London, July 17th 1922
Lloyd George had hoped that in the wake of his foreign policy successes both in the peace treaty with Ireland and the peace treaty with Turkey, the position of his coalition government would be practically unassailable. But the government had find itself in trouble from a direction it was not quite expecting. Since coming to power in 1916 the government had turned the sale of honours, an already established practice, into an industry having awarded 1,500 new knighthoods, large numbers of baronetcies and peerages and having even created the order of the British empire for people that could not afford a knighthood but were willing to pay for a title, with some 10,000 of these awarded. Things had come to a head with the July 1922 honour list including convicted criminals. The question had come to parliament and while Lloyd George had managed to deflect it through the creation of a Royal Commission on the matter his government was coming under increasing attack even from the inside. Lloyd George had had hopes of creating centre party with his Liberals and the more amenable of the Conservatives. But many of his own Liberals were against this as was the majority of the Conservatives. The coalition went on but under increasing strain.
Belgrade, July 28th 1922
Belgrade, now the capital of the kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, was quickly recovering from three years of Austro-Hungarian occupation. For the past week Belgrade was hosting negotiations between the prime ministers of Yugoslavia, Greece and Romania, Nikola Pasic, Eleutherios Venizelos and Ion Bratianu. The three prime ministers had led their countries through the Great War and closely worked together during it. Now it was time to formalize the cooperation between the three countries for the future. Yugoslavia and Romania had already created the "Little Entente" with Czechoslovakia. At the same time the idea of a similar Balkan Entente had been aired but had not been pursued as the war with Turkey had yet to be concluded. With that over, the time for the Balkan Entente had come. The most obvious benefit of the treaty was formalizing the commitment from all three countries to contain Bulgaria. At the same time Yugoslavia and Romania were securing their supply lines through Greece in case of a future war in central Europe, Greece secured her European border in case of renewed war with Turkey, in the most optimistic scenario even Yugoslav and Romania troop commitments even though that was unlikely. And while it was not being openly said Italian hostility was certainly in the back of the minds of both Greeks and Yugoslavs...
Constantinople, August 4th 1922
The treaty of Chantilly had included a provision that "important religious and cultural sites" should be restored to the Christian community while "important Muslim sites" would be protected and remain under Muslim control. How both provisions would be honoured simultaneously when many important mosques in the city were former churches was a can of worms that the negotiators had avoided to open, instead they had kicked it down the road to the council of allied commissioners that in effect ruled the city even though the fact that the presiding high commissioner was Greek did not exactly fill the Turks with trust. But Kemal, himself borderline or outright atheist had been more interested in not losing the Ottoman arsenals and war stocks in the city than he was on the fate of a couple mosques, while Venizelos was not going to waste concessions elsewhere for concerns where time was apparently working in the Greek favour anyway.
The new Greek patriarch Meletius IV with the support from his Catholic and Armenian counterpart in Constantinople had almost immediately demanded from the commissioners enacting the treaty and returning to the Christian churches, the religious sites taken over by the Ottomans since 1453. The commissioners, placed in a bind, set up a committee of their own with one member from each of the three great powers plus one Greek and one Turk. It had taken several months to reach a decision. The committee had start its work with the most easy issues.
Hagia Eirene, near the Topkapi palace, was easy, it was being used as an army museum, the same was true for the
Stoudiou monastery as it was in ruins constantly raided by nearby residents for building materials. Both would be returned to the Greek patriarchate with the Turkish government.
Things were rather more complicated for the over two dozen Orthodox and Catholic churches that had been converted to mosques and still existed throughout the city. Understandably both the Greek and Turkish members wanted all of them for their side. In the end the Catholic church did get back Arap Camii the former
St Dominic at Galata, while the Greeks would get the churches of
Pammakaristos, Sergius and Bacchus and the monasteries of
Pantokrator and
Chora would be returned to the Greek church due to their historical and architectural significance. Everything else would be left under Turkish control.
Last had been left the elephant in the room, Hagia Sophia. The Greeks wanted it, the Turks wanted it, even the pope renewed the claim made in 1915 that it should become a Catholic church on grounds of the Orthodox church being in union with Rome in 1437-1453 thus the church being actually Catholic when the city had fallen to the Ottomans. In the end the committee decided to turn Hagia Sophia into a museum allowing the Muslims to hold the Kurban bayrami (Eid al-Adha) and Ramazan bayrami (Eid al-Fitr) each year there and the Orthodox church to hold mass each year at Christmas, Theophany and Easter each year, both religions thus having Hagia Sophia for five days every year. It was a decision that left both sides unhappy. The open question was whether it was going to actually work out or lead to an even worse mess.