Not Groaning but Roaring: A History of Pridaen

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Good stuff. Just a quick question, what is directly West of Grantchester?
Did the fens go that far South at tat time?

Immediately west, there's not much at all, at least not in the way of settlement. There may be a few peasants scraping by on subsistence agriculture, at least until the Icasaete turn up next door.

I believe it's distinctly less flat than further north (not necessarily hilly, just undulating a bit), so it's unlikely to ever have been fen. West a little further is the Great Ouse, which may have had unpleasantly swampy bits but isn't fenland, properly speaking.

As you may have guessed, I'm not an expert on the geography of this corner of the world, so I wouldn't be surprised to be contradicted.
 
very interesting timeline you have going here. i like the academic style of writing, but i agree with you in that it does seem to be moving somewhat slowly...
 
very interesting timeline you have going here. i like the academic style of writing, but i agree with you in that it does seem to be moving somewhat slowly...

Thank'ee. I'm not much of a fan of my own writing style, but it is what it is. As for pace, the next chapter speeds up considerably, but only by cheating. After that, the drafts I've written so far get bogged down again; I may have to cheat more.

J'ai mal fait; je pourrai faire mieux. Hopefully.
 
Worst Episode Ever

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]15 Onward Then, ye People[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]It is one of the mysteries of Prydeeneg history that the peace, which should have heralded a golden age, instead led to something of a dark age. But it was only a dark age in the sense that little written evidence survives from the period, and we should not mistake our lack of knowledge for a lack of activity. Indeed, archaeological evidence uncovered in the last century has provided proof of a wealth of economic activity, turning the traditional view on its head.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]It is a truism to say that traditional historians were only interested in battles and wars, and in lieu of either the seventh century held little attraction. Much of what we know of Gualxmee’s reign, for example, comes not from primary sources, as in many cases they are no longer extant. But we know of those sources’ existence from the analyses of later men, right across the centuries, who repeated and studied the stories until they became part of the fabric of every child’s upbringing and every leader’s education. As for the seventh century, of course there would have been chronicles once, but little has survived; and in the absence of later copyists preserving the information, we see only a dark age.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Curiously, the same situation arises when we look at Anglian sources. There are, it is true, more Anglian texts from this period than Prydeeneg ones, but mainly religious texts and economic accounts [1]. To take an example: we know from sketchy royal accounts that after Thedda’s death, his successors preferred the older cities of Sledings, Scepstan and Kantaburg [2] over the newer town of Theduic. The latter is not mentioned in a single written source until an itinerary dated c. 670, which mentions it (as ‘Thetuic’) as a thriving trading port, popular with Prydeeneg and European merchants alike. Archaeology supports the view that it was occupied throughout the period, there are just no surviving written records that bother mentioning it.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In the absence of battles, there were still some very important events in the mid-century, known as the Great Synods. This was a sequence of meetings of the ecclesiastical élites and representatives of the great monasteries of Pridaen, with emissaries of the Roman church.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Ostensibly, the purpose was simple: to correct the errant practices of the insular church. The most famous of these is the dating of Easter, though there were more minor issues as well: there were supposedly a couple of cases of women having received holy orders in Pridaen, for example, which Rome found intolerable, and some monasteries practised a variety of tonsures differing from the Roman standard. The lack of a bishopric structure also concerned the mother church.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Rome seemed to get everything it wanted. The Prydeeneg assembly bowed to the practice of the heirs of St Peter regarding the date of Easter, accepted the Roman tonsure and confirmed women’s ineligibility for ordination. In general, they also recognised the ultimate authority of Rome on all theological matters.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The most important matter for the natives, though, was day-to-day authority over their lives. They had never answered to bishops who answered to Rome. This was a real sticking point, and the solution was something of a fudge: the Prydeeneg church would have bishops, who would be elected from among the ranks of abbots, and confirmed (or rejected) by Rome. From the point of view of Rome, the bishops would be the point of contact and the men responsible for Christianity on the island; for the natives, that rôle would continue to be filled by the abbots. There would be no conflict because the bishops and the most influential abbots would be, in theory, one and the same group of men.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]So although Rome appeared to have its way, Christianity in Pridaen continued to be a little looser in its ties to the mother church than was typical on the continent. As we now know, this would ultimately be vitally important for Pridaen, but at the time it seemed like a minor side-effect of the triumphant rapprochement of the Prydeeneg and Roman churches. The fact that the abbot-bishop system instituted by the Great Synods endured for centuries should be seen as a sign of its success, despite its eventual consequences.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]With the religion issue settled, and the island’s two cultures’ commerce intertwined, it seemed that there was no reason why the peace would not last forever. The empty thrones of the west were filled with new petty kings, scions of powerful northern families, tying the west and the north together again. Politically, the land slowly lapsed into indolent neglect. It is only a small comfort that the shock that would awaken Pridaen came from within rather than without; but even were it otherwise, it could hardly have been more devastating.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][1] By which I mean inventories, records of debts and so on, not What If Adam Smið was a seventh century Angle?.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][2] See map on previous part. Roughly located at OTL Portslade, Hythe and Canterbury.[/FONT]
 
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]16 Blink and it’s Gone[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The west and the north had been reconciled by the blunt method of putting northern men on western thrones. Once the new petty kings had earned the trust – or in some cases enforced the trust – of the local fighting men, this method worked, at least for a while. But it did not eliminate the cause of the division: it was not mere jealousy, nor proto-nationalism, that drove western resentment, but the basic fact that the status quo did not appear to benefit them. The west supplied wealth and fighting men to the high king whenever it was demanded, but all that the high king could offer in return was protection – and the west could protect itself. As memories of war faded and passed into folklore, as each new generation of western petty kings identified less and less with their northern kin and more and more with their parents’ adopted subjects, the old grudges began to reappear.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Pridaen needed a strong leader to hold it together. Unfortunately, the high king at this time, called Cadall, is reputed to have been a rather kind, gentle, and above all ineffectual man. His response to conflict was to host a banquet, get rivals and factionalists eating and drinking together, and hope the camaraderie lasted to the morning after. Needless to say this was not always a successful tactic.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But Cadall persisted all the same. It is a mark of how close Pridaen and Anglia were at this point that when Heilin, one of the scions of the north who now ruled territory on the south coast, became involved in a disagreement with his Anglian neighbour to the east – a minor affair, supposedly over the ownership of a herd of pigs, but the kind of thing that in more fraught times could have fuelled violent confrontation – both Heilin and his rival, the Angle earl Osvin, accepted Cadall’s invitation to a feast at which they could be reconciled. This was a perfectly sensible act of diplomacy, as Osvin was a descendant of the Anglian royal line and his more elevated kin would not take kindly to him being disrespected.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]A feast was held; everyone behaved themselves impeccably; Heilin and Osvin came to terms. Another success for Cadall.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Within a week, the high king was dead. He had been poisoned.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The culprit was obvious. Perhaps if Cadall’s successor had been cut from the same cloth, there might yet have been negotiations and talks and apology; but the electors of the north were not in such a mood. They chose as Diig, and hence as high king, Cadall’s second son, Mehangal, a man so unlike his father that rumour suggested he was not Cadall’s son at all. A doer, not a talker; a man of action. A warrior.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In a country that had not fought a war for nearly a century, beyond the occasional suppression expedition against Picts on the northern border. No matter: the years of peace had left Pridaen with a larger population of fit, capable young men than at any earlier time in its history. From every town and petty kingdom on the island, regiments were raised to head south to Anglia. The buried tensions of decades came back to the surface, and the Prydeeneg remembered how to hate.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Anglians had also not fought a war for nearly a century, but they had not been as idle as their rivals. Angle mercenary troops had fought alongside Frank and Saxon on the continent; Pridaen may have had the greater numbers, but it was innocent of the ways of war. The Angles had enough experienced men to make up for their numerical disadvantage. Furthermore, they had benefitted from new developments that had become common on the continent: the throwing spear, or javelin, long used as an auxiliary weapon, had been perfected into a lethally decisive tool; the stirrup and the nailed horseshoe greatly improved the utility of horses in battle. Horsemanship had not been a major part of Anglian culture, but their king, Haelric, did have a small contingent of cavalry in his army that proved a most useful asset.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Long before most of the more remote native regiments had even begun their journey to Anglia, the latter had two armies in Prydeeneg territory. In the west, Cairuint, for centuries the bulwark against the Anglians, was put under siege. Further north, Verlamion was conquered with embarrassing ease.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In the early days of the barbarian invasions, no quarter had been given on either side. Captured men were slaughtered, as were most women and children. The remainder were enslaved and treated no better than livestock. The spread of Christianity had changed the rules: having massacred those inhabitants of Verlamion who tried to resist the conquest of their home, Haelric permitted the remainder to live, and remain in the town: they would be of low status, of course, and be subject to harsh treatment if they disobeyed Anglian laws, but they were neither slaves nor dead, and that was an improvement. Haelric also renamed the town, which was hardly unprecedented; but rather than give it an Anglian name, he gave it the name of a Prydeeneg martyr who had been killed there in the third century, St Alvaan. The very piety of the move infuriated the natives, who naturally saw it as a disrespectful theft of their culture by the same people who were trying to destroy them.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]To meet the two Anglian armies, Mehangal directed the western regiments to muster at Cairsallog in the west to relieve Cairuint; meanwhile, he would lead the northern regiments to drive the main Anglian force back to the Thames, and hopefully beyond. The Prydeeneg armies were certainly massive, and enthusiastic; but they severely lacked knowledge of battle. Mehangal decided that they should at least get one opportunity to gain experience before meeting the main Anglian host, and headed to Grantacestre – the western outpost of Icasaete that had once been Dirolipons.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]He was but a day’s march away from his target, when he received news that the Angles were not, as expected, heading north on a trajectory that would lead to the two armies meeting near Tragolim, but had pushed northwest into the Prydeeneg interior. It was a sign of how confident Haelric was that he did not bother to crush all the Prydeeneg defences before penetrating the native hinterland; Mehangal abandoned his plan to reduce Grantacestre, and led his army west, to intercept Haelric – hopefully before he could cause too much harm.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]At Cairsallog, with men having arrived from all over the west and south west, Pridaen’s second army was finally ready to march east to Cairuint. News from the beleaguered city had been getting bleaker, so the natives were prepared for the worst; sure enough, the first thing they saw as they approached the old city was a column of smoke. In fact, Cairuint had not quite fallen; the invaders were inside the city walls, but the remaining defenders were still fighting in the streets.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The confusing morass of ruins made a poor battlefield, and so the arrival of the westerners brought the city a reprieve: the Anglians withdrew, in order to prepare themselves to meet the Prydeeneg army. The former held an excellent defensive position, across the river Itchen from the city and atop a hill; but they were there as invaders, not defenders. Nevertheless the natives, lacking any experience or skilful leadership, foolishly attempted to cross the river directly opposite the Anglians and charge their position. They learnt their lesson at a bloody cost, and withdrew to the city in order to reconsider their plan.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]There was thereafter something of a standoff, as the Anglians lacked the numbers to attack the larger Prydeeneg army in and around Cairuint, but the natives lacked the skill, training or imagination to mount a successful assault on their enemies’ position. It was frustrating and dispiriting for both sides; however, after about a week of this, one man’s death would push Prydeeneg morale to new depths.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Heilin, one of the local petty kings, and the man whose dispute with the Angles had led to Cadall’s murder, was mortally wounded defending an Anglian sortie on the edge of the Prydeeneg camp. After the invaders had been fought off, and Heilin lay dying, he called a priest to him, in order to confess; this in itself was quite normal. But in hearing range of all the men around him, Heilin confessed his ghastly secret: fuelled by envy and resentment against the northern stranglehold on power, it was he who had poisoned Cadall. No great exposition of his motives or his reasoning was possible, as shortly afterwards Heilin breathed his last.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As word spread of Heilin’s confession, the Prydeeneg were stunned. The Anglians, assumed to be savage, murderous barbarians, were quite innocent; it was the Prydeeneg who had caused the collapse of the near-century-old peace. They were the warmongers. They were the oathbreakers. And, as if that were not bad enough, they were losing.[/FONT]
 
Shock horror! The Angles playing honourably while the fractious Prydeeneg manager to stab themselves in the back!

I like it though :) Wouldn't an Anglian thrust up into the heart of Prydain (i.e. the Midlands) exacerbate the North vs West split and potentially lead to a two-state Prydeeneg 'nation'? Any chance you plan to extrapolate on what the Angles have been doing on the Continent as well?
 
Wouldn't an Anglian thrust up into the heart of Prydain (i.e. the Midlands) exacerbate the North vs West split and potentially lead to a two-state Prydeeneg 'nation'?

Well yeah, that's kind of their idea. If it works. Shh! You'll give it away!

Any chance you plan to extrapolate on what the Angles have been doing on the Continent as well?

Yup, probably in a few chapters' time, to co-incide with the highly improbable lepidoptera-resistant alt-Battle of Poitiers.
 
OK, I'll just sit in the corner quietly perusing a map of Watling Street ;)

What's that got to do with anything? It's blimmin' three hundred years since the Romans went, the Midlands section of Watling Street is hardly going to be in good nick as an express route to Wroxeter. The Anglians aren't even going to Wroxeter. Ahem.

I'm sure there must be more interesting things in the world to peruse, though. Unless you have a spectacularly badly-stocked library in the corner where you're sitting.

In this post: my first-ever written use of the word "blimmin'". I'm so proud.
 
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]17 Bones and Red Meat[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Maadog, the commander in charge of the western army, did not allow his men to be dispirited for long. The revelation of Heilin’s crime, while it drove others to despair, seemed to reinvigorate him. The Prydeeneg army could not storm the Anglian position; at the same time, there were far more Prydeeneg men than were necessary to defend against an Anglian attack. Therefore the force would split into two: enough men would stay in Cairuint to defend it, while the rest of the western host would march into Anglian territory and give the invaders a taste of their own hemlock. Their target was Niufeld: a town that had once, long ago, been the Prydeeneg stronghold of Maisnauidh, and before that Noviomagus Reginorum. They encountered little resistance on their march, and quickly found a mirror of the situation they had left: they had enough men to pin down the city’s defenders, but not enough to take it. The war would be decided elsewhere.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Further north, in fact, where Haelric left a swathe of destruction as he headed northwest. All that Mehangal could do was follow the trail of evidence of the Anglians’ passing, hoping to catch them up if they stopped to besiege anywhere. On and on they went; the fertile lands of the centre, not heavily populated but providing food to the burgeoning towns of the north and west, saw much of the year’s harvest destroyed; the neglected fort of Lactodurum, which in more optimistic times had been intended as a native imitation of a Roman legionary base, saw the only military action of its existence as it was obliterated; Haelric’s cavalry swept the land of any small groups of natives who looked even capable of resisting.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Fortunately for the Prydeeneg, there were still plenty of men in the provinces willing and able to fight. From the north, new regiments had been raised and joined together into a third army. Though smaller and less ably led than either of the other armies, it might yet prove useful to delay the Anglian advance, to give Mehangal time to catch up: the Anglians would be caught as in a vice.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Some vice: the Anglians met the third army near Cair Luitgoid [1], and smashed through them as if they were children. Even contemporary chronicles, full of the bloody battles of this war, convey shock at the slaughter; much of the north’s youth was killed, and with little damage to the Anglian army.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Yet some accounts take a more nuanced view: we know that the Anglians did indeed take some losses, and their own histories suggest that the dead included some of Haelric’s most experienced lieutenants. The wound to the Anglians was far from fatal, but it was still a wound, not a mere glancing blow. Furthermore, the invading force was delayed: but although Mehangal’s army could supposedly hear the screams of their kin in the distance as they died, Haelric was not quite delayed enough: after the battle, he marched on, to the north [2]. But the main Prydeeneg force was now close enough that Haelric, whatever his original plan, could not stave off the inevitable meeting for much longer: and so the two great armies finally drew up opposite each other, on a cold drizzly morning, near the River Trent.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Pridaen had fought important battles against the Angles before, battles that would decide the future of their kingdom and their enemy’s. In a catalogue of crucial battles, the Battle of the Trent stands out: an Anglian victory would essentially hand Haelric control of the whole territory that he had just traversed: though the bustling west and north might be safe, they would be separated, and all the centre would be at the mercy of the Angles. That was the intent of Haelric’s long march: a projection of force across the island, from the Thames to the Mersey.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As far as we can tell from the wildly differing accounts of the battle, the two armies were roughly the same size. The terrain was flat enough not to greatly favour either party; both armies had been marching for days; both were eager for the fight. The Prydeeneg were now well apprised of the lethal force of the Anglian javelins, and wasted no time before charging into close combat. Nevertheless, the Anglians had the best of it at first: their small contingent of cavalry harried the flanks of the Prydeeneg mob, while the main body of the Anglian army curved into a great crescent shape, the better to crush the native men caught in the middle.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]This is where the loss of his key lieutenants began to hurt Haelric: manoeuvring the great body of men required leaders on the ground to ensure the line was held correctly and the front did not break up. Somehow, this was exactly what happened: a gap developed in the left part of the Anglian curve, which the Prydeeneg immediately surged into, splitting the Anglian army into two parts. While the main Anglian body continued, at least at first, to successfully slaughter the natives in high ratio to its own losses, the rear of the unwieldy Prydeeneg mob seized their chance to fight and flanked the Anglian left; before it could be surrounded completely, the survivors were routed and fled. This was the only point where Mehangal had to intervene directly and impose his leadership, by preventing his men from pursuing, and redirecting all efforts to the remaining portion of the Anglian army. Despite prodigious Prydeeneg losses, they now outnumbered their foe.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Anglians were further troubled by the constant rain; coupled with the movement of thousands of feet, the battlefield was churned into a mudbath: though it had little effect on the infantry, the Anglian cavalry were slowed sufficiently to become easy targets for native spears.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Finally, as evening approached, Haelric retreated.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]This was not the overwhelming Prydeeneg success that it is popularly claimed to be: it is quite possible, as the Anglian accounts have it, that as many Prydeeneg died as Anglians. But Haelric had expected, and indeed required, an overwhelming victory over the inferior native army; the inconclusive, but enormously costly Battle of the Trent crushed his dream of conquering the centre. Under cover of darkness, Haelric withdrew, and began the journey south east: Mehangal was content to let him go, as there was still every chance that a follow-up battle would go the Angles’ way and all the sacrifice would be for nothing. Over the next few weeks he allowed his men to recuperate, reinforced by survivors of the earlier Battle of Cair Luitgoid and by regiments from the far north. Only then did he follow Haelric’s path back towards Anglia.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Haelric had done what his overly-cautious predecessors had never done: he had overreached himself. Now it was Mehangal’s turn to attempt what his ancestors had not dared to do. He would take the battle to the Angles.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][1] OTL Wall, near Lichfield, Staffordshire.[/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][2] Up until this point the Angles had been following Watling Street (surprise!). But its western end, around OTL Wroxeter, is too heavily populated and Haelric doesn’t want to be delayed anymore, so he’s heading cross-country. As it happens, it’s too late anyhow.[/FONT]
 
Hmmm.... [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Maadog and Angliscmen... Any references to going out in the midday sun?:)
[/FONT]

:eek: I've really got to stop with the unintended puns.

But that's a good pun, the kind of subtle pun that can sidle up to you and nearly make you splutter wine all over the keyboard, particularly when you've just looked up Lactodurum to find it's now known as Towcester (Get it? Toaster? Mental image of Anglisc warriors overrunning cylons? Maybe that's just me.)

Anyway. I like it. There's something satisfying about a technologically and tactically advanced army pushing through previously static lines to rampage around an enemy's hinterland, only to overreach themselves and come crashing back to where they started, having secured very little.
 
A few quick questions:

1. What ever happened to Vortimer?

2. Did Cunedda and his men still travel south and found Venedotia (Gwynedd)?

3. Why is Verulamium not named after St. Albans as OTL?

4. Could you, perhaps, put up a list of Prydeeneg High Kings?
 
A few quick questions:

1. What ever happened to Vortimer?

Vortimer never turned up. Even if he existed, he never achieved anything in the ATL, and Vortigern's line became extinct shortly after he did.

2. Did Cunedda and his men still travel south and found Venedotia (Gwynedd)?
Yes and no. I've been deliberately vague about most of the petty kingdoms so far because, even if they start in similar circumstances to OTL, butterflies quickly multiply to render any similarity obsolete: so Cunedda will still found a kingdom in north Wales, but what becomes of it may be anyone's guess, and the ATL historians may have little record of it (and I've tried to limit myself to events that later historians in the ATL might reasonably know about). Now that it's approaching 700, the petty kingdoms will have started to settle down and become more fixed and recognisable from generation to generation, so I may formally set out what's going on in the provinces soon.

3. Why is Verulamium not named after St. Albans as OTL?
For the Prydeeneg, there is continuity with the Roman settlement, so they have just carried on using the same name. Buried in Chapter 16 is a mention that the Angles have captured it, and they have adopted the martyr's name, so it will now be Sanct Alvaanes. It is of course possible that the Prydeeneg were already unofficially calling it Llaan Alvaan or Tyalvaan or something similar, but the only recorded native name pre-conquest is the Latin one.

4. Could you, perhaps, put up a list of Prydeeneg High Kings?
Again, it's a question of what the ATL historians would know. I assume they would have king-lists from the Roman period onward, and half the names would be semi-mythical, and different lists would disagree with each other, especially during periods of internal disunity.

Strictly speaking, high kingship only really becomes formal with Avnishen in Chapter 10. The title would then have been retroactively applied to the more informal arrangements that existed in earlier times.

I might draw up a list anyway: it would be helpful for me, as much as anything, to help reinforce the structure of the TL. But first I've got to get the present war out of the way, then try to establish what's been going on in mainland Europe, and also give more than a nod and a wink to Pictland and Ireland which I've ignored so far.
 
Just discovered this thread.
Exceptional! I like the development on a natives Brittons perfoming better.

As I see, Deira, Bernicia and thus Northumbria are butterflied. But I'm somewhat confused with Anglia. I thought that Aelle, its founder, was a Saxon.
Also, the ecclesiastic developments are no less interesting.

P.S.: I saw that Andrew hadn't logged in since september, but if he still visits the forum, I would beg him to continue this exceptional TL. Bump!
 

CalBear

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Just discovered this thread.
Exceptional! I like the development on a natives Brittons perfoming better.

As I see, Deira, Bernicia and thus Northumbria are butterflied. But I'm somewhat confused with Anglia. I thought that Aelle, its founder, was a Saxon.
Also, the ecclesiastic developments are no less interesting.

P.S.: I saw that Andrew hadn't logged in since september, but if he still visits the forum, I would beg him to continue this exceptional TL. Bump!

Necro = Locked.

Seriously, the OP hasn't even been active in EIGHT MONTHS, you know it, and you still necro'd it.
 
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