In this way, then, Pompey was elated, and his confidence filled him with so great a contempt for his adversary that he mocked at those who were afraid of the war; and when some said that Crassus might have greater forces than reported, with a smiling countenance and calm mien he bade them be in no concern; ‘For’ said he, ‘in whatever part of Italy I stamp upon the ground, there will spring up armies of foot and horse.’
Plutarch, The Life of Pompey
It is little wonder that across the Italian peninsula, the news of Pompey’s return was greeted with rapturous joy. For many, Pompey had been a distant memory of better days; a heroic general who had humbled the mightiest enemies of the Republic. He had driven the arch-enemy Mithridates from his throne, had shattered the power of Pontus and Armenia, taught barbarians from lands so distant they were half considered myths to tremble before the might of Rome. He had scoured the seas of pirates, slaughtered the rebellious slaves of Spartacus, crushed rebels in Spain. Along the way he had acquired an immense fortune, casually cast ancient kings into the dirt and raised new ones in their place, and annexed vast swathes of land directly to Rome.
Perhaps even more importantly, he had managed to remain aloof from the swirl of Roman politics. He could be all things to all men; the supporter of the aristocratic, reactionary Sulla was the darling of the plebs. And, far from Italy as he had been, he had not been forced to pick a side. He could pose equally well as a supporter of the traditional order; and a sympathiser with the Decemvirate.
Pompey’s appeal then, was clear. A hardened military hero, impartial, with no politics of his own, who would restore order, prosperity and freedom to a people broken by more than a year of chaos, bloodshed, and arbitrary tyranny.
Pompey – a man whose almost infinite ego needed constant flattering, and who loved nothing more than to bask in the adulation of adoring crowds – was obviously pleased by his reception, and shrewd enough to keep his long term plans carefully concealed. His speech to his army made no mention of the Decemvirate, Crassus, the Senate, or indeed much of anything concrete. Rather, he simply vowed to restore peace. In a move of brilliance, he silkily suggested that the time had come for peace negotiations – negotiations he would be graciously pleased to assist with, however he could. He suggested a truce – an affair he would, likewise, be pleased to help enforce – until after the new year, to allow time for tempers to cool and for the negotiations to be arranged.
If Pompey’s return had caused wild celebrations amongst the mass of the Roman people, it plunged the councils of both the Decemvirate and Senate into utter gloom. With his vast army of well equipped, well trained, rested and experienced legions, he was now undoubtedly the preeminent power in the peninsula.
Crassus, obviously, saw his weakening hold on Rome weaken still further. The two men – as two of the richest, most influential, and most powerful men in the State – hated and loathed each other. Crassus, as ever able to appraise the likelihood of a business venture succeeding or failing – knew that he had not the popularity, nor the army, nor, likely, the money to stand against Pompey. He likewise knew that Pompey now had a window of opportunity to utterly destroy him. At best, exile and impotence; at worst death. Around him, his subordinates, nervous as ever, cast anxious eyes towards Brundisium, contemplating their chances should they opt to defect.
Cicero and Torquatus were equally despairing. Their entire strategy had been to win the war before Pompey arrived. Cicero was in no doubt that Pompey was now in the ideal position to make himself a de-facto, if not a de-jure, monarch. Sharp politician that he was, Cicero saw that the Senate, to many Romans, had long ago lost its legitimacy. Next to the glamour and charisma of a new Alexander the Great, how could the cause of the Senatorialists compare? His mood was scarcely improved by the obvious pro-Pompeian sympathies of several senior Senatorialist leaders; one of whom, Publius Piso, openly demanded that Pompey be given the supreme command. Piso’s close friend Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus exasperated Cicero nearly as much by repeatedly, and unfavourably, comparing Torquatus’ generalship to Pompey’s.
As if this division was not enough for the Senatorialists, the arrival of Pompey also stirred into action those men who Cicero disparagingly called ‘compromisers’. Such men included Manius Aemilius Lepidus, and the former tribune Gaius Popilius. Ironically sharing the same concerns as Cicero, they urged a common cause be made immediately with Crassus’ regime; forming a united front to block Pompey’s anticipated takeover of the state. Catalus, the flinty old aristocratic paragon of Republican virtues, who once had counted Cataline as a friend, would doubtless have been amongst their number as well. However, a sudden fever had swiftly killed him as he led his small force around the south-east of Italy, hunting for Gaius Manlius – Catiline’s ex-lieutenant who had turned bandit. Ironically, Catalus had based himself in Brundisium; it is tempting to wonder how a man of his ilk might have reacted to Pompey’s sudden arrival.
Moreover, the Senatorial forces were now in an agonising dilemma – though not through any fault of Pompey. Caesar’s seizure of the south had effectively cut them off from resupply; at the same time, their recent victory placed them within striking distance of Rome. If they attacked Rome, and the city swiftly fell, then the war would to all intents and purposes be over; Caesar would almost certainly sue for terms; the Senate’s position would be reaffirmed, and even Pompey might have to accept a fait accompli. At the same time; if such an assault failed the Senatorialist army would be cut off from their main sources of supply, demoralised, and caught between the armies of Crassus in Rome and the armies of Caesar in the south. This would shatter their cause beyond all hope of recovery; and Pompey would have no choice but to march on Rome.
Pompey, after landing, divided his forces into two. The larger, under his own command, commenced a rather leisurely march northwards, towards Ariminum; whilst the other, made up mostly of cavalry, struck westwards, moving towards Vesuvius. This flying column was led by one of Pompey’s most trusted, though corrupt, supporters – Scaurus; who had earned both fame and notoriety (as well as vast sums of wealth) as Pompey’s legate in Syria. Faced with two feuding brothers from the Hasmonean dynasty contending to be High Priest and King of Judea, Scaurus had simply opted to throw his weight behind Aristobulus upon receipt of a vast bribe; installing him as monarch. He had, however, shown no concern when Pompey, three years later, had Aristobulus arrested, Jerusalem stormed and his rival restored to the Priesthood – though not, as it happened, his Kingship. It was as likely for his cheerfully amoral outlook and skill at exploiting political rivalries, rather than any military capability, that led Pompey to order him westwards.
Swiftly reaching the town of Nola, he found himself surrounded by Caesar’s rather more ragtag, if larger, army. Nothing daunted, Scaurus offered Caesar a truce – and invited him to dinner. The famously reckless Caesar, we are told, did not even hesitate, expressing only concern that he was not properly attired for such a formal meal. Perhaps, with that keen predatory instinct he always possessed, he knew Scaurus had come to treat with Caesar, not to bury him.
The two men talked, long into the night. Pompey had always recognised talent, and in Caesar he saw, perhaps, something extraordinary – as well as the political coup of having Rome’s senior religious leader in his pocket. Further, Caesar was a senior member of the Decemvirate, and arguably its most successful military leader. By ‘pardoning’ Caesar, Pompey would demonstrate to all but the most committed members of the Decemvirate that there was a way back, that there was no need for a desperate fight to the death. (The fact that Pompey had precisely no legal right to offer anyone amnesty or pardon appears to have concerned him not at all).
Caesar, for his part, was no fool, and likely realised that currently he was fighting for a cause on the verge of collapse. Famously willing to take risks although he was, he was also a seasoned gambler; and knew when was best to collect his winnings. He had proved himself a skilled general and leader of men, had boosted his popularity with the urban poor, and now had the chance to re-enter the world of legitimate Roman politics – for what Scaurus was offering him was nothing less than Pompey’s support, friendship – and an amnesty.
By morning, the deal was done; the two men clasping hands and pledging friendship. Scaurus even pledged, in Pompey’s name, vast sums of money to be paid to every man in Caesar’s army. Enriched, amnestied, and secure in the knowledge they had not been defeated and were now on the winning side, Caesar’s men cheered him to the skies as he bade them return to their homes, leaving only a small bodyguard of several hundred men for himself.
Marcus Petreius, on his sickbed, was furious when he heard the news – and still more furious when emissaries from Scaurus told him that it was on Pompey’s orders that Caesar had been brought back into the fold. Partisan of Pompey he may well have been, but he was also a proud Roman, and a patriot. For months he had done his utmost to defeat Caesar, only to find his supposed patron welcoming a traitor into the fold; rendering his months of fighting and struggle meaningless. Still, his illness rendered him impotent. Sensing safety and an end to the fighting, the populace of Capua – which consisted overwhelmingly of relatives of the Senatorial elite – opened the gates. In Puteoli, Labienus, seeing which way the wind was blowing, and anxious not to lose Pompey as his patron, made the best of the situation. After giving a speech that equally glorified his army and himself, he then rode out from Puteoli on a white charger, to meet Scarurus and Caesar in person to surrender the city – an act which permanently ended the friendship between him and Petreius; who ever after would consider himself an enemy of Caesar, Scarurus and Pompey as well. A decade later, this hatred was to have fatal consequences.
As the first snows of the season landed atop the summit of Vesuvius, Petreius, Scarurus and Caesar feasted. With barely a sword drawn in anger, the whole south of Italy had dropped, like a ripe plum, into the lap of Pompey.