching in Minas Gerais


Wasting no time, in the first week of June 1816, the Exército Real do Alentejo encircled the provincial capital of Vila Rica. Most of the non-able to fight civilians had been evacuated by Governor Joaquim Leiria Grutes to the neighboring city of Mariana, but a few hundreds of citizens picked weapons to join the urban garrison, led by Alferes Joaquim Pinto Romão. Their heroic effort ensured the salvation of the brave citizens of Vila Rica, who succeeded in escaping to Mariana. This city was also evacuated, and the civilians followed the course of the River Doce, all the way to central Minas Gerais, from whence they dispersed to the countryside and small parochial communities. The gubernatorial seat was captured after two days of bloody battle, in January, and the deserted settlement of Mariana was occupied by the Portuguese.

Governor Joaquim Leiria Grutes and Captain Teixeira Coelho managed to reorganize their meager forces to attempt another defensive act in the mountainous region around the city of Sabará, in the outlying district of Congonhas de Sabará [“Nova Lima”]. There his unprepared militia of peasants and freedmen was again defeated in July 1816, shattering after a tactical bombardment by the enemy artillery, but he managed to regroup the army to garrison the city of Sabará.

These two disastrous losses, followed by the rapid conquests of the adversary, tarnished the Governor’s prestige among the local community leaders and the rural landholders, who grudgingly accepted the terms imposed by the Portuguese General. Governor Joaquim Leiria Grutes decided to capitulate to avoid further bloodshed, and was hanged like a common criminal in the end of July.

Captain Teixeira Coelho, an ardent republican and enemy of absolutism like his deceased father, inspired by the example of the Mineira Revolt, decided to fight to the bitter end. Refusing to put down arms, he dedicated himself to guerrilla warfare with a band of roughly 300 freedom fighters. Like thirty years previously, the resistance was focused in the stronghold of Tijuco [“Diamantina”], near the diamond fields, and the difficult terrain meant the Portuguese would experience disproportionate losses in their attempts to oust the defenders.

Gen. Fragoso Mendes spend the months of March and April in Vila Rica, receiving the homage of various municipal leaders, and donatives of rich plantation and cattle owners, as tokens of loyalty to the Portuguese Crown. He then reestablished the direct line of communication with the colonial capital, and marched back there in September 1816, when he received the news of a raid led by Paulistas in the royalist city of Paraty (in the southwestern part of the Viceroyal Captaincy of Rio de Janeiro).

A detachment of 800 Portuguese troops was left in the province to ensure its obedience and to hunt Cpt. Teixeira Coelho and his rebels, whose charismatic persona attracted bands of deserters, escaped slaves and even mercenary Indians from the frontier.


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Portrait of Antônio Francisco Teixeira Coelho (c. 1820)


By early October, the Exército Real do Alentejo had returned to Rio de Janeiro and received the news that the second Portuguese army – the Exército Real de Viseu – had recently arrived in the Captaincy of Rio Grande do Norte. A force of roughly 4.000 Portuguese and foreign troops employed as mercenaries was led by Marshal Dom Marcos Nunes Vaz Pereira. This meant that the total of Portuguese forces transported to Brazil amounted to almost 9.000 troops, about half of the entire standing military of the Kingdom of Portugal in the years after Napoléon’s defeat.

Without wasting any more time, in the same month of October, Gen. Fragoso Mendes, at the head of about 4.400 Portuguese and Luso-Brazilian men, with proportional number of cavalry and artillery, marched against the Paulistas in Paraty. His military leadership was not exactly popular: he favored the Portuguese-born – called Reinóis – to hold the top-most positions in the command of the armed forces, and to lead the garrisons of the occupied places. As the months passed, his distrust of the colonial-born soldiers became apparent, and as his victories amounted, he made even little effort to disguise it. To him, even the better-trained Luso-Brazilian soldiers did not seem better than mere cannon fodder, and resentment started growing among them.



5. The Portuguese Campaign in São Paulo


The village of Taubaté lay in the heart of the River Parahyba valley, and connected the fledgling capital of São Paulo to the Captaincy of Rio de Janeiro. It was a populous and prosperous town in its own right, by the colonial standards, with roughly 10.000 inhabitants, owing to its privileged geographic position in southeastern Brazil. Gen. Fragoso Mendes decided that the town should be another example to those who dared defy the authority of the King of Portugal. His army fell upon the settlement in the third day of November, in 1816, giving no opportunity of capitulation or resistance to its citizens. A bloody clash ensued in that cursed day, and by the next morning, at least a thousand white men, women and even children had perished, and comparably much slaves had been massacred in a display of power.

So far, the Captaincy of São Paulo as whole had been indecisive regarding the sides of the war of independence. Indeed, for most of them, the prospect of independence was less interesting than the reduction of taxes and enhanced autonomy. Only a handful of radicals had actually dared support the rebellion in Minas Gerais – so far it seemed an isolated revolt – and the raids against the border cities of the Viceroyal Captaincy of Rio de Janeiro had nothing to do with emancipation, but in fact represented a series of opportunist attacks seeking easy plunder.

After the atrocious massacre of Taubaté, however, the minoritarian emancipationist faction inside São Paulo suddenly gained force. Even if most of the population was now intimidated by the violence of the Portuguese army, the militarized caste of adventurers – whose desire to preserve their own property, and cultural hatred towards the metropolitan agents, made them natural enemies of the Crown – made a daunting effort to organize a resistance against the Exército Real do Alentejo.

The Romantic retellings of this historical period attribute the emergence of the independentionist faction in São Paulo to one man, Inácio Joaquim Monteiro, a powerful landholder in the region of Guaratinguetá, who had been one of the key figures in the rebellion of 1808, and since then rose to become a prominent politician in that province, now serving his second term as a deputy in the Municipal Chamber of São Paulo. While it is beyond doubt that Inácio Joaquim Monteiro played a very important role in articulating the resistance against the Portuguese into an organized group, it seems that at the time he was not an emancipationist. Apparently, he simply found it convenient to further his own interests against the Portuguese Crown to join the emancipationist groups led by the then commandant of the garrison of São Paulo, Raimundo Uchôa Chaves Filho, who had staged a mutiny and a coup d’état against the Portuguese Governor of the province in November 1816, and usurped his office. The military forces inside São Paulo, like those of Minas Gerais, had been thoroughly influenced by the revolutionary ideology, and many of its Brazilian-born sergeants and lieutenants were avid defenders of republicanism. The common enemy represented by the Exército Real do Alentejo forced those groups of partisans to amalgamate into a convenient alliance.

This explains why the republicans suddenly gained force in São Paulo: on ideological grounds, their project was the most coherent than the other factions that simply desired tax reduction and restoration of provincial privileges. As time passed, the whole resistance in the province of São Paulo became convinced that emancipation was the only way to safeguard their own way of lives and their property.

In December 1816, the Exército Real do Alentejo found the capital of São Paulo half-empty, as most of its population had been evacuated and dispersed through the countryside by the orders of Cpt. Raimundo Uchôa Chaves Filho – whose charisma and strength made him the natural leader of the local resistance. The provincial seat at the time had barely 6.000 inhabitants, freemen and captive alike; the total number of free farmers and slaves inhabiting the outlying perimeter rose this number to perhaps 20.000 citizens.

In the week before Christmas, Raimundo Chaves Filho and Inácio Joaquim Monteiro met in the parish of Mogi Guaçu, joined by the efforts of Friar Marcos Paulo Câmara and various priests of the region, who had become opposed to the Portuguese Crown after the violent massacres against civilians. There, they formalized an agreement to cooperate against the Portuguese armed forces, whose violence and brutality against the peaceful flock of God warranted armed resistance against the oppressors.


Inácio Joaquim Monteiro.jpg


Portrait of Inácio Joaquim Monteiro (c. 1820)


Differently from what happened in Minas Gerais, however, the resistance faction – at the time they could not have numbered above 2.000, with 1.000 being a reasonable estimate – implemented a Fabian strategy to wear out the much larger Portuguese forces. Attacking their supply lines was easier, as the Portuguese depended entirely on the road along the Parahyba River valley leading to Rio de Janeiro, and the rest of São Paulo (especially the hinterland) was a hostile wilderness, still inhabited by inimical Indians and quilombos of escaped slaves. For almost two months, the Brazilians avoided pitched battle, engaging in violent skirmishes against detachments of Portuguese during their marches.

By late February 1817, however, most of the settlements of the province had either surrender or been conquered by the determined Exército Real do Alentejo. Most of the rural elites and urban aristocracy grudgingly accepted the Portuguese domination, and saw no use in supporting independence – what they imagined to be a lost cause. Inácio Joaquim Monteiro saw himself isolated when many tribes of frontier Indians decided to seek peace with the Portuguese, and Cpt. Raimundo Uchôa Chaves Filho was betrayed by his own men and surrendered as a prisoner before Gen. Fragoso Mendes. After a summary trial for treason, he was executed in São Paulo in March 1817.

By now, even São Paulo had received the news from the northeastern provinces: the Exército Real de Viseu had suppressed most of the regional resistance in Rio Grande do Norte and Ceará – again, mainly consisting of tax revolts and common banditry – and the province of Pernambuco had enthusiastically supported recolonization. Only disorganized groups of rebels resisted in the Captaincies of Bahia and Piauhy.

Independence thus seemed to be a lost cause, and the Portuguese commanders were confident that they could restore the colonial control.

The Captaincies of Grão-Pará and Rio Negro, as well as Maranhão in the Northern Region had sworn allegiance to the Crown, as did the governors of Matto Grosso and Goyaz, who, despite their dissatisfaction with the new taxes and conscriptions, saw it futile to stage a revolt.

According to the contemporary anecdotes, Inácio Joaquim Monteiro was about to give up his own last ditch efforts of resistance, intending to escape into the wilderness and from there find a road to the northern coast, like his bandeirantes ancestors had done centuries ago, and from there he would attempt to sail to Europe. In a fateful day of March 1816, however, he was met by a child riding a horse near São Sebastião das Palmeiras [“Ribeirão Preto”], whose hair was reportedly of the color of gold, and the eyes of the color of the sky, and who he assumed to be an angel. The boy was a messenger coming from Minas Gerais, in the name of Cpt. Teixeira Coelho, who was coming to the frontier of São Paulo from the village of São Julião [“Arcos”], victorious after a clash with the Portuguese forces. We cannot know for sure about the truth of this romantic tale, but it is very likely that before this the Paulista rebels had contacted the Mineiros under Cpt. Teixeira Coelho. Only this explains why he decided to abandon his stronghold in Tijuco, in the northeastern reaches of Minas Gerais, and followed a dangerous path to the west, all the way to the border with the Captaincy of São Paulo, to meet the Paulista rebels.

São Sebastião das Palmeiras was one of the last strongholds of the resistance, located on the savage frontier still inhabited by the primitive peoples. In this place, Antônio Francisco Teixeira Coelho, leading an army of circa 800 men, mostly freed blacks, mulattoes and armed peasants who had lost everything in the war – known as “Legião dos Descalços” [“Barefoot Legion”] met with Inácio Joaquim Monteiro in April 1816, and resumed the guerrilla warfare against Gen. Fragoso Mendes.

To their surprise, however, they discovered that the Portuguese general himself had marched to the southern province of Santa Catarina in that same month with most of his forces, trusting in a regiment of 1.000 soldiers (mixed with Portuguese and Brazilian troops), led by Lt. Baltazar Célio Tavares to maintain order in São Paulo and quench the resistance.

The southern Captaincies of Santa Catarina and São Pedro do Rio Grande, which had so far been loyal to the Crown – being governed by Portuguese aristocrats – were suddenly seized by a large rebel faction led by Gen. José de Abreu Mena Barreto, the hero of the War in Banda Oriental.

After quickly securing his hold over the two southern provinces, he proclaimed independence from the Kingdom of Portugal, and was acclaimed the first President of the Republic of the Gaúchos, in 14 March 1817.
 
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