Well in fact, I think that the USSR could be saved without that measures so ruthless (certainly in my other timeline "Den Xiaoping not gains the power" the USSR is predisposed to use more of the measures said by you) the problem will be that the USSR saved could be at 2006 a very different USSR, also Gorbachev was a man as you say not very pleased with violent measures although in some cases he was decided to use it (Baku january 1990), as you have seen the summer manouvers of Warsaw Pact in TTL in june-july 1988 are used as a pression for get the positive vote of the polish with the fear thas is better make reforms of the own that the soviets could impose it (the polish remember all the situation of 1981) but in fact Gorbachev in TTL is same reticent to use the force, although not the force show, naturally if the polish knew that in part Gorbachev is making a bluff of a possible military intervention in Poland well clearly the things had been very different in TTL and more similar to OTL.
I thank a lot your comments although I have read books to documentate me (the books mentioned before, by the way the Year books of 1985 and 1986 that I did not rembered what editorial was is from Salvat Editorial) it is not the same having a person that has lived in the Old Soviet Union (now living in Ukraine) and could inform which was the situation then; respect to Gorbachev personality, you say "Writing your TL, you should bear in mind that Gorbie should not be that different from one in OTL. Otherwise it would be like ASBs.

" is curious to see what opinion one had of Gorbachev and his reforms in 1986, from Year book of 1986 refering to the XXVII Congress of Soviet Communist Party in march 1986 (translated from the spanish, so sorry for the mistakes
"In the internal field, the new redaction of the programme of the Soviet Communist Party, in that was introducing modifications tending to racionalize the economic system and foment the productive systems, and the promotion of the diverse personalities near the new General Secretary, like Nikolai Ryjkov, Viktor Chebrikov and Igor Ligatchov, were the notes more significatives of a change not only formal, but that was limited by the reafirmation of the economic centralization and the paper of the party as only force that determine the fondamental orientation of the internal and external politc of the USSR. the principal new thing, together with the new ways of acting and the rising of the critics about the inercy of the system, was the enter in scene of a team of thechnocrats for displace the clasic bureaucrats of the nomenklatura, their absolutism would be based in great part, in opinion of the new leaders, of the incompetence. These technocrats would have promoted by Gorbachev to get a major efficiency in the soviet economy without wake any ilusion of politic liberalization. It would exagerate to consider the objectives of Gorbachev and his team the democratization of the regime"
"Although being the lack of liberties and ways for a sufficient public participation the factor that more is an obstacle to the revitalization of the soviet economy, the XXVII Soviet Comunist Party Congress was in the ideological and social aspect a new song to the most pure inmovilism"
Extracted from USSR: The Gorbachev effect article in Year Book 1986 of Salvad Editions.
The problem is that said by Taibo and other authors it seemed there is various Gorbachev during the period 1985-1991: the Gorbachev that believed in the communism and making reforms more tendent to revitalize the economy and making more transparent the system but without discussing the core of the socialist system 1985-mid 1987, The Gorbachev that believes each time more in the need of create a new socialism very different that the primitive projects of reform in 1985-1986, corresponding to period second mid 1987-1990 and the Gorbachev clearly in a way that with the time could conserve some kind of union but more of a capitalist economy that socialist 1990-1991.
Why Gorbachev changed his mind?, which was truly his project?, from which moment his project was transformed in a simply no project, more a mixture of desperate measures combined with reactions and improvisations to even more accelerated events and unrest?
There are a lot of discussion about this between the historians, and Taibo and another authors although giving his opinion also name the different explanations of different authors, because in reality the majority continue without knowing with total security which was the initial project and ideas of Gorbachev?
I assume the personality of Gorbachev only that in TTL because No Chernobyl (and assuming the popular assumption between different historians of the possible point of impass centered in Chernobyl) Gorbachev has more time to implement economic reforms without forcing to make a real glasnost could se far sooner and substantial that the initial project in his mind.
I have in mind his personality, and well because I want not to say the end of TTL and advance too much an idea of the next segments (I need like in the thriller films to maintain the tension, saying the final or giving too much clues would be like telling all the film to a group of friends that want to go to see the film) I could not say too much about how will be develop this timeline: only say that in TTL at the end you will could see that the Gorby of TTL is not so different of the Gorby of OTL (but yes different because as you know if the Gorby of 1986 of OTL had known that in 1990´s after the fall of Soviet Union he would make announcements for the Pizza Hut, well the Gorbachev of 1986 had shouted you : You are completely mad

, but we know how strange and sorry pathetic was see Gorbachev one of the men more powerful of the Earth in 1986 making announcements of a capitalista US chain of pizza restaurants

).
Also as say answering to Darkest sentence "Hopefully we see some communist survival in this timeline." I say yes we will see some comunist survival, but I say some, (to see an scenario where Soviet Union remains very strong and powerful and it will continue in 2006 being a great superpotence I recommend instead to read the other timeline of mine Deng Xiaoping not gains the power), and well I think that in these moments I am beginning to giving some clues
Also thanks for your information about the nuclear disaster, in the next segment I will make some addings to the first part Slow reforms 1986-88 and also modifiyng the mistaken information about circumstances of Chernobyl.
Naturally thanks also to all the other opinions: Max Sinister, Darkest, stringtheory, Oberdada, The Bald Imposter and Brandonazz.
Another time to express that please all the opinions and comments will be very welcomed (and also discussed

), as I say a timeline of an ATL Soviet Union leaded by Gorbachev could be very interesting and a good scenario of discussion.
As you know I have some other timelines before some personal and work circumstances makes me disappear from the Forum from june until now (with a brief reapparition in august) I expect to continue with this timelines, althoug telling the truth possibily I will be centered in this new timeline and also I expect to give some more segments of Den Xiaoping not gains the power (I expect also eventually make some more updates of the other timelines, although my two timelines about late cold war PODS will have priority) -it is possible also that some brief timelines appears later but being more schematic type timelines and not very deep because I promised in the past that I try to make in timelines some of my other projects of my mind -this include another timeline with a POD in the late Cold War years, it would be named the Grishin alternative and it would be based in this article
http://www.northstarcompass.org/nsc0403/veteran.htm, the POD would be that Romanov get stay at time in the votation and get the sufficient support to make not possible the election of Gorbachev instead a new stopgap candidate is elected with the support of Romanov and other members of the Politburo: Victor Grishin -yes the same guy elected in "Den Xiaoping not gains the power" in 1987 when the Andropov of that TL dies, although naturally with different circumstances-.
By last another thing to say in this post appart of the books named that I will use as a source (and some more not mentioned) I say you to look what kind of sources I use in Internet and also to could all the persons enjoy of the information that I obtain some interesting resources for my late Cold war timelines in these three links:
http://www.cidob.org/bios/castellano/indices/indices.htm
that is Biographies of Political Leaders CIDOB a superb site with great profiles of different actual leaders (and in each biography also there is a lot of information about other characters, situation and evolution of differents parties and countries, for example in the five biographies of political leaders of Afganishtan you obtain a lot of information about modern history of Afganistan, different factions and politics...)
Unfortunately the site seems only to stay in spanish, but if you understand spanish you will could enjoy of a great internet site.
the other two (and yes these are in English

):
http://www.theodora.com/wfb/abc_world_fact_book.html
All the CIA World FactBooks from 1989 edition to 2005 edition!
and finally:
http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cshome.html
that is the Federal Research Division of the Library of the Congres, they are updating their country files, but also letting the old files like for example the East Germany file where you can find some interesting stuff like this:
"
East Germany
Politburo
The Politburo is the party's highest decision-making body. It addresses the fundamental political problems of the party, state, economy, and culture, and it is responsible for formulating domestic, foreign, military, and security policies. The Politburo normally meets once a week, and although its meetings are conducted in secret, other members of the Central Committee, the Secretariat, and members of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers are admitted to the proceedings. Meetings are chaired by General Secretary Honecker, and decisions are arrived at by a consensus vote, although certain individuals within the Politburo, particularly long-standing members, play a major or even dominant role in determining the positions and decisions of the executive body. The Politburo is required to inform the Central Committee about the various personnel and policy issues and problems discussed during its weekly sessions. At the regular plenums of the Central Committee, held at least once every six months, one or more members of the Politburo report on issues discussed in Politburo sessions. These reports are subsequently discussed by the Central Committee membership and are then published in an abbreviated form in the SED official daily,
Neues Deutschland.
The Politburo is composed of the highest officials of the party, the state, the security organs, the largest mass organizations and, unlike the Politburo of the CPSU, all ten members of the Secretariat, which directs the party apparatus through the Central Committee departments. Between 1976 and early 1984, the only additions to the ranks of the Politburo were Günter Schabowski, then the chief editor of
Neues Deutschland, who became a candidate member at the Tenth Party Congress in 1981; and Egon Krenz, who was appointed in 1983 and made a Central Committee secretary at the same time. Krenz, as the youngest member of the Politburo, replaced Paul Verner as the unofficial number two man in the party leadership. After his induction into the two top party organs, Krenz became increasingly visible at Honecker's side, fueling speculation that the SED chief had already designated him as the heir apparent. In May 1984, four high-ranking officials, three of whom were already candidates, were made full members of the Politburo: Werner Jarowinsky, deputy minister of trade and supply; Günther Kleiber, deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers and an expert on agriculture and an occasional emissary to the Middle East; Schabowski, editor-in-chief of
Neues Deutschland; and Herbert Haber, the SED's expert on relations with West Germany. In contrast to Jarowinsky, who had served as a candidate for twenty-one years, Haber became a full member directly, bypassing candidate status. The promotion of Jarowinsky and Kleiber raised the level of economic expertise in the Politburo. Also named to the Secretariat was Konrad Naumann, a full member of the Politburo and then head of the SED's East Berlin party organization. It was announced that Verner, veteran member of both the Politburo and the Secretariat, was relinquishing his post because of illness. Three weeks later, Krenz and Günter Mittag were made deputy chairmen of the Council of State, East Germany's "collective presidency," chaired by Honecker.
These new appointments significantly strengthened Honecker's position as undisputed leader of the party and appeared intended to strengthen his commitment to détente with West Germany. However, at the Eleventh SED Central Committee Plenum on November 22-23, 1985, it was announced that Naumann and Haber had been dropped from the Politburo and the Secretariat "for reasons of health." Although Haber departed largely because of health problems, Naumann's removal was probably politically motivated. Known for his opposition to Honecker in several key areas of domestic and foreign policy, Naumann enjoyed backing from Moscow and possessed a long record as a hardliner in his approach to relations with West Germany and his opposition to the SED's policies on culture and religion. Naumann's political demise continued when three days later he was replaced by Schabowski as East Berlin's party chief. Naumann's removal eliminated Honecker's chief rival and further strengthened the East German leader's position. In November 1986, the Politburo consisted of twenty-two full and five candidate members. The Politburo also included the head (Erich Mückenberger) of the Central Party Control Commission, an appeals board for issues related to SED membership rights. The mass organizations have been represented in the
Politburo by the head of the labor unions and the head of the youth organization, both having considerable experience as party officials.
At the Eleventh Party Congress in April 1986, there were few surprises among those elected to join the ranks of the Politburo. The decisive changes had already been made at the party's Eleventh Central Committee plenum in November 1985, when Naumann and Haber were dropped from the Politburo and Secretariat. Although there were no further dismissals at the congress, four new full members were added: Heinz Kessler, minister of defense and a Honecker confidant, and three regional secretaries, Werner Eberlein, Siegfried Lorenz, and Hans-Joachim Böhme, all experienced technocrats. These moves, as well as CPSU general secretary Mikhail S. Gorbachev's strong political endorsement of Honecker at the congress, helped the East German party chief reinforce his strong position in the top party ranks. In 1987 the first secretaries of two district party organizations (Berlin and Cottbus) were members of the Politburo. As a result of the personnel changes, six districts were represented in the Politburo by their party heads; the three new district representatives were Schabowski and Politburo candidates Gerhard Müller (Erfurt), and Werner Walde (Cottbus). Rejuvenation of the ranks of the Politburo was clearly in progress. However, the only two women members, Ingeborg Lange and Margaret Müller, candidates for thirteen and twenty-three years, respectively, were not selected to full membership.
Data as of July 1987"