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[44 BC] – … and thus was Caesar killed and mourned. With the assassins fled from the city, and the dictator's other critics cowed, Marcus Antonius was not only Consul, but the successor to Caesar's absolute power in all but official name. And yet, in only about a year, he would fall in battle [1] to an army largely composed of Caesar's men, fighting him on the behest of the Senate he had managed to cow. What had happened?

Some might say he was too merciful to his enemies; others would say he was too cruel; most would say he was too greedy and unpolitic; and most that don't take issue with how he would fail to give his rivals, whether potential or inevitable, the respect and attention they deserved. Whatever mistakes Antonius can be said to have made, far too often it is claimed he started making them in the immediate aftermath of Caesar's death, when, from the persepctive of his faction, he hardly could have done otherwise -- showing clemency to Caesar's killers was necessary to avert a civil war; his passionate speech at the funeral was necessary to make sure the optimates did not use the peace as an opportunity to seize power; and even his reading of the will was necessary if he wanted to claim power as its executor, even as it had the misfortune of bringing Octavian to attention.

No, the mistakes of Marcus Antonius would come in force during the summer. The arrival of Caesar's named heir, Octavian, is arguably what set everything off, though in the weeks before the boy's arrival the consul had already seized control of Caesar's estate and the treasury. Worse, he was already skimping on the payments to the citizens of Rome the will had promised, meaning the crowd was already sore at him; when this boy arrived demanding his inheritence, it was no great challenge for him to win these disaffected over to him, using his own resoruces to pay his fahter's promises, or to put together games to win the city's hearts. It also opened up a smear campaign, as both men claiming to be Caesar's successor attacked the other, damaging their faction on the whole.

This fiasco turned many other Caesarions against Antonius, among them the two men who were to be consul for the next year. They began reaching out to former republicans in the Senate, looking to ally with them in reigning in a man who they believed to be embarassing the memory of their former commander with his clumsy moves at power consolidation. As we shall see later, these negotiations would be a crucial turning point in the one of the most important careers in Roman history. And these were fellow moderate Caesarions, who supported Antonius in putting peace before vengence; Octavian himself was in communication with the optimates as well, sending flattering letters to the renowned Cicero.

Marcus Antonius meanwhile only seemed to be antagonising the opposition, without effectively curtailing it; he had offered insulting procunsular posts to Brutus and Cassius in an attempt to get them to leave Rome, before upgrading them to governorships of Crete and Cyrencia. The consul probably should have guessed that these two aristocrats, with many connections in the eastern provinces, would not simply slink away to their obscure posts after executing the man whose shadow still loomed over Roman politics.

Another assassin, Decimus Brutus, went on his way to Cispline Gaul, in anticipation of his position as governor of the province to begin the following year; despite this, Antonius decided that his own promised province of Macedonia would not suit him, and that he would be taking Cispline Gaul when his consulship was at an end. Did he expect his former comrade, who had participated in the execution of the dictator only months earlier, to hand over the province now? Especially when he made no secret as to his reason -- that he would be in a better position to threaten Rome, as Caesar had, should the Senate cross him.

And so summer gave way to autum, and Marcus Antonius began to reap the harvest of his poor decisions. Cicero began to criticize the current consuls in September; it was a mild start to what would be a blistering series of attacks on Antonius, initially merely saying that some of the legislation proposed ran counter to the wishes of the late Caesar and the good of the Roman people. Meanwhile, Octavian had left the city of Rome, and was now raising legions of his own with which to challenge the other person claiming to be his father's heir.

In October, the Consul left Rome for the city of Brundisium, where his legions were already gathering; Decimus, predictably, had not turned over his province, so Antonius was now determined to take it by force. Cicero now began attacking Antonius in earnest, listing his atrocities in full, claiming that his ambition surpasses that of even the despised Catilina and Clodius. In a matter of months, new consuls would be assuming office, and the Senate would have forces of it needed to wage war in its own name. Towards the end of the year, the Senate started taking heed of the young Caesar raising troops in Italy; the boy was inducted into the esteemed chamber as a propraetor and given imperium, to serve under the new consuls in the event of a war with Marcus Antonius.

It was in this context that the consulship of Aulus Hirtius began...

OOC: [1] hinting at the PoD to come; everything else in this post is as OTL
 
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[43 BC] – Gaius Vibius Pansa Caetronius and Aulus Hirtius began the consulships seeking to reconcile the Senate to their predecessor, Marcus Antonius. Against the advice of Cicero, who direly warned that peace with the former consul was inconceivable, three fellow former consuls were sent to negotiate Antonius to stand down and reach an accord with the young Caesar, who he had been feuding with. These were Piso, who was not so secretly a supporter of Antonius' efforts; Marcius Phillipus, who opposed them; and Servius Sulpicius Rufus, who died on during the diplomatic mission.

To the peace efforts of this delegation, Marcus Antonius gave a series of impossible demands -- he demanded that in compensation for Cisalpine Gaul he should receive the governorship of Transalpine Gaul and command of Decimus' forces in Cisalpine Gaul. He also demanded that there should be no further investigation into the funds missing from the Temple of Ops or from Caesar's (the late Caesar's) estate; and further that his soldiers should receive not only a general amnesty, but that the Senate should pay the money they were owed (by Antnonious) and awared land. And that all decrees passed in Caesar's name, by Antonius, should be declared legal. On top of this, he refused safe passage for the representatives to the Senate to meet with the forces he was besieging, led by the lawful governor of Cisalpine Gaul, Decimus Brutus.

When this response was read in the Senate, the present consul, Pansa, sought to steer debate in such a fashion as to convince the esteemed body that peace was still possible. He called first upon his father in law, Calenus; the senator claimed that it would be possible to use the terms offered by Antonius as the basis for an honoroble peace, as the Senate's “main points are met” so long as Decimus remained governor (if only technially). On the motion declaring that a state of war now existed between Marcus Antonius and the republic, Pansa and his supporters voted to remove the word “war” (or bellum) and replace it with “unrest” (or tumultum). However, the next day, Cicero lambasted these vacillations; he declared that a de facto war with Antonius already existed, and that the peace offered by Calenus would be tantamount to slavery. He made a counter-prosoal, that all of Antonius' soldiers that left him before the Ides of March would be given amnesty, but that those that remained with him after would be considered public enemies, along with Antonius himself; the Senate agreed. And to further rally the people against Antonius, he proposed that the ex-consul who had died on the diplomatic expedition, Rufus, be given honours and a public funeral; again, the Seante agreed.

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Meanwhile, Octavian had marched with his personal legions to join the other consul, Hirtius; together, they would be marching to Mutina to relieve Decimus. Pansa remained behind in Rome, recruiting more men for the Senate's army. Cicero spent the rest of February trying to get the Senate to legitimize the efforts of the foremost assassins of Julius Caesar in the east, with only partial success; while he did get Brutus confirmed as governor of Macedonia, Illyria, and Greece, his efforts to get the Senate to take the governorship from Dolabella and give it to Cassius came to naught. This failure to bring republican legitimacy to Cassius' efforts would have consequences in the months to come.

While Hirtius and Octavian awaited Pansa's reinforcements to the south, the month of March some furhter efforts at a negotiated settlement come to naught; Cicero squashed a motion for a second embassy to Antonius. Meanwhile, Lepidus defied the Senate's orders to march on Mutina, and later that month offered instead to negotiate a peace of his own; the Senate rejected these efforts as well.

Finally, word arrived in early April that Pansa was marching northward to Mutina from Bononia with four newly created legions; the fighting would soon begin in earnest. Antonius saw an opportunity to lay an ambush against Pansa's raw recruits on their march north; Hirtius, however, foresaw just such a move, and sent two legions under cover of night to reinforce Pansa: one was a legion of men who had defected from the rebels, the other being the elite soldiers raised by the young Octavian.

Antonius hid two legions in a roadside village, and some cavalry in the nearby marshland, waiting for Pansa's forces to march by. Seeing the horses but not the infantry, the legions sent south by Hirtius could not be held in check and rushed the horsemen in the swamp; then Pansa's inexperienced legions marched past. And before anyone knew what was happening, Antonius' legions, his cavalry Hirtius' relief force, and Pansa's legions were all fighting hand to hand in the misty swamp.

The battle went poorly for the republican forces at first; Pansa was wounded by a javelin to the side of his neck and had to be escoted off the battlefield. The consul's forces were routed, and rushed to camp; Antonius' forces must have felt very impressed with themselves seeing how easily these raw men had run at the first sign of trouble. That might explain why they let their guard down, and did not pursue the retreating men with the vigor that might have given them victory; instead they started singing songs of triumph, marching toward Hirtius' camp in no sort of real order.

At this, Aulus Hirtius reacted quickly and without delay, raising two fresh legions to confront the Antonine forces marching on them. The final fighting of the day came late in the evening; Antonius' men had not been expecting to fight a fresh and disciplined army so soon; they found themselves being cut to pieces, their absolute annihilation only being averted to the consul's decisions not to chase them into the marshes and to call off the fighting at nightfall.

A week later, the Battle of Mutina would come to climax.

OOC: Just a reminder that we still haven't reached our PoD; that will change start of the next update. Hopefully, everything I've written thus far is historically accurate (or at least compatible with the historical record).
 
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[43 BC] – During all of this, Decimus Brutus continued to hold out against the siege of Marcus Antonius; but his army was now fast running out of supplies, and were on the brink of collapse; they were in desperate need of rescue. To this end, on the date of the Parilia [1] in the year of his consulship, Aulus Hirtius led his legions to the back entrance of the town, intending to break through the siege and relieve the rightful governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Antonius responded first by sending out his cavalry, and then legions from other distant camps, which would take some time to arrive. And with this, the rebel leader had opened up his camp to attack; this may well have been Antonius' intention, as he is said to have preferred throwing himself into a fight to patient strategy; in any event, Hirtius seized the opportunity, and led his forces into the enemy camp.

The defenses broke before the charging on the consul's cavalry; if Antonius was expecting Hirtius to attack the camp, then he was lacking in preparing his soldiers for the onslaught. As the rebel soldiers roused themselves from their tents, they found the legions of the Republic already upon them; it was a slaughter. Hirtius, Octavian, and the other mounted soldiers, meanwhile, galloped through the enemy encampment with great ease, and approached the tent of Antonius unimpeded.

It was only once they were in sight of Marcus Antonius himself that the leaders of the Republic's legions began to fight in earnest. Hirtius only just managed to dodge a javelin lowered in his path, falling from his horse; on the ground, he managed to put his fallen beast between himself and an enemy soldier approaching to kill him, who in turn was killed by one of his compatriots before he could be reached. [2] The identity of this rescuer changed in various recollections by Hirtius himself, ranging from Octavian to an unnamed centurion.

As for Antonius, the rebel commander made it to his horse, and was in the process of riding away, when his beast was killed from under him. [3] Whether it was the fall that killed him, whether he was slain where he fell, or whether he took his own life after this, no one can say; what is known is that not long after his death, one of the soldiers loyal to the Republic took the trecherous head from its body and placed it on the tip of his spear. This enthusiastic fighter then climbed upon his horse and rode through the enemy encampment, sending the rebels who remained into a panic, and causing them to flee the battlefield, yielding the day to the legions of the Senate.

When word reached Rome, celebrations broke out across the city; Aulus Hirtius was showered with honours by the Senate, and the young Octavian was praised as well. Even Cicero joined the jubilation of his colleagues, making this the last time he would speak out so favorably in public of leading Caesarian figures. And that was only the half of it -- two days following the battle, Gaius Vibius Pansa died of the injuries he had sustained in the marshes; now adding to his glory, Hirtius was the sole consul at the head of the Roman Republic. When some Senators approached with the offer a triumph on his return to the capital, Hirtius made the canny move of refusing it; “there is no glory to be found in a civil war, in Romans killing their countrymen” he was later reported to have responded. This not only added to Hirtius' reputation as a great reconciler (at least of the Caesarians and moderate republicans), but indebted those remaining Antonine supporters to him, adding to his list of poltical allies.

The now sole Consul utilized his massive political capital pursuing his first great priority -- reconciling the various factions of the Roman world, with the exceptions of the assassins of Julius Caesar, together and bringing an end to the civil wars. This priority was tested almost as soon as Hirtius was back in Rome, as word arrived of what had become of the survivors of Marcus Antonius' army; it seemed that these stragglers had made their way northward and ran into the legions of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus. The governor who had demurred against orders of the Senate now claimed that his men had defied his orders and welcomed these rebels into their own camp; he was powerless, he claimed, to control his legions, and had no choice but to acquiese to this de facto pardon.

Years later, Lepidus would change his story, claiming that Hirtius had sent an envoy to him promising to give him political cover should Antonius' men join up with his own; this claim does seem plausible, not foremost because this is exactly what the sole consul did, calling upon the Senate to retract their previous motion declaring Antonius' men enemies of the state. Cicero critcized this motion in the harsh language that by now had become expected of the great orator; this time, however, Hirtius was prepared for such opposition, and launched into a blistering attack of his own upon the man who had once been honored a pater patriea, mocking him for “being sick at the sight of blood” and “too weak to wield the dagger himself”, even as he had “an insatiable thirst for the blood of his fellow Romans”. Hirtius also took care to make sure that his response to Cicero was copied and spread across the city, so that the man in the street knew what the Hero of Mutina had to say of the man who had been practical the political boss of Rome the past year. The Senate passed Hirtius' measure giving clemency to the survivors of Antonius' army and legitimizing Lepidus' decision to incorporate them into his legions; and Cicero was no longer the leader of the Senate, but of the opposition.

The next item on Hirtius' agenda was Cisalpine Gaul; specifically he intended that Decimus should be the province's last governor, and that starting in the year following his consulship it should be incorporated into Italia. This measure was considerably more popular; it was one of the few major initiatives Hirtius or Pansa to have the full throated support of Cicero and the optimates. After all, it had been demonstrated by Julius Caesar and Marcus Antonius just how the province was all too useful to a could be to would be tyrants hoping to launch a military invasion against Rome. And as it happened, the Lex Roscia, one of the first laws passed under Caesar's dictatorship, had already given citizenship to residents of the province, making this administrative change much easier.

It also made things easier for the Caesarian faction; there are reports that Octavian was upset at not getting a chance to become consul in place of Pansa, or in the following year. Hirtius might have opposed such ambitions easily on grounds of the young Caesar's age, but he instead convinced the lad that it was simply not possible to deny the position to Decimus, who was a crucial member of their faction (Octavian had already reconciled with and befriended Decimus Brutus at this point) as he had the deep respect of the republicans, or to Lepidus, whose several legions it was simply impractical to cross.

The consul was still determined, however, that Octavian's acts supporting the republic (and more importantly himself) should not go unrewarded; young Caesar was to inherit Lepidus' position as governor of Governor of Gallia Narbonesis and Hispania Citerior. Considering the difficulty of getting the Senate to acquiese to rescinding the sentences passed on the surviving men of Marcus Antonius, this was a risky course of action, to say the least; Hirtius, with the support of Decimus, was able to get this measure passed in part due to their popularity, in part due to a general desire for reconcilation, and in part because there was a general feeling that both Italia and Gaul would be quiet now for the next couple of years, meaning there would be no harm in letting the boy command his troops far from Rome. Perhaps Hirtius was even among their number; if so, he would be as wrong as the rest.

As to Aulus Hirtius himself, he would find his course of action apparent as news arrived from the east.

OOC: So I got to the update with the PoD; since I'm a little sketchy on how exactly the Battle of Mutina played out OTL, I found myself filling in some gaps mentally, and can't be sure if anything contradicts what we know to be the case historically (OTL). That, combined with this being the TLs first foray into actual AH, makes me a little nervous. Hope this is still good.

[1] A Roman festival of rural character held on April 21
[2] And here, finally, we have the PoD.
[3] Second PoD, if you like.
 
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I'm guessing Temple of Ops in the previous update is a type. Not sure of what though. Otherwise, so far this is a great start.
 
OOC: So I figured I'd do a mini-update, showing one of the butterflies (or secondary PoD, if you rather) affecting one of the Roman client kingdoms.
IC: ...

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[44-43 BC] - When Cassius came to Syria to collect troops, he began to demand harsh tributes, so much so that some entire cities and city curators were sold into slavery. Cassius demanded seven hundred talents out of Judea, so Antipater split the cost between his two sons. One aristocrat tasked with collecting tribute was Malichus, who disdained Antipater and enraged Cassius by not collecting with haste. However, Antipater saved Malichus from death by expending one hundred talents of his own and placating Cassius’ anger.

Although Antipater saved Malichus' life a second time from a different ruler, Malichus continued to despise Antipater and seek his murder. He devised multiple assassination attempts which Antipater evaded, until finally an informant from the court of Hyrancus came forward, revealing the treachery. The execution of Malichus was not long in following.

It had been clear to Antipater for some time that the Hasmonean Ethnarch was resentful of his influence; and that it was fear of reprisals by Cassius and the Romans, who were still not far from Judea at the time, that had lead the court to forego his assassination and accept his dominance. It was in this context that the Idumean received a delegation from another Roman army...
 
Planning the next update, I was thinking Aulus Hirtius might use the remaining months of his consulship to pass a some additional constitutional reforms or consolidating the ones made by Caesar for the years to come. Any ideas for what he might want to pass? AIUI, Caesar's chief goals during the dictatorship was to create a stronger central government in Rome and to knit the greater Republic together into a single cohesive political unit; if so, I imagine those would be the greater goals of the Caesarians while they're still in power.
 
How successful could he be though if he's not consul? I assume he'd do it through proxy while backing whoever the succeeding consul is that proposes it, since remaining consul starts to open him to calls of wanting to establish a permanent rule, like what did Caesar in.
 
HHmmm, what is this thread about? Another alternative nice to read novel about the civil war? Or something historically substantial about an alternate fate of the roman republic?

However, nice to read so far. Well done!
 
How successful could he be though if he's not consul? I assume he'd do it through proxy while backing whoever the succeeding consul is that proposes it, since remaining consul starts to open him to calls of wanting to establish a permanent rule, like what did Caesar in.
Bear in mind the successor consuls for the next year, Decimus and Lepidus, are essentially his political allies in this; providing he doesn't try anything that turned moderate Caesarians like Decimus against Caesar (i.e. dictator for life).
HHmmm, what is this thread about? Another alternative nice to read novel about the civil war? Or something historically substantial about an alternate fate of the roman republic?
The first two updates cover a period of the civil war as it happened OTL, setting up our PoD in the third; from there on, the thread is AH.
 
The first two updates cover a period of the civil war as it happened OTL, setting up our PoD in the third; from there on, the thread is AH.

Yeah, I got it. Even if my focus is on the principate, I know the history of the late republic. I was just wondering where this story is supposed to end. And whats the purpose or goal of it.
 
Yeah, I got it. Even if my focus is on the principate, I know the history of the late republic. I was just wondering where this story is supposed to end. And whats the purpose of it.
Well I can't say when I'll be ending for sure, but I've got events through 41 or 40 BC laid out in my head, more or less. As to the purpose, well... it's a TL.
 
Something else to give a general idea of where I want to take this TL; starting around 40 BC, the Roman civil wars come to an end, and Italia and the provinces become fairly quiet for at least a decade; longer term, the empire avoids any massive civil wars on the scale of 49-40 BC for at least a generation (about 30 years). So that's the kind of stability I'm hoping the constitutional reforms I'm talking about achieve.
- a TL nice to read like a novel, or
- a plausible well thought alternate history of the roman republic, with deep analysis and insights into the republics current and future processes and structures, or
- both
Honestly, it's mostly just me laying out the scenario that grew in my head in this discussion. It's my intent to make the outlined events here within the realm of plausibility; if you want to be more specific, without giving away too much I think I can say the idea is for the Roman Republic to be in a different state in TTL's 40 BC than it was OTL's 40 BC. As to changes to history that emerge from there, well we can talk about those when we get to it.
 

Stolengood

Banned
Does your title indicate Octavian is to die young ITTL? What of Caesarion and Cleopatra? Caesar's designs on Parthia? And why do you keep misspelling Antonius? :confused:
 
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