O Tempora, O Mores

ITTL my idea was for M. Tullius to complete the magnum opus of his youth, to give all future apprentice orators a guidebook written by the greatest one ever existed. It could also have interesting ramifications in the Middle Ages: the De inventione, even in the fragmentary form it was transmitted, was a cornerstone for those times' scholars and having the complete opera could influence the scholastica itself.

Makes sense. ITTL the Republic is generally more stable, and he doesn't have the distraction of Caesar's civil war so soon after Clodius is dealt with. So with fewer distractions and threats, presumably he'd finish it in some form, and it'd undoubtedly have a huge effect on the course of later oratory. In the meantime, I should give more thought to literature and culture.

There's another issue I'd be curious to get people's input on, if possible: specifically, where Rome might conquer now that it's pretty much in control of its historical territories. I definitely don't see Rome conquering Germany in the foreseeable future. I'm of the belief (after reading Peter Heather's history of the fall of Rome) that Germany was much too poor to be worth the trouble of conquering, at least for centuries after this point. Britain doesn't seem valuable either, but would at least be easier to conquer, so it doesn't have the same deterrence that Germany does (and after all, its lack of value didn't stop them from taking it eventually). Dacia, Ethiopia, coastal Arabia, and the Persian heartland all seem possible, although beyond them I think one gets into nigh-insurmountable barriers. I welcome opinions on this, other avenues of conquest I haven't thought of, etc.
 
There's an old debate on the ideal or even plausible Eastern borders: the minimalists suggest Mesopotamia and Armenia, a sort of middle school favors the Iranian plateau, and the maximalists suggest Alexandrian borders on the Indus and Oxus. I'm always uncertain as to the plausibility of the Alexandrian borders just due to the incredible distances involved and the limitations of overland transportation and communications in the period. OTOH, smarter people than I have argued for them.

I'm more bullish on Germania, even though as you correctly suggest it is quite poor. The two handwaviums that usually are suggested to make Germania profitable are an earlier introduction of the heavy plow, and the early development of paper currency.

Nevertheless, I think it is the strategic imperative that would lead an expansionist, healthier Roman polity to conquer Germania. A Vistula-Dniester frontier is far shorter and more defensible than a Rhine-Danube frontier. Communication and transportation are no problem since a. Germania is quite close to Italy geographically, and b. the region is laced with rivers and, under Roman rule, would shortly be laced with canals.

The other argument often advanced against the Germanic conquest is that it relies on the benefit of hindsight - we in the present know that Rome's long European border would be subject to frequent invasions after the Third Century, and that the Germanic tribes would be a large part of that - but that people of the era did not have that awareness.

I disagree. The real Roman incentive to conquer Gaul wasn't so much finance as the relief of putting an end at last to the constant threat of Celtic invasion - burying the ghost of Brennus. In the late Republic, the Teutonic invasion of the Marian period was a very recent and painful memory, and Germania is no farther from the increasingly Latin Cisalpine Gaul than was Long-Haired Gaul.

I would argue that it was the withdrawal of the legions after Teutoberg by the cautious and inward-looking Augusutas, followed by the ossificiation of the system under the Principate, that spared Germania from inevitable conquest. I think a longer-lasting Republic would indeed conquer the bulk of Magna Germania.

Oh, amazing, amazing TL btw. Something very worth reading while I wait for Harris's next novel!
 
One thought I just had on Germania was that the southern regions, which were more closely tied to the more prosperous La Tene culture (boasting large food surpluses, coinage, some literacy, large towns, and complex societies), might be conquered first. The area around Jutland, part of the Jastorf culture, would still be dirt-poor for a while, but the greater proximity of Roman trade and infrastructure would accelerate that region's development until eventually it became worthwhile for Rome to swallow that up too. Plus, the greater wealth of southern Germania makes it easier to dominate, whereas the Jastorf area is too diffuse to control in typical Roman style: you can't just march an army in, win a few battles in the field, occupy some towns and be done.

So, poor as Germania is, the southern areas at least seem to present a viable and reasonably attractive prize around this time, and they'll get even more so as they get more exposed to Rome. In any case, if a republican Rome retains control of Gaul for any length of time, I figure it's inevitable that some would-be Caesar will find a way to launch a campaign into southern Germania, and that would pretty much open the door. Eventually we might well be looking at a Vistula-Dniester frontier.

Oh, amazing, amazing TL btw. Something very worth reading while I wait for Harris's next novel!

Thanks very much, and I'm with you: I cannot wait to see what he ends up doing with Cicero's late career. Don't know how he's going to fit it all into one book, but I have no doubt he'll find a way to make it suitably epic.
 
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“It was fated that Caesar should meet his fate.”
-Appian, Civil Wars

"Oh, what times are these, and what morals!"
-Cicero, In Catilinam


37 BCE. Consuls: Flaccus and Sabinus (by default)



The elections having not yet been conducted, due to fear of sparking riots which in turn might spill into civil uprising, Flaccus and Sabinus remain in office as consuls at the beginning of the year (retroactively legitimized by an act of the Senate).

In February, Orodes III invades Mesopotamia, encouraged by news of the delicate situation back in Rome. He personally leads the bulk of his force southwards out of Media towards Ctesiphon, his general Arash (son of Surena) in command of a secondary army invading Susiana by way of Persia proper. The Roman garrison under Calvinus elects to try and confront the king’s force, hoping to rout him there and force an end to the entire campaign. However, Orodes outmaneuvers and crushes the three legions of Mesopotamia, capturing one of their legionary eagles. Ctesiphon throws open its gates to the liberators, and at Orodes’s request, the people offer a large share of their wealth to him, which he uses to reward his soldiers.

Caesar writes back to Rome, insincerely “imploring” the Senate’s patience and assuring it that he will lay down his arms and return to Rome “as soon as the ghost of Brennus is dispelled forever”; although supplies have stopped arriving from Rome, his ability to requisition foodstuffs and transportation from the Gallic tribes allows him to continue his campaign. He invades Armorica at the first opportunity; the Veneti, the dominant tribe in the area, grudgingly offer him their allegiance rather than fight, having seen the devastation inflicted on his many enemies the previous year. Turning south along the coast, Caesar quickly defeats or cows the tribes of Aquitania; and finally, in a rapid drive northeast, faces the Belgae tribes. Most of the tribes are united in a huge confederation, specifically created to fight Caesar, and the resultant campaign is bloody on the Romans’ side as well as the Gauls’. Nevertheless, against all odds Caesar manages to beat the Belgae, despite losing several battles along the way, before winter sets in. All of Gaul is now, however tenuously, in Roman hands.

In a surprise move orchestrated by Cato, who is furious at Caesar’s intransigence, one night in May nearly the entire aristocracy leaves Rome in absolute secrecy, under cover of darkness, and takes up residence in Scipio Nasica’s camp. Cato himself remains in the city. This completely erodes Antonius’s position: his hostages, to put it bluntly, have escaped and thus his gangs have no bargaining chip to prevent Scipio Nasica’s legions from storming the city and restoring order by force. Cato then addresses the people, throwing down the gauntlet to Antonius: if he wishes to avoid being brought to justice as an anti-republican thug, he must allow the holding of elections immediately.

The Parthian army begins marching north up the Fertile Crescent; it shrugs off most resistance but is held up for weeks by a spirited defense from the garrison at the fortified city of Nisibis. Around the end of summer Orodes invades Syria, facing another, more prepared force of four legions, led by Pulcher Minor as proconsul. Orodes wins a near-Pyrrhic victory, losing nearly thirty thousand men in the carnage, but in doing so he overcomes the last significant Roman force in the East. After plundering Antioch, Orodes writes to Hyrcanus II of Judaea, Artavasdes II of Armenia, and Pharnaces II of Pontus, urging them to slaughter the Romans within their own territories and seize the chance to throw off the yoke of Roman domination. Hyrcanus hesitates, but his younger son Herod secretly writes to Orodes to offer his assistance; Artavasdes pretends to accept, but writes to Rome asking for assistance; and Pharnaces refuses outright, having learned from the example of his father Mithridates that reprisals against the Romans tend to come with consequences.

After a few days of hurried consideration, Antonius agrees to Cato’s demand to hold elections. Although it is technically unconstitutional since he was consul only a few years prior, Nero leaves Scipio Nasica’s camp to enter the city and campaign; his popular support, wealth, and aristocratic appeal makes him a certain victor, so Antonius is forced to find someone to balance him out. He chooses Drusus, who still bears a grudge against Nero for replacing him as the commander in Gaul years earlier, and who had remained on Caesar’s side since then. Nero and Drusus are duly elected.



36 BCE. Consuls: Drusus and Nero



Caesar begins marching back to Rome, leaving a few of his legions in Gaul to guard the conquests he made. His domestic position has been severely weakened, however: the Senate can now meet and debate in Pompey’s theater, which is outside the pomerium and thus can be protected by Scipio Nasica’s troops against any disruption by Antonius. Furthermore, it is known that Cato has every intention of prosecuting him for his illegal actions, and that the optimates will stop at nothing to prevent Caesar escaping justice as he had in 44 BCE and 56 BCE. In other words, Caesar’s back is against the wall, and he will not be able to cut a deal this time. The threat of civil war is being whispered of more and more on the streets of Rome.

Orodes III invades Judaea, quickly capturing Hyrcanus II and putting him to death. It is rumored that Hyrcanus was originally to be sent back to Parthia as a captive, but Herod convinced the Shah to have him killed instead. In any case, Herod is placed on the throne of Judaea in defiance of the Romans.

Caesar reaches the Rubicon River, beyond which point he cannot legally go without surrendering his authority, and halts his army while he attempts to negotiate through proxies and letters with the optimates. He proposes to disband his army if Scipio Nasica is willing to do the same, an offer which is flatly refused. Privately, Octavian writes to Caesar and advises him to simply submit: his army, although hardened and completely confident in him, is completely outnumbered, as fresh levies have been raised on Scipio Nasica’s orders throughout the crisis and there are now well over twice as many soldiers loyal to the optimates in Italy as there are in Caesar’s army. Furthermore, Caesar would then have to impose his will by force on the Roman world, and in the meantime he would be guilty of the highest treason, a fact which would be sure to cripple his popularity. Octavian proposes instead that Caesar simply face trial: with his wealth and popularity intact, besides his gift for oratory, he is likely to be acquitted, much as Scipio Africanus was when Cato the Elder prosecuted him. After considerable thought, Caesar pursues this course of action, sending his soldiers back to their homes and entering Italy legally.

Upon the dissolution of Caesar’s army, a proposal is made in the Senate that a commander be sent east with a part of Scipio Nasica’s army in order to deal with the Parthian resurgence. Unexpectedly, Nero throws his support behind his co-consul Drusus and persuades most of the optimates to do the same. What with Drusus’s support among the pedarii, the lower-ranking senators, the measure passes without incident and Drusus moves to Brundisium to begin assembling an army of six legions. This still leaves thousands of soldiers under Scipio Nasica encamped on the Field of Mars and Janiculum Hill. More importantly, this ensures that Drusus, who maintains ties to Caesar's faction, will not be in a position to use his powers as consul to block a prosecution of Caesar.

Sextus Pompeius, the first cousin once removed of Pompey, and Faustus Cornelius Sulla, only surviving son of Sulla and ward of Lucullus, win the consular elections.

Orodes III contacts Ptolemy XIV, co-ruler of Egypt and younger brother of Cleopatra, offering to depose Cleopatra (who continues to be the real power in Egypt) if Ptolemy will commit to aiding Parthia against Rome. Ptolemy, desperate to increase his power at home by any means, agrees; however, a rebellion in Media forces Orodes to march from Antioch back to his homeland to restore order.

Cato lays his prosecution against Caesar, charging him with numerous offenses, the most serious being his insubordination and dereliction of duty to the Republic in attacking the Gauls without orders, constituting maiestas, the crime of treason against the Republic (NB: specifically, Cato would perhaps have charged the crime of perduellio, a particularly odious form of maiestas; ironically, IOTL Caesar brought this charge against Gaius Rabirius during Cicero’s consulship as a way of challenging the optimates). Caesar chooses to act as his own advocate, the better to capitalize on his personal advantages. From the opening days of the trial, proceedings are disrupted by Antonius, who has his supporters chant insults at Cato from the Forum. Unruffled, Cato continues the proceedings, beginning with his lengthy opening speech.

At the end of the year, Drusus’s army crosses the Adriatic and begins marching from Epirus to the Hellespont.



35 BCE. Consuls: Sextus Pompeius and Faustus Sulla



The praetor overseeing Caesar’s trial, Alfenus Varus, issues an official request for additional security as Antonius’s gangs continue to disrupt proceedings. By a special order of the Senate, several centuries of Scipio Nasica’s army enter the city, breaking up further attempts to disrupt the trial. Meanwhile, in a pivotal turn of events, Cato calls Nero to the stand and delivers an excellent cross-examination, undermining some of Caesar’s popular support as the legal and practical problems of Caesar’s actions are made clear. However, the mob continues to lobby in favor of Caesar by pressuring the jurors at their homes.

Drusus crosses into Asia and holds position in Galatia as he waits for foreign levies to arrive, from Sarmatian mercenary horsemen to Cilician light infantry. Knowing that Orodes is busy reasserting his authority back in Parthia, Drusus takes advantage of the time to prepare.

Orodes returns to Media and defeats his rebellious governor Pharnabazus; while the satrap escapes alive and flees into Atropatene, hoping to stir up another rebellion in the mountainous highlands of the region, he is killed by his followers in an attempt to secure the mercy of Orodes (which fails). Orodes then marches to Ctesiphon, summoning reinforcements from his homelands to augment his army before confronting the Romans.

Caesar’s flood of bribes for the jurors hearing his case is tremendous, given the wealth he has acquired over his campaigns in Parthia, Africa, and Gaul. However, Lucullus, Scipio Nasica, and Gnaeus Pompeius, the three richest men in the Republic, lead a fundraising effort by the optimates (without Cato’s knowledge, not wishing to offend his sensibilities) to amass enough bribe money to counteract Caesar’s.

As the trial approaches its conclusion, Cato delivers a brilliant closing argument, comparable to Cicero’s Pro re publica in its elaboration and defense of the principles of the Republic. He reminds the court that no man in Rome can be above justice, and even ancient heroes such as Camillus and Manlius Capitolinus had been punished for their failings; that once already Caesar had nearly started a civil war merely over the issue of receiving a triumph for his conquest of Numidia; and that if he was acquitted now, the precedent would be set that any ambitious man could do as he wished in the provinces and buy his way to freedom back at Rome. At a stroke, this erodes the main basis of Caesar’s defense: his closing speech had been intended to focus on the fact that his successes in the name of Rome overrode legal niceties, and yet now such an argument would inevitably come off as arrogant boasting that would prove Cato’s point. Consequently, Caesar is thrown off, forced to resort to legal arguments alone; as the letter of the law is clearly against him, and he is no jurist by nature, this leaves him very much out of his element. The jurors cast their ballots, and by a significant margin, Caesar is convicted: he may no longer be offered fire or water in Italy.

The announcement causes a sensation: despite Cato’s speech, most of the audience consists of Antonius’s supporters, who riot upon hearing the news and attempt to storm the court. Improvised weapons are brought out, and the legionaries guarding the court find themselves in a sudden battle. Hundreds are killed, but Antonius’s gangs are driven off: they flee to the Aventine Hill, the heart of the collegia network headed by Antonius. There is some confusion in the succeeding hours, however, as they find that Caesar has not joined them, simply returning with Octavius to his home on the Palatine (having moved out of Subura years earlier). Meanwhile, an emergency meeting of the Senate is called, out in Pompey’s theater: Faustus Sulla, the presiding consul, presents a motion to invoke senatus consultum ultimum and restore order by force. The measure is passed, and Faustus Sulla takes command of one of Scipio Nasica’s legions and storms the city.

That evening, Romans hide within their homes as the legionaries fight their way through the streets and alleys of the Aventine; for the most part, Antonius’s gangs fight courageously, but they are no match for the numerous, disciplined, and well-armed legionaries. Antonius himself throws himself on his sword as the legionaries break into his house. Meanwhile, Caesar dines in luxury with Octavius one final time, as his house is set to be razed the following morning, and sends away every portable form of wealth he can lay his hands on with his servant Posca, to be held in trust for Octavius and prevent it being seized by the state. Finally, he says goodbye to his daughter Julia, writes a letter of farewell to Brutus and a few other friends, and commits suicide.

Having assembled a force of approximately 50,000 soldiers (including auxiliaries) by late summer, Drusus marches from Galatia eastwards across Asia Minor. Hurrying so as to leave the rough terrain of Anatolia before the Parthian army can arrive and begin closing off fords and passes, Drusus’s army encounters a garrison of approximately 10,000 men blocking the Cilician Gates, led by the Parthian general Arash. Forced to fight on unfavorable territory, Drusus nonetheless overwhelms the much lighter-armed Parthian infantry and manages to win with fewer casualties than might be expected. Arash, meanwhile, flees eastward, originally intending to organize another defense in Syria: however, upon examining the resources available there, he decides to withdraw, taking the Parthian troops in the area to Nisibis and garrisoning the city.

Upon entering Syria, Drusus first heads south along the Mediterranean coastline, intending to put down the rebellion in Judaea and execute Herod. He defeats Herod’s troops with ease, but makes the serious mistake of sacking Jerusalem, plundering the Temple, and killing the high priest on the assumption that he was a valid target as a supporter of Herod’s regime. This provokes a revolution among the Jews, who were never terribly fond of Herod to begin with but now rally behind him as he harasses the Romans and chips away at their supply lines. Drusus is forced to withdraw back to Syria, leaving Judaea in chaos, to prepare for Orodes’s approach. Unexpectedly, however, the Parthian advance never seems to materialize.



34 BCE. Consuls: Labienus and Saxa



After recovering from the debacle in Judaea the year before, Drusus resolves to try again given the unexpected breathing room the Parthians are allowing him. He invades the region a second time, and adopts a vicious policy of reprisal after putting Herod’s older brother Phasael on the throne.

While Drusus is occupied in Judaea, Orodes takes the opportunity to march into Atropatene, enacting a purge of his administrators there to ensure the region does not begin leaning towards the Romans.

Octavian (NB: from here on out, he's C. Julius Caesar Octavianus), seeking to get away from Rome given the atmosphere following Caesar’s downfall and Antonius’s abortive revolution, runs for quaestor in the yearly elections; his victory ensures he will be admitted to the Senate, and more importantly, secures him a post as an administrator in Macedonia. His friend Agrippa similarly achieves the quaestorship, and will join the staff of the consul L. Decidius Saxa in Africa. The consulships are won by Gnaeus Pompeius, who hopes to secure some kind of lucrative and glorious military command, and Scipio Salvito, a distant relative of Scipio Nasica.

After months of hard fighting, Drusus finally secures the situation in Judaea, helped immensely by Phasael’s unexpected success as king which wins him the goodwill of many. The Jewish uprising quiets down, to the relief of Cleopatra, who rules over a huge Jewish population in Alexandria, a city notoriously prone to riots. He then turns north and east, crossing the Euphrates and laying siege to Nisibis, perhaps the most heavily fortified city in the region. Around the same time, Orodes completes his purge in Atropatene and marches to relieve Nisibis. The two armies collide near the city, and the Romans win, despite suffering significant losses: Orodes is forced to retreat and regroup, essentially dooming Nisibis, which falls a few weeks later.



33 BCE. Consuls: Gnaeus Pompeius and Scipio Salvito



One of Caesar’s old legates, C. Caninius Rebilus, stirs up a revolution in the new province of Aquitania. Rallying the local legion, he begins training additional troops and raiding Further Gaul for supplies. He also petitions Q. Labienus, another of Caesar’s one-time legates and now serving as proconsul of Nearer Spain, to join him; however, Labienus refuses and leads an army to put him down. The Senate hears of the revolution and Gnaeus Pompeius attempts to pass a measure appointing him to reassert Roman authority; it passes, but before he can leave Italy, word arrives that Labienus has captured Rebilus and put down the rebellion, harshly punishing numerous Gallic tribes for joining him.

Pharnaces II of Pontus dies of a stroke, leaving his oldest son Darius as king.

Having taken Nisibis, Drusus has cleared his supply routes back to Roman territory and is free to march against Ctesiphon. However, raids by Parthian cavalrymen take their toll on the Romans, and many of the siege engines constructed at Nisibis have to be abandoned along the way. As a result, when the Romans arrive at Ctesiphon, defeating the local garrison before the gates and settling in for a siege, there is little prospect of the city being captured for months: Ctesiphon is amply stocked with food, and the main Parthian army under Orodes remains at large, not to mention a considerable force under his general Tissaphernes stationed in southern Mesopotamia.

Predictably, Orodes soon arrives to relieve the city, and the ensuing battle is inconclusive: the Romans manage to hold their position but suffer heavily, while the core of the Parthian army is wiped out. In order to secure breathing room, Orodes offers Drusus a treaty: there will be peace for ten years between Parthia and Rome, all of Rome’s lost territories besides Mesopotamia will be handed over, and an indemnity of a thousand talents a year will be paid during the truce. Drusus decides to approve this measure on the spot without seeking the Senate’s approval, which would take months and risk a resumption of hostilities in the meantime. Only after his army has already withdrawn to Antioch and his auxiliaries have returned to their native countries does the Senate hear of his decision.

In Rhaetia, a Roman tax collector is murdered by a disaffected tribe; although this is by anyone’s standards a minor incident, and one which the Rhaetians are eager to smooth over, Gnaeus Pompeius seizes the opportunity to secure a military command as his consulship nears its end. Bribing two tribunes to harangue the popular assemblies on the (mostly invented) atrocities perpetrated by the Rhaetians on Roman citizens, he capitalizes on the resultant popular outrage and arranges the passage of a law granting him command of the two legions in Nearer Gaul to beat down the Rhaetians, bypassing the Senate in doing so. He waits until the following spring to begin, however, not wishing to romp around in the Alps during winter.

* * *

I’d be very curious to hear what people think of this. Dealing with Caesar has been very tough to write; it’s hard to do it realistically without basically reenacting the events of OTL. Hopefully it doesn’t seem like a cop-out that he and Antonius die at pretty much a single stroke.
 
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Keep up the good work. If most of your readers are like me though, don't expect a whole lot of comments (I don't know enough about the subject and time period to critique this).
 
What's happened to Herod - is he dead, or is he biding his time to regain the throne? Phasael's survival will make things interesting - his reputation among the Jews was much better than Herod's, but it might not stay that way if he remains a Roman puppet.
 
What's happened to Herod - is he dead, or is he biding his time to regain the throne? Phasael's survival will make things interesting - his reputation among the Jews was much better than Herod's, but it might not stay that way if he remains a Roman puppet.

Good question, I'm not sure yet what to do with Herod, and I can't honestly say it's intentional that I didn't mention his fate...but who knows, something might come of that. Presumably, if he'd gotten the chance he would have fled to Parthia, or failing that, Egypt; and if he survived, I figure it's almost certain he would make a play for the throne a few years down the line, probably by appealing to the authorities. The question then would be, would the authorities be Parthia or Rome, which (to take it a step further) is arguably a question of whether Parthia can beat back Rome and hold on to Phoenicia/Judaea in the long run.
 
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