Shevek I don't think you've understood the Buddhist/Christian part - I read it as being that the early Christian church has got mixed up with Buddhism before ever really taking off; so it's not an organised faith with clear doctrine and a Buddhist heresy, it's a syncretism of an early Christianity into Buddhism, and the effects are thus very different.

Mesopotamia is close enough to Palestine that the diverse strands of the evolving doctrines might all get absorbed into a Buddhist framework, maybe. I rather think, especially if we can take Acts as any sort of shadow of the historical truth of events in the generation after the Crucifixion, that it spread far and wide pretty fast--if not appreciably far into the west (Italy and beyond) then anyway widely in the Greek zone in the east, to eastern North Africa (Cyrene) and all over Anatolia. And this was well before Trajan's conquests OTL. By his time, it seems reasonable, unless Acts and the letters of Paul to various destinations are all made up centuries after the fact (as I suppose may be but even as an agnostic I feel these books read like authentic documents of their purported times, though I'm no modern Biblical scholar and someone might have proven long ago they are not) that the number of professed Christians, perhaps of very diverse beliefs, in Rome itself was substantial. All of these people scattered all over the eastern half of the Empire (as it was prior to the annexation of Mesopotamia) seem out of immediate range of the Buddhist influence as it were. That is, some of them can still be drawn into that interpretation, especially in Rome itself which draws all things to itself in this era.

But instead of thinking it plausible that the OTL range of interpretations of Christianity would be absorbed wholesale into a Buddhist influenced one, I would think it would just add another branch to the tree. A branch that might be very very substantial, especially on the somewhat virgin soil of Mesopotamia. So it may well indeed come to dominate that set of provinces, since the earlier spread would have been largely within the Imperial sphere. (To be sure these same early sources of Christian tradition also suggest missionary activities spread far and wide outside the Empire early on, south to Ethiopia, north (we know later) among the Germans and other "barbarian" peoples far beyond the boundaries; Thomas is said to have been martyred in India and certainly Christian societies came to exist eventually in Central Asia. Perhaps if I studied the early history of Christianity in Mesopotamia I'd find it spread there quite as rapidly and early as Anatolia. I'm guessing otherwise, that the Persians would have been hostile to it and impeded it but it would spread more easily once Rome rules the lands. So with that assumed delay, an early Buddhist/Christian synergy would have an early edge there.

But if we were to suppose it absorbs and overwhelms all other versions, we'd have to suppose there was something with superior appeal about it for some reason or other. This might be the case I suppose. Even then the questions I raise remain relevant unless the author deems it is not within the scope of what they want to write about. Is it Christianity absorbing certain Buddhist elements, or Buddhism in a somewhat Christianized guise, or some third thing? The answer to this has bearing on what can and can't happen next and what likely consequences are. I'd think in the first case, it can merge into the general spectrum and even if it remains a regional sect that eventually comes under central government persecution, it can still transfer doctrinal, mythic and ritual elements to the other branches. And it can become the orthodoxy and despite some significant shifts in doctrine and emphasis, the ATL faith is still basically Christian. In the second case, its spread over all the empire will mean basically that the Empire goes Buddhist instead of Christian, and presumably some Christians will lurk around here and there in odd corners protesting, or anyway clinging to their own orthodoxies that don't accept the larger Buddhist church. Or it might, as yet another sect of Christianity might, become the peculiar doctrine of the eastern provinces and so come into conflict with central orthodoxy (or force the central imperial powers to adopt some kind of separation of church and state doctrine that seems highly unlikely, cool as it would be from a modern liberal point of view). In the third case--it is beyond my imagination and if the author is prepared to blow my mind, it always does enjoy a good blowing!

So I don't think I did misunderstand, I think the timing is wrong to convert all the already converted Christians and all their potential converts to this new eastern variant, unless there is something really amazingly remarkable about it that causes it to steamroller all other sects before it. Or the Imperium adopts it very very early, which is problematic since most of the powers that be in the Empire would not be ready to convert just yet. Perhaps something that enables an early emperor to adopt it early is that it carries over from Buddhism a relaxed attitude toward literal truth in favor of useful metaphor and parable recognized as such. Such a Buddha-Christian synthesis, that is not also an angry denunciation of "false gods" but a parable of good life and good death and a wise philosophic standpoint, would I would think have left the quest for hard-core, irrefutable Truth of the Abrahamic tradition out of itself somehow and would therefore be fundamentally Buddhist, not Christian, and would in time and in suitable setting drop the Christian elements for the most part and take up other mythic trappings as easily. So it might well sweep the empire, especially if for the moment other gods can be kept around, and gradually displace them.

If I misread it, perhaps I projected that reference to Christian elements would seem familiar to uptime history readers, but perhaps they find these exotic?

If Christianity survives uptime as anything other than records of yet another mystery cult long abandoned, I think it must in a form that would reject being encapsulated in Buddhism like that. It may well be an odd minority set of sects in a mostly Romano-Buddhist metasociety of course.
 
Ah! Since paper already does exist in China, if the Romans can hold the Persian Gulf and trade out of it for a couple centuries it seems quite likely they will get ahold of it. Particularly if a Buddhist connection opens doors for them in southern India, Sri Lanka, and hopscotching across Indonesia and around to China.

Don't forget that while paper exists, it's not used as commonly as it would be under the Tang. we're talking about six centuries of dissemination.

The era in which Buddhism reaches China and becomes influential there OTL is still far off, right? In that porcelain/gunpowder developing early T'ang era after the Han dynasty collapses? So Roman Buddhism won't open any doors for them there, though it may bring them, on land and by sea, to China's doorstep.

Buddhism appeared in the late Han, and became popular in the period after its fall and before the rise of the Sui. Comparisons to Christianity are left to the reader.

Isn't a bit early for Buddhism to be showing up? Buddhism was still making inroads in Gandhara around now, and this is right on the cusp/I] of when the first images of the Buddha develop.
 
That said, I do think that Roman contacts with Han China that are more intensive than OTL would result in certain synergies; we might see significant advances at both ends of the chain. Perhaps gunpowder even is developed earlier (and paper--the initial application of gunpowder was "fire arrows" which required paper).

The effects would not show too immediately but by say 800 CE we could expect significant advances over OTL.

800 CE? So much to write... we barely left Trajan's reign ;)

This raises the question, perhaps prematurely, of wither the expanded Roman Empire goes in the long term. With Mesopotamia firmly in hand it seems incorporation of the Red Sea coasts is likely to happen. One might argue that no, the Romans don't need the Red Sea routes when they can bypass them over land, but I'd think that as an alternative to overland hauling the priority of controlling the alternate sea route from Egypt to the Persian Gulf would rise, not fall. This opens up another salient possibly, south along the east African coast. Against that of course there is the question of increasingly long communication lines. Mesopotamia is firmly held in the short run, but in the long run how long can the Empire hold it against Persian ambitions to take it back? If they can hold it a century or so, inertia tends to favor it remaining Roman--but what about the possibility the Empire would split, with rivals for the Purple seizing one end or the other as a base, then failing to take control of the whole thing so there are two or more rival dynasties splitting the former whole? Unlike the OTL Empire, which was unified by the Med, here there is a huge salient off to the east with no direct connection to that body and hence weakened ties.

Perhaps a triple split, with a city at or near Byzantium being the great central capital, and the West and East both being semi-autonomous but with stronger than OTL ties to the central segment? Basically then a Latin, Greek, and Oriental sectioning?

The questions of the capital and further expansion are very important and obviously related. The more Rome conquers in the east, the less Rome is in the center of the Empire, the more complicated it becomes to govern from the old capital. The best option in the east is Antioch on the Orontes - it has an acces to the Mediterranean, but is far east enough to control Mesopotamia.

Africa is a possible objective for attacks, but rather to establish trading station than to annex it.

Shevek I don't think you've understood the Buddhist/Christian part - I read it as being that the early Christian church has got mixed up with Buddhism before ever really taking off; so it's not an organised faith with clear doctrine and a Buddhist heresy, it's a syncretism of an early Christianity into Buddhism, and the effects are thus very different.

Right, Christianity becomes one of thousands Buddhist sects. There are some Christians who refuses Buddhism, but it's a very little group - nothing that matters if you approach the problem from a global perspective.

Sometimes I write a bit more complicated than needed.

Ah! Since paper already does exist in China, if the Romans can hold the Persian Gulf and trade out of it for a couple centuries it seems quite likely they will get ahold of it. Particularly if a Buddhist connection opens doors for them in southern India, Sri Lanka, and hopscotching across Indonesia and around to China.

Yes, paper will be quite useful for Rome and Roman administration.

The era in which Buddhism reaches China and becomes influential there OTL is still far off, right? In that porcelain/gunpowder developing early T'ang era after the Han dynasty collapses? So Roman Buddhism won't open any doors for them there, though it may bring them, on land and by sea, to China's doorstep. It could be of course that if the Roman trade vector is strong enough, it is Romans who bring Buddha to China, tinged with a dose of Nazarenism perhaps.

I think there will be three main Buddhist "churches": Indian Buddhism, Chinese Buddhism and Roman Buddhism. Maybe I will write more about these three schools and there differences.

I'm interested in a dialogue about possible synergies between the Buddhist and Christian tradition, but I don't know how important the author intends such matters to be. My point of view is influenced by being raised Christian but having become agnostic since, and some rather peripheral exposure to Buddhism that might miss essential points--certainly not being a convert to that tradition either.

I prefer politics and economy over religious affairs. I just wanted to show how eastern philosopy influences Rome.

There are lots of possibilities, but only a few are compatible with maintaining an Imperial unity that might be ASB to try to perpetuate too long anyway.

Christian church was, under the Dominate, one of the institutions that held the Empire together. In my TL, Christian church is replaced by Buddhism. The political role remains the same.

If I misread it, perhaps I projected that reference to Christian elements would seem familiar to uptime history readers, but perhaps they find these exotic?

I like exotism, and I love to see Roman multiculturalism become even more multicultural. The Romans adopted many oriental religions and cultural elements, why shouldn't they adopt Buddhism?

Don't forget that while paper exists, it's not used as commonly as it would be under the Tang. we're talking about six centuries of dissemination.

Okay I know I was a bit too fast here. I'll slow down everything from now on.

Isn't a bit early for Buddhism to be showing up? Buddhism was still making inroads in Gandhara around now, and this is right on the cusp/I] of when the first images of the Buddha develop.

The first images/statues of Buddha developed in India under Greek influence, so it's not that implausible that Buddhism and Buddhist art fastly spread in hellenistic territory.

=====

Liber Tertius: The Moorish Era

Caput Septimus: Quietus' Expansion
Why do empires rise, why do empires fall? One of the various theories presented by modern day historians is overstretch, arguing that the great empires of the world decline once the costs to protect and administrate the conquered territory are higher than the reward of the same areas. Then, the constant need of supporting the troops drains both the personal and financial resources of the empire, without the possibility to restock them.
Augustus thought the same way, and advised the restriction of the Roman Empire within its traditional frontiers. Quietus however had not Augustus' mindset, he had not experienced the shock of the Varian disaster, he relied on the support of the war hawks in the Senate. As an emperor of foreign origin, he needed victories to strengthen his domestic power.
For him, Rome was nothing more than a very well-organized band of brigands [1]. Rome lived from the booty of its conquests, and its wealth was based on robbery. Quietus guessed that Rome had either to constantly expand or to fall eventually. Indeed, instead of developing Rome's present provinces, Lusius Quietus searched for a place and a good opportunity for new conquests.

New troops were levied to fulfill this scheme: At Quietus' accession, the Roman Empire counted thirty legions and more than three hundred auxiliary cohorts. The taxes from Mesopotamia and the other new eastern provinces very used to form eight new legions, and the appertaining auxiliary units.
Of the legions, five were stationed in Germania, five in Moesia, five in Britannia, four in Pannonia, three in Babylonia,two in Egypt, two in Cappadocia, two in Armenia, two in Syria, two in Assyria, one in Mesopotamia, one in Arabia, one in Judea, one in Dacia, one in Africa and one in Hispania. The two additional legionsin Britannia were aimed at the new military campaign envisaged by Lusius Quietus.
Quietus' calculation was a simple one: Britannia, housing three legions until now, actually needed only one to crush possible rebellions. The other two legions were needed to defend the northern border against Celtic incursions. If Rome could defeat these Celtic tribes and conquer Caledonia, Britain would eventually need not more than one legion, freeing up two legions for other fronts.

In 876 AUC [2], the emperor set in motion and joined the British legions in Eboracum. After they crossed the frontier of the Roman zone of influence, Quietus tried to conduct a quick and mobile war in the style of the Moorish Auxiliary units. However, raiding in the desert was different from fighting in the Caledonian Highlands, and Lusius Quietus soon realized that this war would be a cruel and long one.
Making the situation worse, many Caledonian tribes had familial, religious and economic links to Hibernia. Though it was possible to Caledonia, it wasn't possible to pacify it without removing the trouble makers on the western island – and this implied to wage another costly war. Slowly, Quietus grasped that he would finish off his life in the north, and began to adapt his plans accordingly.

[1] Montesquieu expressed very similar thoughts on Rome's early history.
[2] 123 CE
 
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We're will be witnesses of the assimilation of the celtic culture
I would love to see how the Celtic and Latin cultures mix everywhere without one fully over powering the other like what happened in Provincia Britannia OTL, where a Britano-Roman distinct culture existed up until the Saxons Germanised the place.
 
Interesting timeline. Keep up the good work.

That said, I'm skeptical of Buddhism absorbing Christianity and becoming the religion of the state in the same way Christianity did OTL. The same with Chinese philosophies overpowering indigenous ones. Mahayana Buddhism allows for the incorporation of local gods and traditions in a way that Theravada Buddhism doesn't, but I think you're overdoing it.
 
Interesting timeline. Keep up the good work.

That said, I'm skeptical of Buddhism absorbing Christianity and becoming the religion of the state in the same way Christianity did OTL. The same with Chinese philosophies overpowering indigenous ones. Mahayana Buddhism allows for the incorporation of local gods and traditions in a way that Theravada Buddhism doesn't, but I think you're overdoing it.
I agree, the early Christianity had many sects, very different from each other, like the gnostics , the Aryanism, among many others. I can believe that it might influence (but not replace) the most eastern varieties, but not in Gaul nor Hispania.
 
The same with Chinese philosophies overpowering indigenous ones.

The main problem is that Rome hadn't any substantial political philosopy. Chinese philosophy is just filling the gap (there is nothing to overpower).

Mahayana Buddhism allows for the incorporation of local gods and traditions in a way that Theravada Buddhism doesn't, but I think you're overdoing it.

We speak of centuries of eastern influence before Buddhism is the dominant religion of the Roman Empire.

And Mahayana Buddhism, unlike Christian religion, doesn't force its disciples to give up their own, traditional (local) gods.


Right. Rome has to prepare for decades of guerilla warfare until Ireland and Scottland are assimilated.

=====

Caput Octavus: Domestic politics
Lusius Quietus wasn't very experienced in Roman politics and machinations, which is why he orientated himself by his predecessors Trajan and Nerva. He tried to respect the Senate and the republican facade of the Principate and worked together with the old friends of the former emperor, described by many as war hawks: Palma, Celsus and Nigrinus [1]. In the first years of his government, Quietus used them to control the Senate, and Quietus officially governed only at the behest of the senators.

Nevertheless, the influence of the Senate soon faded. During nearly one decade, Quietus never left Britannia and Hibernia since he gave only himself credit for the conduct of the northern war. The advisory body of the emperor, the Imperial council (Concilium principis), followed Quietus as did the court – for some years, Eboracum became the de facto capital of the Roman Empire.
With the center of power shifting away from Rome, the traditional magistrates lost the little power they had achieve to maintain until then; with the disempowerment of the magistrates came the decline of the senatorial class. Especially the pretors had still the substantial power to interpret Roman law and to enact edicts regulating civil law.
However, Quietus was of the opinion that the emperor as chief justice of the empire should be the only source of justice, and subsequently, influential lawyers of the Imperial council worked out a fundamental code of law, called Perpetual Edict, since it replaced the annual edicts of the pretors with a permanent statute book enacted by the emperor. Along with lawyers, other high-ranking officials were called in the council, mainly equites, and partially Moorish relatives of Quietus. The senatorial class was slowly ousted from powerful offices, a prerequisite on the long path of professionalization of the Roman administration.

Finally, the Moorish influence under Quietus' reign grew so significantly that neither an Italian nor an Iberian, but an African became heir to the throne. Quietus had, with his Berber wife [2], only daughters, of whom one was married to another Berber notable: Quintus Lollius Urbicus from Tiddis in Numidia. Quintus was the son of Marcus Lollius Senecio, a Berber landowner known to Quietus. Senecio was made eques early in Quietus' reign, eventually becoming Praetorian Prefect. His son Quintus began his carrier in 874 AUC [3] and, through the marriage with the emperor's daughter, quickly rose in the imperial services, becoming consul in 888 AUC [4]. By then, the emperor's health had vanished and he was even forced to quit Britannia for Italy to spare his health. Feeling that his death was near, in 889 AUC [5], Lusius Quietus draw up his will: Quintus Lollius Urbicus, consular and leader of the Berber faction in the Senate, was adopted by Quietus, thus becoming Caesar, and, after Quietus' death some weeks later, Augustus of the Roman Empire.

[1] Hadrian had them executed together with Quietus in OTL.
[2] My assumption is that as a Moorish prince, he has a Moorish spouse.
[3] 121 CE
[4] 135 CE
[5] 136 CE
 
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Interesting update. A professional Roman bureaucracy and the Perpetual Edict looks like it might be the basis for some Roman version of Common Law.

A Moor succeeding another Moor does look like something that would raise eyebrows though.
 
The main problem is that Rome hadn't any substantial political philosopy. Chinese philosophy is just filling the gap (there is nothing to overpower).
....
We speak of centuries of eastern influence before Buddhism is the dominant religion of the Roman Empire.
.....
And Mahayana Buddhism, unlike Christian religion, doesn't force its disciples to give up their own, traditional (local) gods...

As OTL would show, there would remain by the time of Constantine many people under Rome, from masses of commoners and slaves to candidates for the Purple, who did not want to be converted to Christianity. But vice versa, already by the presumed lifetime of Jesus, there were also lots of Seekers among the Romans and Hellenes who were quite dissatisfied with their traditional religions and keen for something new. OTL it would seem it took a long time for the Christians to predominate, but on the other hand they spread far and wide pretty early.

I have no problem with the idea of a Buddhist-Christian syncretism forming and becoming one of these many Seeker cults and perhaps becoming a very popular and strong one early on. If it gains Imperial favor it might even manage to largely strangle, suppress and scatter what looks like orthodoxy OTL. But in pointing out that the kind of Christianity that dominates today, which has an Abrahamic absolutism about it, is inimical to Roman public order and tradition, you seem to be overlooking that to substantial numbers of OTL converts, that must have been part of what was attractive about it to them! Away with the old gods, let us worship a True One!

Others have pointed out that the timing of a suitably developed bunch of Buddhist missionaries showing up in Mesopotamia at the moment you have them there seems suspiciously early. I don't know about that; it doesn't trouble me though it might if I knew the history of Buddhism better. (I rather thought it was already well developed in Alexander's time). You should check into that.

Anyway, the very fact that a softer Buddhist-Christian synthesis might go over all the more easily with some sectors of Roman Empire Seekerdom and might seem prudently preferable to the authorities over the more rambunctious sects developed OTL will be an asset in some ways--but a liability in others. Some at least of the attraction of early, pre-official Christianity was its opposition to Roman authority. It was rebellion channeled into safer channels, but more astringently challenging to the pretensions of the Roman elites than your synthesis would be.

Therefore, while the Buddhist variation might predominate in the end, due to Imperial support and approval, I don't see it simply and quietly absorbing the other variants without a massive fight. Geography if nothing else is against it--if there are enough Christians already in the east for Buddhist missionaries to find them and combine with some of them, then surely meanwhile there are lots of others in the far west of the Empire who simply haven't heard of these Buddhists and have no chance to be persuaded by them. These will be developing sects much more on OTL lines in the west, even if the silver tongues of the Buddhists in the east manage to absorb all the Christians there. And I frankly don't see that happening either. The polemics will be bitter and numerous, the street riots something to see. For these very reasons, perhaps long before Constantine Imperial power will side with the syncretic sect and suppress the troublesome other Christians long before they reach their majority status that tipped Constantine over OTL.

I don't see the other sects going down quietly in short. In addition to perhaps hanging on as heretical cults in Imperial territory, they will scatter missionaries beyond Imperial holdings, as happened OTL long before Christianity became the Imperial cult. The Buddhist version will appeal to some potential converts, as in the Empire, but the others will appeal more to others.

It is going to be messy and noisy, and there is no opportunity for the syncretism to quietly overtake and absorb all the other earlier Christian cults to preempt that. It would probably be in response to the threat from the wilder cults that the Empire adopts the Buddhist-influenced one as a tool to suppress them.

Also, I am a bit confused--are you making a comparison between the meanings of Buddhism to China with its political religion of Confucianism versus Rome having very little in that respect, or are you suggesting Mahayana Buddhism already incorporates Confucian stuff the Romans would find very useful?

Or just that Mahayana, like Confucianism, has more politically useful content and is therefore attractive?

I think it is clear enough Mahayana is no channel of Confucian thought; that synergy won't develop for nearly a thousand years.

I think what you are probably saying is that Mahayana is less political than Christianity in its rawer form, and the Mahayana synthesis defuses the threat. I'd agree! And for that very reason, it has far less of the countercultural appeal that made the Christian sects in all their mutually hostile diversity so attractive to the less well off classes and at the same time had a perverse appeal to the troubled consciences of some of the elites. The very fact that Mahayana Christianity is less threatening will make it less appealing and compelling in the long run. It won't take over Roman society from end to end by storm, not faster than the other Christian sects spread under repression; the most plausible mode of it becoming dominant then is it being appropriated as the state religion in order to smother the other Christians as they become threatening.

And all this is interacting with the questions I raised earlier about the ability of the Empire to remain a whole at least as long as it did OTL, when it is sprawling even farther from its various centers of power and scattering these ever more widely. To a massive annexation in the east, now you have an Emperor with an expansionist ideology balancing it with bold and expensive ventures to pacify the entire British Isles in the west. This will certainly help keep the balance of geography centered somewhere between Italy and Anatolia, but it won't enrich the Empire much. Doing away with the boundaries in the West, letting the Ocean Sea be their boundary rather, will be helpful if order will in fact be kept in the far north of Britain and in Ireland. But that conquest is not yet accomplished and whether the Caledonian north and the island of Ireland will pacify the way south Britain did is an open question!

Religious policy might unify the Empire, or might add to other strains to break it apart earlier, and if it splits too early the Buddhist cult cannot have the opportunity to completely suppress the other Christian denominations. One might guess at a simple spectrum of cults after the empire breaks up into several pieces. I actually flash on a weird setup whereby the Buddhist version dominates in the east, the middle of the Empire goes more OTL orthodox Christian and fights the east for possession of the Holy Land, and out west is a mix of mutually hostile unBuddhist Christian cults warring with each other and a general soft-focus Buddhism largely dropping its own Christian elements and synergizing with native Paganism instead. Some of the Christians might then evolve in a syncretic direction (that officially denies it, like Roman Catholicism) while others become more fanatically puritan and perhaps even quasi-Islamic. It could be quite a mess!

I'm not suggesting this as a certainty or even highest probability, just as a wild possibility. Perhaps it is most likely the Empire does hold together long enough to impose the Buddhist-Christian synthesis all throughout its bounds, edge to edge.

That would sort of fit what you've said, but you'd be passing in silence over a lot of drama in the interim.

This is what I was getting at with my comment/question on "exotic" elements--not that the Buddhist influence is "exotic," but rather to your ATL uptime audience, the Christian elements are, the very same ones that would seem least exotic to an OTL Western European are here strange since the Christian elements of the syncretism gradually have faded away for more generically Buddhist or European ones (synthesis with Celtic and Germanic and Slavic paganism, perhaps). The uptimers who study ATL medieval history or earlier would realize that Christian symbolism once meant a lot more to their ancestors, but it has fallen away by modern times and is now mostly forgotten, except to historians who know all about the bitter sectarian struggles of the past.
 
But in pointing out that the kind of Christianity that dominates today, which has an Abrahamic absolutism about it, is inimical to Roman public order and tradition, you seem to be overlooking that to substantial numbers of OTL converts, that must have been part of what was attractive about it to them! Away with the old gods, let us worship a True One!

I always thought the most attractive thing in Christianity was social equality - in a world of poverty and Roman class society, a religion preaching charity and love will receive some audience, no matter if it's Abrahamic (Christianity) or Dharmic.

Others have pointed out that the timing of a suitably developed bunch of Buddhist missionaries showing up in Mesopotamia at the moment you have them there seems suspiciously early. I don't know about that; it doesn't trouble me though it might if I knew the history of Buddhism better. (I rather thought it was already well developed in Alexander's time). You should check into that.

The others are partially right, I forced it a bit to have Hadrian as the great promoter of Asian religion. However, Buddhist missionaries sent by Ashoka reached Alexandria as early as ca. 200 BCE - and India is, by sea, only some weeks away from Rome.

Also, I've already mentionned that Greeks were already in contact with Buddhism through the former Greek kingdoms in India and Bactria.

I think it is clear enough Mahayana is no channel of Confucian thought; that synergy won't develop for nearly a thousand years.

Also, I am a bit confused--are you making a comparison between the meanings of Buddhism to China with its political religion of Confucianism versus Rome having very little in that respect, or are you suggesting Mahayana Buddhism already incorporates Confucian stuff the Romans would find very useful?

Hm, no. Confucianism and Buddhism are in this TL two distinct thoughts, the first coming from China, the second from India. The first is a political philosophy the Roman ruling class is interested in, the second a religion spreading among lower class Romans.

Some of the Christians might then evolve in a syncretic direction (that officially denies it, like Roman Catholicism) while others become more fanatically puritan and perhaps even quasi-Islamic. It could be quite a mess!

Thank you a lot for your thoughts! However, my plan is the following: Christianity had a position, it had a certain appeal because of a certain social situation, it had a certain role. This role is now assumed by Buddhism, so Christianity will, as did many other sects within the Roman empire, vanish - except those Christian groups absorbed by Buddhism.

And Roman government, influenced first by Roman polytheism, then by Buddhism, will make sure that no "orthodox", non-Buddhist Christian group survives.
 
Caput Nonus: Quintus Princeps
Lusius Quietus had spend the majority of his reign on the northern islands, pacifying Caledonia with five legions and trying to do the same with Hibernia, even though this proved to be as difficult as the aborted conquest of Germania, a century before. In contrast, Quintus was neither an outstanding military commander nor accustomed to the life in cold Britain.
Indeed, he was rather a quite talented intriguer and politician, an admirer of Mediterranean way of life and not convinced of the necessity of the formation of the two new provinces Hibernia and Caledonia. From his accession to the throne onwards, he never visited the provinces of the Empire and spent his life traveling from one place of amusement to another one.
Consequently, he assigned the command of the three British legions to a gifted commander, and immediately withdrew the two additional legions to Italy – Quintus feared that the commander of five legions might try to march on Rome. However, even if this prevented a civil war, it made the conquest of Hibernia impossible.
With one legion as garrison in Britannia and one as garrison in Caledonia, only the third was left to fight a severe guerrilla war in Hibernia – actually, the Roman legion was only strong enough to hold the beachhead of Eblana [1] and the provincial capital Raeba in the interior, while the major city Hibernis, north of Raeba, was controlled by the Hibernian rebels.

Roman public however didn't cared with military affairs – except for the families of the soldiers engaged in this horrific war of attrition. The political class was much more occupied with Hadrian's death in 891 AUC [2], the former throne contender and potential traitor. But against all odds, Hadrian, who under Quietus constantly feared to be murdered, received a state funeral ordered by Quintus.
These important honors, posthumously bestowed on the former unperson Hadrian, made clear that Quintus was very well integrated in the senatorial class and would not continue Quietus' political course of favoring the equites over the senators. Furthermore, Quintus was married to Faustina, Trajan's great-grandniece, and thus himself a relative of the Optimus Princeps.
Faustina gave Quintus one daughter, named Faustina Minor after her mother. The girl was married to Marcus Annius Verus [3], nephew of Faustina Maior, cousin of Faustina Minor and great-great-grandnephew of Trajan. Related to both the most prestigious member of the dynasty and to the ruling emperor [4], Verus became a potential candidate for the office of emperor.

Nevertheless, Quintus could not ignore his relationship with the Berber elite and the African interests in the question of succession. Therefore, he adopted not only Marcus Annius Verus, becoming Marcus Lollius, but also Publius Septimius Geta [5], becoming Publius Verus [6]. Geta, born in Leptis Magna and of Berber origin, was distantly related to Lusius Quietus [7], and, on the advice of Quintus, espoused Avidia Plautia, related to both Trajan and Hadrian.
Soon, the Senate appointed them Caesares, and the two successors were introduced to the Roman public: Marcus Lollius and Publius Verus should become the next emperors, and for the first time since the end of the republic, two men would rule the Roman Empire.

[1] Latin name of Dublin.
[2] 138 CE
[3] OTL's Marcus Aurelius
[4] Actually even to Titus and the Flavian Dynasty.
[5] OTL's father of Septimius Severus
[6] His adoptive mother, Faustina, was the aunt of Marcus Annius Verus.
[7] Fictive kinship
 
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I always thought the most attractive thing in Christianity was social equality - in a world of poverty and Roman class society, a religion preaching charity and love will receive some audience, no matter if it's Abrahamic (Christianity) or Dharmic.
It ought to be, eh, considering the core teachings of Christ (as passed on by the 4 Gospels considered canonical by OTL orthodoxy--but check out "superhero Jesus" in the Gospel of Nicodemus! Nicodemus was very popular in medieval Europe). The notion of turning the other cheek and loving not just one's friendly neighbors but one's oppressors is a lesson the Gospels teach.

But there is definitely a mean streak in Abrahamic religion too, a hard edge, and Fathers of the Church did not hesitate to list viewing the sufferings of the damned in Hell as one of the pleasures the saved would enjoy in Heaven. Logically, one would think the God described in Christian theology could manage eternity so it comes out a win-win for everyone. Origien thought maybe even the Devil himself would be saved--but this hope is condemned as heresy by orthodoxy!

I am therefore convinced that for every convert won over by the message of pure love and mercy and the hope of salvation, there were two more for whom the final selling point was that there would be a reckoning and then those rat bastards out there would get what's coming to them. Perhaps my proportions are off, but perhaps they err in the generous direction too!
The others are partially right, I forced it a bit to have Hadrian as the great promoter of Asian religion. However, Buddhist missionaries sent by Ashoka reached Alexandria as early as ca. 200 BCE - and India is, by sea, only some weeks away from Rome.

Also, I've already mentionned that Greeks were already in contact with Buddhism through the former Greek kingdoms in India and Bactria.
200 BCE seems plenty early to me. India is definitely going to be in pretty good contact with the ports of the Persian Gulf, so if missionaries could reach Alexandria by that early, Mesopotamia should be territory they'd reached long before.
...my plan is the following: Christianity had a position, it had a certain appeal because of a certain social situation, it had a certain role. This role is now assumed by Buddhism, so Christianity will, as did many other sects within the Roman empire, vanish - except those Christian groups absorbed by Buddhism.

And Roman government, influenced first by Roman polytheism, then by Buddhism, will make sure that no "orthodox", non-Buddhist Christian group survives.

The only thing that seems unreasonable about that to me is that the un-Buddhist Christians would not die out quietly. Nor would even a very strong Roman government be able to eliminate them completely. Certainly not outside of the Imperial boundaries; they'd get converts among the barbarians, as the Arian denomination of Christianity won over the Goths OTL, so that Catholics were being ruled by a rival faith.

Your mention of Buddhists in Alexandria in 200 BCE does raise the question for me (as an agnostic)--is it possible that in fact, the Christianity we know OTL is indeed Buddhist-inspired? Could Jesus of Nazareth have in fact been a preacher of a personally-developed synergy of Buddhism with Judaism that was gradually reinterpreted over the next few centuries? The Gospels chosen as canon do mention that The Holy Family did flee into Egypt from Bethlehem (to escape King Herod's Slaughter of the Innocents). If in fact Jesus's family was part of a group of Jews who were exposed to Buddhist teachings in Egypt and sought to reconcile these teachings with their own traditional faith, and Jesus's fate was to be executed for heresy by the authorities of Judea, this might mix in the mythology of the Messiah via his martyrdom, which could give direction to the synthesis that I find now so very un-Buddhist.

But if Jesus's actual inspirations and teachings were in fact taken from Buddhism, then it is the "orthodoxy" of OTL that is very far off base, and so it may be that Buddhists who encounter the gradually changing myth/legend of Jesus are able to recognize the literal truth of what happened in Judea in 30 CE or so, and the fact that they are correct helps their spin on it prevail?

If they can get their version out fast enough and widely enough, it might largely absorb the tide of proliferating Messianic versions of the Jesus story.

I still don't think they'd vacuum up every one of them though. And that the violent, markedly un-Buddhist aspects of the Christian message as it dominates OTL would remain appealing and would spread. I certainly agree it might survive only as a relatively minor group of sects, scattered in various directions and out of contact with each other too. But I don't think anyone can actually kill it off either!
 
I still don't think they'd vacuum up every one of them though. And that the violent, markedly un-Buddhist aspects of the Christian message as it dominates OTL would remain appealing and would spread. I certainly agree it might survive only as a relatively minor group of sects, scattered in various directions and out of contact with each other too. But I don't think anyone can actually kill it off either!

The only thing that seems unreasonable about that to me is that the un-Buddhist Christians would not die out quietly. Nor would even a very strong Roman government be able to eliminate them completely. Certainly not outside of the Imperial boundaries; they'd get converts among the barbarians, as the Arian denomination of Christianity won over the Goths OTL, so that Catholics were being ruled by a rival faith.

But this is my scenario. Christianity will survive as a little sect, but its OTL role will be played by Buddhism, and, among the various Buddhist sect, a Christian Buddhism.
 
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