289. Naval affairs
“The situation in the Pacific has changed markedly in recent years thanks to the active role that China seeks to appropriate.”
Protocol of the Special Meeting [1], St-Petersburg, January - February 1887
"China is a grand stage for scandals."
Margaret Thatcher.
“China knew printing, artillery, aeronautics, chloroform long before us. But while in Europe the discovery immediately comes to life, develops and works real miracles, in China it remains in its infancy and remains dead. China is a bank with an embryo conserved in it."
Victor Hugo, "The Man Who Laughs"
"I devoted twenty-five years of my life to studying China and, nevertheless, the only thing I have firmly learned is that the world knows nothing about China."
Vsevolod Ivanov
Far East. 1870s - 1886.
Russia-China.The late 1870s and early 1880s were marked by a certain stabilization of the domestic political situation of the Chinese Empire. The Muslim rebellions in its western part were suppressed and at the same time, a number of measures were taken to strengthen government influence in Manchuria. In the summer of 1877, together with Russian representatives, the border from the mouth of the Tumen River to the village of Kozakevicheva (Казакевичево on the map below) was re-demarcated.
In 1878, all decrees and regulations prohibiting or restricting the resettlement of Chinese to Manchuria were repealed, Chinese settlers were equalized in legal status with Manchus, and civil administration was gradually introduced in the north-eastern provinces. The Qing authorities encouraged the settlement of areas along the border with the Amur region and the Ussuriysk region. Land was alloted to settlers of border areas free of charge, they were exempt from paying taxes for 5 years. Special benefits were enjoyed by Chinese colonists in areas adjacent to the Ussuriysk region: here, in addition to a free plot of land, each family received free agricultural tools, livestock, and loan for the construction of a house. At the same time, highways were being built in Manchuria, troops were stationed along the border and in 1881 an arsenal, including the weapons and gunpowder producing plants, was founded. In 1886, the Qing authorities raised the issue of remarcation of the Russian-Chinese border in the area of Posyet Bay and the mouth of the Tumen River.
Background of a dispute. In 1874 a regional head of the Russian administration established settlement of few Korean migrants’ families on a site, which due to the poor marking of the border line and the lack of accurate maps of the area, this village, called Savelovka, turned out to be located on Chinese territory. For several years, the Qing authorities have not made any claims about this, but the situation subsequently changed. The general strengthening of Qing regime prompted Beijing to a demarsh, the main purpose of which was to ensure China's access to the Sea of Japan through the mouth of the Tumen River. In May-June 1886, negotiations on a new clarification of the border were held in the Novokievsky village. On June 22 (July 5), a general protocol was signed, and in June - October - protocols for the description of the border by sections. Chinese representatives were unable to implement the basic requirements (including the expansion of their territory to the Sea of Japan). At the same time, a number of sites - including near the village of Savelovka - have changed the border in favor of China.
Vladivostok. The visit of Chinese warships to Vladivostok in 1886 was directly related to the events around Savelovka. He was supposed to impress the Russian authorities and demonstrate the new military capabilities of the Qing Empire. By the mid-1880s, thanks to the efforts of Li Hongzhang, the northern grouping of the Qing Navy, or the Beiyang Fleet, was a serious force and consisted of 16 modern battleships of English and German construction. Li Hongzhang considered it necessary to use the fleet in the interests of foreign policy. Of course, at the moment the trump card were two battleships built in Germany: neither Russian Pacific squadron nor Japanese Navy had ships of that class.
Formally
, at that moment Beiyang Fleet was the biggest naval power in the region and Li Hongzhang wanted to use it as a tool for promoting Qing’s foreign policy. The Chinese fleet carried out its first foreign policy action against Japan - in 1886, 6 ships of the Beiyang Fleet (battleships Dingyuan and Zhenyuan, cruisers Yanwei, Chaoyong, Jiyuan and the training ship Weiyuan) arrived in Japan, where they made a great impression on the public. However, the external militancy of the Chinese battleships was criticized by the commander of the Japanese Navy base in Kure Heihachiro Togo. After a visit to the ships of the Chinese squadron, he made a statement that the Chinese fleet could not withstand even the first blow, as during his stay on the battleship Dingyuan, Chinese sailors calmly dried their underwear on the barrels of the main caliber guns. "The story with underpants" (砲上晾褲) quickly became the property of the world community and severely damaged the image of China.
After visiting Japan Beiyang Fleet sailed with a “visit of friendship” to Vladivostok (in the middle of the border talks). At that time, there were ships of the Pacific squadron under the command of Rear Admiral A. A. Kornilov - armored cruiser Vladimir Monomakh, clippers Dzhigit and Bulletin. The Siberian flotilla was represented in Vladivostok by the clipper "Abrek", the gunboats "Sivuch" and "Nerpa", as well as the unarmed steamer "Amur". In addition, the steamers of the Volunteer Fleet "Yaroslavl" and "Vladivostok" were located in the port. Only "Vladimir Monomakh" was a force comparable to Chinese cruisers (but not battleships). The visit involved numerous banquets on which the heads of the Russian administration and Chinese border authorities had been present. There were assurances of a mutual love and friendship, salutes, illumination, etc. On July 25th the Chinese squadron left.
Political results of that visit was contrary to the expected. The head of the Russian Naval Ministry, vice-admiral Shestakov, who was at the time n Vladivostok with the inspection visit and, as the highest-ranking naval person present, was presiding on the banquet and toasted the health of the Qing Emperor (with a proper 21 gun salute), wrote to the Amur Governor-General Baron A. N. Korf: "
I went here with the intention of reducing everything here as much as possible; now... I came to the conclusion that it is necessary not to reduce the fleet here, but, on the contrary, the entire active fleet of the Baltic Sea should be transferred to the Pacific Ocean."
Well, of course, he was going (more than) a little bit into the area of impracticality by at least two main reasons:
- Following the existing naval doctrine the main task of the Baltic Fleet was the coastal defense and, accordingly, most of its capital ships were built for operations in the Baltic Sea, not for the ocean-going. While having a good armor and heavy artillery, the battleships had been relatively low (not to many problems with the big oceanic waves on the Baltic) and had a limited range.
- There was not, yet, infrastructure on the Far East capable of supporting even a big part of the Baltic Fleet.
What to do? The new situation warranted serious changes in the whole Russian naval policy. Existing one required concentration on the coastal defenses of the Baltic and Black seas combined with having a number of the fast long range cruisers, armored and not, for operations on the Mediterranean but mostly for acting on the ocean routes to damage shipping of the “anticipated (perfidious) opponent” [2]. The anticipated task defined armament of these cruisers: they were intended to act first and foremost against the ships lacking armor and combined few 203mm and or 152mm “heavy” guns and numerous guns of the lesser calibers (75, 47, 37mm). For example, already mentioned “Vladimir Monomakh” (5,754 tons) had 4 203/22 calibers (the subsequent ships of that class had 203/30 [3] and 203/35 [4]), 12 152/28 (later ships 152/35), 4 87mm and 10 37 mm while the
1st class cruiser “Rossia” 12,576 tons) had 4 203/45, 16 152/45 [5], 12 75/50, 20 47mm and 16 37mm. The numbers, especially of the small calibers, varied from ship to ship.
As long as the main task of these ships was hunting for the merchant ships there was an argument about “excessive power” of the newest guns of the main caliber but recently strategic situation changed:
- With the finally settled borders in the CA relations with Britain noticeably improved thus making a direct military conflict less likely.
- China’s raise as a naval power, combined with more aggressive foreign policy and improved army, required ability to bring the Pacific naval force at least to the level of a “restraining factor”.
- While so far Russian-Japanese relations were quite friendly and of a visible mutual interest, the growing Japanese military and naval buildup could not be simply overlooked and, again, having “restraining factor” style fleet on the Pacific would be helpful for preserving the status quo.
In short term, Russia could send to the Pacific a number of the modern armored and “protected” cruisers and some smaller ships. While, of course, the 203 mm (8 inch) guns were not a match to the 12 inch guns of the newest Chinese battleships
in a close encounter, the longer range and higher rate of fire of the newest guns combined with a higher speed (up to 19.7knots vs 14.5) of the Russian cruisers would allow to at least cause a significant damage to the battleships from a reasonably safe distance.
Number of the 47 and 37mm guns was decreased to be replaced with the few 75mm/50 guns. According to calculations, their armor-piercing projectile with an initial speed of 820 m/s was capable of punching up to 114 mm of steel armor at a distance of 5 cables (925 meters). With 12 these guns “Rossia” was capable of making 110 shots per minute.
To get a proper perspective, both Chinese battleships had a citadel protecting the artillery cellars, command post, main caliber, boiler rooms and engine rooms. It was steel-iron style and its thickness was 8 inches (203 mm). The armored belt had 152 - 356 mm but most of the rest was protected by just 25.4 mm. Dingyuan and Zhenyuan had 305/25 with the initial shell speed 535 m/sec. And they had only 50 shells per main caliber gun (most of these shells, being produced in Chinese arsenal, contained a limited amount of the explosive and, as was demonstrated during war with Japan, part of even that amount was stolen and sold; but these and other “details” were not known in 1886).
Taking into an account penetrating capacity of the long barrel 152 and 203 guns, while these cruisers hardly could sunk a battleship (getting close enough for the maximum penetration potential they’d risk a hit from 12 inch guns), they could cause a very considerable amount of damage from a reasonably safe distance. And, of course, they could easily sunk any of the Chinese cruisers.
In a longer term, Russia should start building the bigger and heavier armored ocean-going cruisers with the speed over 18 knots and main caliber 10 inches. Practicality of having on the Pacific the big battleships with the main caliber 12 inches had been under investigation but, taking into an account that the main goal remained
protection of the Russian coasts and waters, and that construction of the fortifications of Vladivostok was going on and the new long range guns of the coastal defense had been arriving in the numbers allowing to install them in Petropavlovsk on Kamchatka and Paul’s Harbor (Kodiak) in Alaska, there were serious doubts.
Japan.
In July 1882, Iwakura Tomomi submitted a document entitled "Opions on the expansion of the Navy" to the daijō-kan, which claimed that a strong navy was necessary to maintain Japan's security. Continuing his argument, Iwakura suggested that internal uprisings are no longer Japan's main military problem and that naval affairs should take precedence over the problems of the army; a strong fleet was more important than a significant army to preserve the Japanese state. Moreover, he justified that a large modern fleet would have additional potential benefits, attracting Japan to greater international prestige and recognition, since the naval forces are internationally recognized signs of strength and status. Iwakura also suggested that the Meiji government could support the growth of the Navy by increasing taxes on tobacco, sake and soybeans. In May 1883, the government approved a plan that, when completed, will add 32 warships in eight years worth just over 26 million yen.
However, foreign advances in the field of naval technology increased the cost of purchasing large components of the modern fleet, so that by 1885 the overexpenditure jeopardized the entire plan of 1883. Moreover, rising costs coupled with reduced domestic tax revenues, increased concern and political tensions in Japan regarding financing the expansion of the Navy. In 1883, two large warships were ordered at British shipyards. They belonged to the class of
protected ships - had an armored deck but no armored belt.
Naniwa and Takachiho weighed 3,650 tons. They were able to reach speeds of up to 18 knots (33 km / h; 21 miles per hour) and were protected by deck armor from 54 to 76 mm (from 2 to 3 inches) and had two 260 mm (10 inches) Krupp guns. Marine architect Saso Sachu designed them based on a class of Elswick-class protected cruisers, but with excellent characteristics. Unable to resist the Chinese fleet with only two modern cruisers, Japan resorted to the help of France to build a large modern fleet that could defeat the upcoming conflict. The French, thanks to their «
Jeune École », had an excellent reputation in the area of the fast cruisers and torpedo boats, which were strengthened by the naval success against China in 1883-85. In 1885, the leading French naval engineer Emil Bertin was hired for four years to strengthen the Japanese fleet and supervise the construction of the Kure and Sasebo arsenals. In total, Bertin supervised the construction of more than 20 units. They helped create the first real modern Japanese Navy. This allowed Japan to achieve skill in the construction of large units, as some of the ships were imported, and some others were built domestically on the Yokosuka arsenal.
The main force were 3 cruisers: 4700-ton Matsushima and Itsukushima, built in France, and Hashidate, built in Yokosuka. Each of them had a single main caliber cannon, 320 mm (13 inches) Canet gun which could fire 450-kg
armor-piercing or 350-kg explosive shells at an effective range of 8,000 metres (8,700 yd). The maximum rate of fire was two rounds per hour, and the ship carried 60 round. In addition they had numerous small caliber guns (12 4.7 inch, 6 6-pounders and 11 3-pounders) and 4 torpedo tubes. Their top speed was 16.5 knots.
The design eventually proved impractical, as the recoil from the huge cannon was too much for a vessel of such small displacement, and its reloading time was impractically long; however, the Matsushima-class cruisers served their purpose well against the poorly equipped and poorly led Imperial Chinese Beiyang Fleet.
Then, there were smaller cruisers, some other smaller ships and torpedo boats.
Russia-Japan. Japan already demonstrated expansionistic interests and their main target was Korea, which had been vassal of China. On January 15, 1876, the Japanese fleet under the command of Kuroda Kiyotaki arrived on the shores of Korea. On February 26 of the same year, a peace treaty was signed between Japan and Korea, under which Japanese ships received the right to sail free navigation in the territorial waters of Korea, and, in the future, opened two additional ports (in addition The Japanese received the right to move deep into Korea at a distance of 10 li from the coast. Soon similar treaties were signed by Korea with the United States, Italy, Russia, Germany and France.
In 1884 there was pro-Japanese uprising in Seul suppressed by a majority of the population. As a result, Japanese had been kicked out, Japanese army invaded but next year it was withdrawn by an agreement with China by which both sides agreed not to invade without mutual consultations. Japan got considerable economic influence in the South but in the North China retained prevailing position.
In
Russia, for a while, there was a discussion regarding the regional interests. The expansionist party was arguing for an aggressive Far East policy including expansion both into Manchuria and Korea. However, the reports regarding the demographic situation in Vladivostok region [6] poured a cold water on the hot heads: even the existing Chinese and, to the lesser degree, Korean settlers had been a problem in a newly-acquired area with a small Russian population and expansion was going to make that situation even worse and Russian control even more difficult.
Japanese control of the whole Korea, providing there will be a satisfactory trade treaty, looked as a better ROI and, if it is going to happen, China is going to be weakened and, as a result, a potential pressure upon the Russian border area will diminish. Purchasing capacities of the Korean population had been quite limited so from the Russian perspective Korea represented interest in two very specific (and somewhat related) aspects:
- Agricultural supplies for the Primorie Region.
- Controlled legal immigration of the Korean families and individual workers. They usually were eager to apply for the Russian citizenship, assimilated well and proved to be good farmers and a reasonably effective (much more than Chinese) labor force in the mines, construction and industrial plants. Presently, the Korean government, supported by China, was restricting immigration and on a regular base requested return of those who managed to flee to Russia illegally. If Japanese would be able and willing to take control of the process and guarantee the legal immigration of the Koreans in the numbers not posing “demographic threat” to the region, this would be just fine.
Of course, the arrangement will have to include
some Russian trade with Korea but it already existed
unofficially: the Korean peasants who lived near the border were routinely selling their agricultural produce and buying the Russian manufactured goods. Legalization of that trade would be appreciated.
As far as the direct Russian-Japanese trade was involved, finishing of the TranSib added a new dimension to it.
- Traditionally, Japan was exporting from Hokkaido, all types of agricultural products, construction materials and coal. With the development of Sakhalin and growing coal extraction in Alaska, the coal imports into Russian Pacific region had been steadily decreasing. Russia was traditionally exporting to Japan various sea products and leather.
- Now the coastal region was connected with the industrial region of the Eastern Siberia and new metallurgic center had been growing near Khabarovsk based upon combination of the local natural resources and supplies brought from Siberia. As a result, the growing volumes of iron and steel had been added to the Russian exports and the same goes for the woolens and textiles coming from the western parts of the Russian Empire. OTOH, TransSib opened “road” for the Japanese silk and some other products into the European Russia.
Certain level of the technological and military cooperation was already going on for a while even if both had been rather restricted: Russia did not have extra shipbuilding capacities to handle significant foreign orders without impediment of its own needs and the general, even if not spelled out, policy was not to arm the potential enemies. Well, at least not with the modern weaponry. On their side, Japanese preferred services of the French, and Brits in the naval area and Germans in military: all of them had
recent reputation. So the cooperation boiled down to the traditional friendly visits (the Russian merchant and warships sailing between the Russian Black and Baltic seas and Pacific ports had been making routine stops in the Japanese ports and the the Japanese had been frequenting Vladivostok).
So far there was no serious contradiction in interests and mutual diplomatic understanding regarding how to benefit at somebody else’s expense was seemingly within a reach.
Russia. Completion of TransSib did not change overnight demographic and economic situation pf the East Siberia and Pacific coast. However, the state sponsored resettlement program, easier and cheaper communications and heavy investments in the local infrastructure and industry had been gradually producing the results in the Eastern Siberia, which was connected to the European Russia few years earlier. General population growth there combined with a railroad link to Dzungaria, allowed to to form 2 new army corps which meant a fast addition of 60,000 to the troops which in the case of mobilization could be engaged in the Far East before more are arriving from the West.
Squadron of 3 armored (1st class), 3 protected cruisers and smaller ships had been moved to Vladivostok and construction of more powerful armored cruisers with 10 inch guns started.
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[. 1] Present: Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ministers of War and Navy, Amur Governor-General, etc.
[2] This was OTL policy so don’t tell me that it was foolish: I’m just a messenger. 😜
[3] 203-mm/30 artillery systems had the ability to "act successfully at close distances" and against armor "thickness of 6 dm [152 mm]". The latter property gave the Russian cruiser a real opportunity to "
fight not only all non-armored vessels of foreign fleets, but also with battleships built before the 1870s”.
[4] 203 and 152 mm guns with a barrel of 35 calibers had been effective against improved steel-iron armor which appeared in 1880s. The new 203-mm/35 gun had "
a penetrating capacity almost equal to the punching capacity of 11-dm [280-mm] Krupp guns". At a distance of 10 kb provided penetration of 285 and 200 mm of steel-iron armor, respectively
[5] They had a penetrating capacity 1.4 times greater than the barrels of 35 calibers. Shell’s initial speed was 900 m/sec and a range up to 70 cables. 152mm shell was penetrating 450mm of the steel-iron armor at 5 cables. Dingyuan and Zhenyuan had 305/25 with the initial shell speed 535 m/sec
[6] see #277