348. Going diplomatic … #2
“I'm taking courses to combat paranoia. Everyone here is kind of moody, they seem to be up to something.”
“I'm not paranoid - I just know the truth before others.”
“Paranoia is the only disease with 100% correct self-diagnosis.”
“The main thing in the war is not to win, but not to participate.”
Unknown authors
“Treaties exist to be implemented by a weaker one."
Karel Čapek
"The verbal agreement is not worth the paper on which it is written."
Samuel Goldwyn
"The treaty is valid if it is supported by guns. If the contract is not supported by force, it worth nothing."
N.S. Khrushchev
Paranoia or being realistic? Getting a little bit back in time.
With a big volume of information coming from the Far East, this was a serious question warranting research both by the General Staff and the Naval General Staff and their conclusions made in
1905 were also on “alarmist” side. Both, plus the reports received from the military leadership of the Priamursky Military District assumed that Japan
may attack Russia, not other way around.
The Naval General Staff (NGS) in its assessment of the situation in a case of potential war came to a reasonable conclusion that the main theater would be on the seas because Japan will have to move its armies to the continent and as a result needed control of the sea. That is why if Russia "
manages to take possession of the sea" by seizing the maritime communications of the Japanese army, it will be able to cut their supply from the metropolis, and thus "
predefine the fate of the war" at once. Thus, the land theater would become important for Russia only if the naval phase failed and preparations with the exclusive stress on the land operations will be a strategic mistake. Besides, a failure to prevail on the sea will put the whole Russian Pacific coast in danger.
The problem was that in 1905 Russian Pacific Fleet was in no position not only to get an upper hand but even to perform the coastal defense function efficiently. After the Boxer Rebellion Russia had to make a gesture to somewhat diffuse the (mostly British and American) indignation with its breaking a principle of China’s territorial integrity. To demonstrate an absence of the further expansionistic intentions, Russia moved a big part of the Pacific Fleet, which it strengthened just before the Rebellion, back to the Black Sea. As a result, the Pacific Fleet amounted to two rather old battleships with a good artillery but inadequate armor, low speed and short range of the operations. There also were three light cruisers, few cannon-boats, and 37 destroyers of various types.
Then was also Siberian Flotilla, which consisted of the light ships patrolling the islands between Asia and Alaska, and Amur River flotilla of the monitors which in theory could operate in the coastal waters but did not have a heavy artillery. In Vladivostok there was an ongoing construction of 7 new big destroyers. Nothing even remotely comparable to the Japanese fleet.
It was also noticed that an active buildup of the railroads in Korea and Liaondong will allow, in the case of war, a fast transportation of the Japanese troops from ports to Mukden.
Fearing that a piecemeal move of the ships to the Pacific may provoke Japan’s attack, the Naval General Staff was proposing to build and move the whole fleet at once. Few possible routes had been discussed:
Through Cape Horn (8,700 nautical miles).
Cape of Good Hope (6,200 miles).
Suez Canal (2,500 miles).
Northwest Passage (allong the northern coast of America, 8.400 miles).
Northeast Passage (alway along the northern shores of Asia, 7.700 miles)
The last two options were speculative because by 1905 the Northwest Passage still was in a stage of exploration and, as such, was a pure theory and about the Northeast passage it was
known that so far nobody, yet, managed to sail through it in a single navigation and that it would require creation of a serious infrastructure along the route all the way to Petropavlovsk, extensive training and more powerful icebreakers than “Yermak”.
The longest route via Cape Horn had an advantage of an ability to use the friendly ports on the way, including San Francisco, and to completely bypass Japan. OTOH, the route by the Suez also would allow to use the friendly ports including the Russian base on the Red Sea and French and German bases on the way; on a negative side, the final segment of its trip would be through the Japanese-controlled waters. Of course, this assumed a possibility of Japanese preventive attack on a sailing squadron on the conditions generally favoring them. The obvious answer to this was to have an
overwhelming force that would force Japan just to swallow the fact. Acceleration of the Russian naval program was going to provide such an advantage because all Japanese battleships were of the old types and Japan had to complete the ongoing projects which would produce already obsolete ships.
The General Staff (GS) was perhaps even gloomier in its assessments.
According to the General Staff, the number of military personnel in Japan has reached: "completely trained" - 852,139.; "low-trained" - 1,743,000 people; a total of 2,595,139 people. This accounted for about 4.8% of the total population of the island empire, which was exactly twice as high percentage as in Russia, where there were 1,175,898 people in the army, 2,525,175 in reserve, total 3,701,073 or 2.4% of the population.
It was assumed that Japan can put against Russia 19 field and 19 reserve divisions, 1,002,173 people with 1,722 field guns and 96 howitzers (by estimates of the NGS, 1,905 field guns and 168 heavy field guns). Presumably, Japan could mobilize 800,000 completely trained troops in two weeks and then increase it to 1,000,000. By the assessments of the NGS Japan’s commercial fleet had the means to carry 10 divisions, counting each division of 19.319 people and 4,993 horses. Which was well below needed capacity. However, it was expected that Japan could deliver 6 divisions to their destination in the Liaodg district and 6 in the direction of Vladivostok on the 11th day of mobilization and that it would take Japan 6 months to fully concentrate its forces in Manchuria.
In six months, 256 battalions, 96 squadrons, 1,000 guns could be delivered from the European part of the empire. Taking into account the troops of the three Siberian districts, Russia would manage to put up 466 battalions, 219 squadrons, 1,868 guns and border guards against Japan by this time. At the same time, the total limit of reinforcements that were considered possible to be sent from the European part of Russia was 10 - 11 army corps with the appropriate number of reserve and cavalry divisions. The question was if the 3 border military districts would be able to mobilize and hold their positions long enough. Taking into an account the huge distances and limited number of the railroads, situation was not looking good and there was no option but to agree with the assessment of the NGS about the naval factor being the top priority.
So, in general, assessments of the GS and NGS were rather realistic than paranoid. OTOH, information coming from Priamursky MD was much more paranoid than realistic all the way to the stories about tens thousands of Chinese being trained to fight on the Japanese side and Qing government being ready to join Japan in a coming attack on Russia.
Commander of that district, general P. Unterberger, was too busy sending reports about the Japanese plans to pay proper attention to the ongoing construction of fortifications in Vladivostok and Harbin (both were lagging behind the schedule) and to do some other things necessary to improve readiness of his MD. During 1906, the leadership of the Amur Territory used every opportunity to inform both the central authorities and the country's public about the actual inevitability of the imminent Japanese aggression against Russia. The result was an increase in tensions that already prevailed among the military and public circles of the Far East: officers began to send their families to the European part of the country, and large companies began to curtail operations, citing statements by local authorities about the proximity of war with Japan.
The panicky mode was spreading and could not be ignored. The issue was discussed by the Cabinet and decision had been made regarding strengthening of the Far East defenses. However, it was clear to those better informed that (a) international situation changed and (b) that Japan’s actual target was China, not Russia. At that point position of a naval and military establishment became more paranoid than practical and Unterberger, strictly speaking, started looking as a candidate for a mental institution.
1907. So far, Japan enjoyed good relations with the US and Britain which meant that it was taking their money and they expected that to reciprocate Japan will maintain the Open Door policy on the territories it controlled, meaning that the “benefactors” with their stronger industries will be getting most of the advantages in the Southern Manchuria while the Japanese would be satisfied with a knowledge that this is their zone of interests. However, Japan had different ideas on the subject. The Russian-Japanese agreements of 1907 clearly indicated the desire of the two empires to turn Manchuria into a zone of their key interests, and to prevent other "players" from entering it. Germany and France had no concessions or other rights in this area, so the course of St. Petersburg and Tokyo to divide the Northeast of China was not directly related to these states and could not produce their objections. Britain had interests in the region but it found itself too preoccupied with a naval race with Germany to resist Japanese activities. Thus, the only power left without compensation and, accordingly, particularly dissatisfied with the assertion of monopoly management of Russia and Japan in the north-eastern regions of China, remained the United States of America. The Russian Foreign Ministry closely followed the development of Japanese-American contacts, the analysis of the state of which was of great importance for determining the foreign policy towards Japan. Attempts of the American capital to get “in” and Japanese policy to keep them “out” resulted in a deterioration of the Japanese-American relations.
Subsequently, this trend intensified, although the calls of the American government to comply with the principle of "open doors" in north-eastern China in different degrees concerned both Russia and Japan, the main object of American interests was the industrialized Southern Manchuria, and the main purpose of criticism of Washington was the policy of the Japanese cabinet.
At the same time, the anti-Japanese sentiment that spread on the American Pacific coast also had a negative impact on bilateral contacts. After a series of pogroms of Japanese stores in California, the situation became even more complicated. Under these circumstances, the U.S. administration decided to move the main base of the fleet from the east coast to the Pacific Ocean, as well as to demonstrate its military power by sending a squadron of the U.S. Navy to the coast of China.
Russian Ambassador in the US to Russian Foreign Minister:
“
The decision to transfer the main forces of the American fleet from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean is undoubtedly of paramount political importance. Not foretelling at all the proximity, not even the possibility of a rupture between the United States and Japan, this step, testified to President Roosevelt's awareness of the error of the extremely Japanese-philic direction of American policy in recent years.”
It was decided to send the squadron to the Far East through the Strait of Magellan in December 1907, including 16 "best battleships" of the Atlantic Fleet, as well as several destroyers and transports. The country's public began to be noticeably nervous about the extent of the American Navy approaching Japan. As the consul in Nagasaki Z.M. Polyanovsky reported in February 1908, in the military, administrative and commercial circles of the city there was a lot of talk about the inevitability of war with America. According to the observation of Russian diplomats, alarming expectations also affected the government spheres of Tokyo. Thus, the envoy Bakhmetyev reported in a secret dispatch that in Japanese-American relations "
something is wrong and that the air is already... not the same as it was two years ago." Japanese Foreign Minister Hayashi Tadasu, talking about the attacks of the American press on Japan's activities in Manchuria, told the Russian envoy: "I don't understand Americans at all. What they want from us and what they are looking for themselves." Officially, the Japanese government continued to talk about the "unshakable friendship" with the Americans, but decided to carry out larger fleet maneuvers just in case than in 1907. However, the economic ties with the US still were too important for Japan to be easily broken.
The fleet was invited to visit Japan and the Ruth-Takahir agreement proclaimed recognition of the status quo in the Far East, allowing the possibility of both powers to act together in defense of the current situation in the region. But this agreement did not fix the conflicts of interests and meant little. The main point of contention remained: the US government was trying to deprive Russia and Japan of their privileged position in Manchuria thus pushing their governments to each other to preserve these positions.
A strong American naval presence on the Pacific, combined with the rhetorics regarding Monroe Doctrine, was posing a potential thereat to the Russian possessions on the other side of the Pacific forcing acceleration of the plan presented by NGS. Russian-American relations were already rather cold (successive governments of TR and Taft had been too heavy in teaching everybody else the moral values) and growing even colder and, unlike situation with Japan, the economic ties were not significant even in the best times.
Even the head of the GS, Palitsyn, revised his position and began to be more skeptical about the immediate military threat emanating from Japan. Now the adherents of the “panic mode” had been causing irritation of the Russian Foreign Ministry and the facts showed that Japan did not plan an attack on Russia in the coming years after the 1907 agreements - Japanese military and shipbuilding programs were stretched to a later date, and a number of arms were indeed reduced. In late 1907 - early 1908, Envoy Bakhmetyev reported in his reports that the Japanese financial department had fundamentally decided "within 6 years to reduce the cost of reinforced weapons of the army and navy by 120 million yen", and although in 1908 emergency expenditures were reduced only by a 11 millionsyen (8.5 million for the army and 2.5 million for the navy) the general amount of the cuts was decided to keep on 120 millions. Japanese newspapers kept talking about friendship and mutual interests. What’s more important, there was “official unofficial” proposal made by the Japanese Ambassador in Pekin to his Russian colleague regarding “
desirability to establish coordination of activities on the Manchurian railroads”. As the latter reported to St.Petersburg, “
With full coordination of the actions of Russia and Japan, outside interference in Manchu affairs can have no actual impact on the course of recent events.” The direct proposal to the Russian Foreign Ministry had been made soon afterwards and, besides the issue of “coordinated activities” it contain a very desirable economic proposal regarding establishing mutually-acceptable tariff for transporting the Japanese silk by TransSib. [2] Transportation of silk from Yokohama to Marseille by sea, then by land to Moscow took 75 to 90 days and cost 4 r. 60 kopecks per pood. At the same time, the transportation of silk from Yokohama to Moscow through Siberia could last about 30 days and cost a maximum of 6 rubles 50 kopecks per pood, and the minimum threshold was determined at 5 p. 88 kopecks per pood. Both sides found this proposal beneficial. An idea of the coordination produced even greater enthusiasm because so far
both interested sides (China did not matter) felt themselves somewhat “isolated” and, taking into an account that in both cases the railroads had been based on the identical concessional acts, coincidence of the interests looked natural: the common enemy was China government of which, with the American and British support, was trying to regain the lost rights in the North-Eastern China (wasn’t it nasty?). Thus, despite the alarmist reports of the Amur Governor-General and part of the military leadership, the top leadership of Russia was loyal to the issue of rapprochement with Tokyo in the autumn of 1909. According to Kokovtsov, Unterberger's first notes initially made a "very strong impression" on Stolypin, who, after each new dispatch from Khabarovsk, was immediately summonning Izvolsky and the Minister of Finance, "with great concern" asking what measures were taken "to prevent the impending new threat", but then the head of government changed his mind.
Probably the most convincing argument was presented by the Japanese Ambassador who in conversation with the Emperor disclosed what the Japanese knew about weakness of the Russian defenses and commented that if there was any desire to attack Russian Far East, why wouldn’t Japan do it while the area is vulnerable? In Emperor’s opinion this deep knowledge of the situation was the best argument against Unterberger’s reports.
Emperor to Kokovtsev (Russian Finance Minister):
“
I share the opinion of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and yours that this venerable general is in a state of panic and does not understand the information that all sorts of random informants bring to him, especially since on my requests to him to indicate from which sources he draws them, I received some common places that these sources are.”
The Amur Governor-General received a serious reprimand. In a letter to Unterberger dated November 26 (3), 1909, the Minister of Foreign Affairs pointed to the positive nature of relations with Japan, stressing that "
anxiety bordering on panic", manifested not only by the Far Eastern press, but also by the top officials of the administration, "
does not meet our dignity and may have the most harmful image" negatively affecting Russia’s international position.
Continued pressure from State Secretary Knox provided an additional stimulus to improve the relations and even the “military party” in Japan was now almost completely supporting closer relations with Russia considering them a serious factor in success of a future expansion and a necessary condition for standing up to Washington. On the Russian side Knox plan of “commercial neutralization” also did not generate any enthusiasm: Izvolsky stated that change of the status quo can be supported only if it is profitable for Russia, which this plan is not. Moreover, if the Japanese are “stopped” in Southern Manchuria, they may start looking at the Northern one. After agreeing on the provisions of Russian and Japanese notes and receiving approval from Paris and London, the documents were demonstratively handed over to the U.S. ambassadors to Russia and Japan on the same day, January 21 (8), 1910.
In a few of the newly-established brotherly love, Japanese government started testing water regarding the Russian plans on returning the railroads to China after the contract time expires. Of course, so far this was a rather theoretical question, just as the “speculations” regarding potential future partition of China but the solid part was that “
Russia and Japan, which spent so much effort in Manchuria, should hold on to each other firmly”. The diplomats had been actively working upon a new, more extensive agreement.
On this background, arrival of the squadron of modern Russian warships to Vladivostok did not raise any hackles: “holding to each other” is more effective when both sides are strong.
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[1] This diplomatic term is borrowed from “Overboard” 😂
[2] With large industrial-size supplies, more importance was attached not to the tariff for transportation, but to interest for the "freezing" of working capital.