Well, here's something new from me. Again.
With permission from CalBear, I present to you the first chapter of New World Order. This is what you could call an alternate alternate history, studying American post-war history, focusing on both domestic and foreign events (assuming they affect the US) following the events described in the AH masterpiece, The Anglo-American Nazi War. I realise that originally CalBear did his own post-war timeline, so this is my own look at the potentials of the post-war world. Wherever the original story mentions the post-war world, I will ensure what it references takes place, in my best effort to honour what was set out by the original timeline. There'll be similarities to our own world, and there will be differences, and if anyone has questions about stuff I don't cover feel free to ask. Before I start I'd just like to drop a thank you to CalBear for permission to use their work as a basis for my own.
...
On March 13th, 1960 the world entered a new period. Nazi Europe was dead. Across the planet the mighty Anglo-American alliance reigned supreme, completely unchallengeable. In the United States, crowds filled the streets of every hamlet and city to celebrate the end of a generation of war. For many younger people the experience was surreal rather than euphoric. Even those in their mid-twenties could barely remember what peace had been like. Beneath the vast ticker tape parades in Manhattan or the enormous crowds of uniformed servicemen and women dancing on the streets, scenes repeated across the world from Saigon to Sambalpur, for many Americans there was a sense of nervousness. They had never lost certainty that the war would be won, but this certainty had allowed for a national mood of optimism, as people worked towards a clear goal. Now that goal had been achieved, and many wondered what was supposed to happen next.
One man certainly thought he knew what should happen next. President Joseph Kennedy was coming to the end of his second term, having spent it leading America through the second phase of the war, with little interest in running again. In a nationally televised broadcast that night he paid tribute to the nearly eight hundred thousand Americans who had died in a war lasting a generation. Then he set out his vision of the future. “I am gripped by the melancholy knowledge that all this struggle, all this hate, pain, and suffering could have been avoided had we seen and confronted the threat when it first emerged,” he told his millions of viewers. “It is obvious that the America which entered this war, who cut herself off from the rest of the world, is gone forever. Never before has our leadership been more desperately needed. But the same is true of our protection. A new world order has emerged from the shadow of war, I hope to promote and achieve lasting good. Never again must the civilised world allow evil to triumph. And so let every nation know that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to guarantee the survival of liberty. We did not fight this war to allow the world to sink back into the abyss. It must forever more be the policy of the United States to maintain peace across all the world, through whatever means possible. If we do not, we condemn freedom to be doomed, for either all the world is free, or none of it is.”
What we now know as the Kennedy Doctrine had been born, which still guides American foreign policy today, with all the costs it would inflict on Americans and the world as a result.
Later that month, President Kennedy joined the leaders of the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia at a conference in Zurich. India, on the verge of independence, had asked to attend and was denied. The same treatment was given to China. The Anglo Saxon leaders were there to shape the post-war world. In truth the Australian and Canadian leaders had little input in the discussions, as virtually all decisions came down to President Kennedy and British Prime Minister Anthony Eden, who were undoubtedly the two most powerful men in the world at the time. With Germany a smouldering ruin and much of Europe including France, Poland, and the former Soviet Union either on the edge of civil war or already descending into it, the Western leaders faced a daunting challenge.
The situation in Western Europe was far easier to resolve than the troubles confronting them in the East, thanks to the existence of the various governments in exile, though their legitimacy was questioned and so fresh elections were quickly written into the Zurich Conference’s agreements for all countries. Britain and America endured plenty of disagreement over the exact wording of the American blueprints for self-determination, and President Kennedy’s failure to prevent the British from getting the plan altered to only apply to territories which had been under Nazi occupation cost him much support in Congress. But this was take it or leave it time, and Congress had no choice but to take it. By the year’s end, elections had been held in Belgium, Denmark, Italy, Greece, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, and Poland with new civilian governments established. They presided over shattered countries infected by a witch’s brew of diseases unleashed by Operation Whirlwind, with the effect to be felt throughout the 1960s. In France, where UN occupiers still fought against fascist insurgents with the same ferocity as the infamous ‘Werewolves’ in Germany and fascist rallies filled the cities daily while anti-UN riots broke out, the handover to civilian rule would take longer. In July, the Supreme Commander of UN forces occupying France declared martial law, with violence escalating to the point of civil war as politics from all extremes of the spectrum clashed. France was a country sapped of any confidence in herself, humiliated beyond repair by the war and in misery at the loss of her cultural treasures.
In Eastern Europe, the United Kingdom took the lead in deciding the region’s future. There was virtually no former government to speak of which could be placed in control for the time being, and violence was still rampant as ethnic Germans were expelled en masse back home, a policy enforced by the occupying British, Downing Street having realised that the best option would be to help them along rather than keep them where they were and open themselves up to blame from the Poles for maintaining the German “colonisation.” The situation for the former Soviet Union was nothing short of shambolic, as more than a dozen different groups claimed to be the territory’s legitimate government. Lacking any power base and numbering at most a few thousand disorganised troops, Britain simply ignored them all and pushed ahead with its own plan. Independence quickly came for the former Soviet republics, which was complete by the dawn of 1962. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Georgia, Moldova, Belarus, East and West Ukraine, and Russia would all emerge from the ashes of the dead Soviet Union. All saw the Westminster system imposed on their politics, while Russia would be modelled even more like Britain as she saw the return of the Tsardom with Andrei Alexandrovich becoming the ceremonial Sovereign. The rump states which had emerged in Siberia, including the remnants of the Soviet Union led by Vyacheslav Molotov, would over the next few years be assimilated and Russia would once more stretch from the Baltic to the Bering.
This left Germany. The alliance which had come to be known as the United Nations faced great difficulty in figuring out exactly what to do with the Reich. All were in agreement that Germany should never be allowed to rise to the same level of power again, but it was also clear that the German people should not be doomed to poverty and misery forever, especially considering that within a few decades the majority of the population would be, for all intents and purposes, blameless for the crimes of their forefathers. President Kennedy was a strong proponent of moderation, but his feelings were not shared by America’s allies, especially the British. As London worked to ensure Russia could never be a threat again, they were intent on doing the same to Germany. President Kennedy grudgingly agreed that reparations should be paid for the next century by Germany to all countries which had suffered under it, but it was territorial changes that he was most opposed to. Anthony Eden had put together four key proposals. The first the Americans were happy to accept; the independence of Austria. But it was the other three which attracted far greater opposition. These were the Danish annexation of Schleswig-Holstein, considered a suitable reparation to the country, as was the moving of Poland’s western frontier to the Oder and Lusatian Neisse rivers, annexing vast tracts of German territory. All Germans living in these territories would be expelled. The independence of Bavaria was also promoted. For the Americans it seemed unnecessary, but America’s European allies widely felt that these measures in fact didn’t go far enough, and one suggestion of carving up Germany into a dozen smaller sections was widely discussed but ultimately not carried out. In the end, the plan to slice up parts of Germany and hand them out on a platter was accepted. And it would go further; western regions of Lower Saxony were handed over to the Netherlands, which was desperately trying to recover from the annihilation the destruction of its flood defences had caused, while the Saarland became a British dependency along with the wealth of its industrial potential. The state of Saxony, a duchy centuries earlier, became another independent state. So too did the old kingdoms and duchies of Württemberg, Baden, and Westphalia. Added as an afterthought one policy would have dire consequences; Britain and America could, at will, claim ownership of any patent to come out of Germany. The results of this are obvious even to the most amateur student of economics.
To prevent the former Reich from rearming, its new constitution would ban it from owning fighter aircraft, any warships outside the capabilities of coastal patrol craft, tanks or armoured vehicles which could withstand small arms fire, and no more than 25,000 total military personnel, with the existence of a reserve force also banned. While revenge was on the minds of many – expressed in the fact that 25% of Germany’s budget, a budget which their new constitution ensured was always balanced, went towards paying reparations for the next century – so too was practicality. The British wanted Germany weakened, but not destroyed, for Europe couldn’t hope to prosper again while Germany lay face down in the mud. Germany still had a chance for redemption. The Zurich Conference also concluded that the cities of Berlin and Nuremberg should be abandoned amid their toxicity from Operation Whirlwind, and emergency aid would come to help Central Europe be rid of the biological scourge brought upon them. Like Russia, Germany would also see the return of its monarchy. "Perhaps," wrote Anthony Eden, "with enough change the Germans will chart a better path." This was a huge departure from his far more vengeful tone so common in many of his speeches. But in October, Louis Ferdinand would arrive in the new German capital of Bonn to be crowned King in a short, austere ceremony. He would until his death in 1998 lead his shattered country through a very difficult future, occupying the grandiose Hohenzollern Castle. Many were furious that more had not been done to, in the words of the British general Enoch Powell, "slice apart the wretched rat's nest once and for all." Considering what the future held, perhaps it is best that the fascism which still infected German society was not provoked into resentment even further than it was.
One final decision was made on the future of Germany; its name. “Germany” carried far too much of a stigma, to the point where many Germans living abroad had come to refer to themselves by the province they originated from. The conference unanimously concluded that “from the first of January 1961 the region previously known as Germany will henceforth be officially referred to as Almany.” Germany had, for all intents and purposes, ceased to exist.
With permission from CalBear, I present to you the first chapter of New World Order. This is what you could call an alternate alternate history, studying American post-war history, focusing on both domestic and foreign events (assuming they affect the US) following the events described in the AH masterpiece, The Anglo-American Nazi War. I realise that originally CalBear did his own post-war timeline, so this is my own look at the potentials of the post-war world. Wherever the original story mentions the post-war world, I will ensure what it references takes place, in my best effort to honour what was set out by the original timeline. There'll be similarities to our own world, and there will be differences, and if anyone has questions about stuff I don't cover feel free to ask. Before I start I'd just like to drop a thank you to CalBear for permission to use their work as a basis for my own.
...
Chapter 1: A New Dawn
On March 13th, 1960 the world entered a new period. Nazi Europe was dead. Across the planet the mighty Anglo-American alliance reigned supreme, completely unchallengeable. In the United States, crowds filled the streets of every hamlet and city to celebrate the end of a generation of war. For many younger people the experience was surreal rather than euphoric. Even those in their mid-twenties could barely remember what peace had been like. Beneath the vast ticker tape parades in Manhattan or the enormous crowds of uniformed servicemen and women dancing on the streets, scenes repeated across the world from Saigon to Sambalpur, for many Americans there was a sense of nervousness. They had never lost certainty that the war would be won, but this certainty had allowed for a national mood of optimism, as people worked towards a clear goal. Now that goal had been achieved, and many wondered what was supposed to happen next.
One man certainly thought he knew what should happen next. President Joseph Kennedy was coming to the end of his second term, having spent it leading America through the second phase of the war, with little interest in running again. In a nationally televised broadcast that night he paid tribute to the nearly eight hundred thousand Americans who had died in a war lasting a generation. Then he set out his vision of the future. “I am gripped by the melancholy knowledge that all this struggle, all this hate, pain, and suffering could have been avoided had we seen and confronted the threat when it first emerged,” he told his millions of viewers. “It is obvious that the America which entered this war, who cut herself off from the rest of the world, is gone forever. Never before has our leadership been more desperately needed. But the same is true of our protection. A new world order has emerged from the shadow of war, I hope to promote and achieve lasting good. Never again must the civilised world allow evil to triumph. And so let every nation know that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to guarantee the survival of liberty. We did not fight this war to allow the world to sink back into the abyss. It must forever more be the policy of the United States to maintain peace across all the world, through whatever means possible. If we do not, we condemn freedom to be doomed, for either all the world is free, or none of it is.”
What we now know as the Kennedy Doctrine had been born, which still guides American foreign policy today, with all the costs it would inflict on Americans and the world as a result.
Later that month, President Kennedy joined the leaders of the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia at a conference in Zurich. India, on the verge of independence, had asked to attend and was denied. The same treatment was given to China. The Anglo Saxon leaders were there to shape the post-war world. In truth the Australian and Canadian leaders had little input in the discussions, as virtually all decisions came down to President Kennedy and British Prime Minister Anthony Eden, who were undoubtedly the two most powerful men in the world at the time. With Germany a smouldering ruin and much of Europe including France, Poland, and the former Soviet Union either on the edge of civil war or already descending into it, the Western leaders faced a daunting challenge.
The situation in Western Europe was far easier to resolve than the troubles confronting them in the East, thanks to the existence of the various governments in exile, though their legitimacy was questioned and so fresh elections were quickly written into the Zurich Conference’s agreements for all countries. Britain and America endured plenty of disagreement over the exact wording of the American blueprints for self-determination, and President Kennedy’s failure to prevent the British from getting the plan altered to only apply to territories which had been under Nazi occupation cost him much support in Congress. But this was take it or leave it time, and Congress had no choice but to take it. By the year’s end, elections had been held in Belgium, Denmark, Italy, Greece, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, and Poland with new civilian governments established. They presided over shattered countries infected by a witch’s brew of diseases unleashed by Operation Whirlwind, with the effect to be felt throughout the 1960s. In France, where UN occupiers still fought against fascist insurgents with the same ferocity as the infamous ‘Werewolves’ in Germany and fascist rallies filled the cities daily while anti-UN riots broke out, the handover to civilian rule would take longer. In July, the Supreme Commander of UN forces occupying France declared martial law, with violence escalating to the point of civil war as politics from all extremes of the spectrum clashed. France was a country sapped of any confidence in herself, humiliated beyond repair by the war and in misery at the loss of her cultural treasures.
In Eastern Europe, the United Kingdom took the lead in deciding the region’s future. There was virtually no former government to speak of which could be placed in control for the time being, and violence was still rampant as ethnic Germans were expelled en masse back home, a policy enforced by the occupying British, Downing Street having realised that the best option would be to help them along rather than keep them where they were and open themselves up to blame from the Poles for maintaining the German “colonisation.” The situation for the former Soviet Union was nothing short of shambolic, as more than a dozen different groups claimed to be the territory’s legitimate government. Lacking any power base and numbering at most a few thousand disorganised troops, Britain simply ignored them all and pushed ahead with its own plan. Independence quickly came for the former Soviet republics, which was complete by the dawn of 1962. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Georgia, Moldova, Belarus, East and West Ukraine, and Russia would all emerge from the ashes of the dead Soviet Union. All saw the Westminster system imposed on their politics, while Russia would be modelled even more like Britain as she saw the return of the Tsardom with Andrei Alexandrovich becoming the ceremonial Sovereign. The rump states which had emerged in Siberia, including the remnants of the Soviet Union led by Vyacheslav Molotov, would over the next few years be assimilated and Russia would once more stretch from the Baltic to the Bering.
This left Germany. The alliance which had come to be known as the United Nations faced great difficulty in figuring out exactly what to do with the Reich. All were in agreement that Germany should never be allowed to rise to the same level of power again, but it was also clear that the German people should not be doomed to poverty and misery forever, especially considering that within a few decades the majority of the population would be, for all intents and purposes, blameless for the crimes of their forefathers. President Kennedy was a strong proponent of moderation, but his feelings were not shared by America’s allies, especially the British. As London worked to ensure Russia could never be a threat again, they were intent on doing the same to Germany. President Kennedy grudgingly agreed that reparations should be paid for the next century by Germany to all countries which had suffered under it, but it was territorial changes that he was most opposed to. Anthony Eden had put together four key proposals. The first the Americans were happy to accept; the independence of Austria. But it was the other three which attracted far greater opposition. These were the Danish annexation of Schleswig-Holstein, considered a suitable reparation to the country, as was the moving of Poland’s western frontier to the Oder and Lusatian Neisse rivers, annexing vast tracts of German territory. All Germans living in these territories would be expelled. The independence of Bavaria was also promoted. For the Americans it seemed unnecessary, but America’s European allies widely felt that these measures in fact didn’t go far enough, and one suggestion of carving up Germany into a dozen smaller sections was widely discussed but ultimately not carried out. In the end, the plan to slice up parts of Germany and hand them out on a platter was accepted. And it would go further; western regions of Lower Saxony were handed over to the Netherlands, which was desperately trying to recover from the annihilation the destruction of its flood defences had caused, while the Saarland became a British dependency along with the wealth of its industrial potential. The state of Saxony, a duchy centuries earlier, became another independent state. So too did the old kingdoms and duchies of Württemberg, Baden, and Westphalia. Added as an afterthought one policy would have dire consequences; Britain and America could, at will, claim ownership of any patent to come out of Germany. The results of this are obvious even to the most amateur student of economics.
To prevent the former Reich from rearming, its new constitution would ban it from owning fighter aircraft, any warships outside the capabilities of coastal patrol craft, tanks or armoured vehicles which could withstand small arms fire, and no more than 25,000 total military personnel, with the existence of a reserve force also banned. While revenge was on the minds of many – expressed in the fact that 25% of Germany’s budget, a budget which their new constitution ensured was always balanced, went towards paying reparations for the next century – so too was practicality. The British wanted Germany weakened, but not destroyed, for Europe couldn’t hope to prosper again while Germany lay face down in the mud. Germany still had a chance for redemption. The Zurich Conference also concluded that the cities of Berlin and Nuremberg should be abandoned amid their toxicity from Operation Whirlwind, and emergency aid would come to help Central Europe be rid of the biological scourge brought upon them. Like Russia, Germany would also see the return of its monarchy. "Perhaps," wrote Anthony Eden, "with enough change the Germans will chart a better path." This was a huge departure from his far more vengeful tone so common in many of his speeches. But in October, Louis Ferdinand would arrive in the new German capital of Bonn to be crowned King in a short, austere ceremony. He would until his death in 1998 lead his shattered country through a very difficult future, occupying the grandiose Hohenzollern Castle. Many were furious that more had not been done to, in the words of the British general Enoch Powell, "slice apart the wretched rat's nest once and for all." Considering what the future held, perhaps it is best that the fascism which still infected German society was not provoked into resentment even further than it was.
One final decision was made on the future of Germany; its name. “Germany” carried far too much of a stigma, to the point where many Germans living abroad had come to refer to themselves by the province they originated from. The conference unanimously concluded that “from the first of January 1961 the region previously known as Germany will henceforth be officially referred to as Almany.” Germany had, for all intents and purposes, ceased to exist.
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