NEW TL:The Sons in Splendor, the Golden Age of the House of York
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1491 part 1
Chapter 9: 1491 The Reckoning
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
The campaigning began early in 1491, Edward V was keen to end the war quickly and decisively. He certainly had the resources to do so. De Graff’s Mercenary contingent now numbered some 6,000 Swiss pikes to which were added 1,000 light Breton horse, 500 Burgundian Handgunners and crossbowmen and a large English force taking the total army to around 30,000 - it was the largest English Army since Towton. Gloucester and Hastings, along with Dorset, Jasper Tudor and Pembroke had remained in England to hold the fort, and Norfolk patrolled the channel, but this still left some ten plus major magnates and 30 or so smaller Lords to accompany the King. Mancini, who cannot have been happy about being dragged on campaign with his Lord, likened the Royal army to that of Israel marching to claim the promised land.
But just where was this ‘promised land’? That must have been the question Charles VIII asked himself as spring arrived. Charles had rebuilt his army since the previous Summer but had been unable to replace as many of his cannon, though the effort had left the French peasantry destitute and fractious. Edward V had the initiative and he could have strengthened Burgundy, taken Normandy or even marched on Paris itself to draw out the French. In any case the English army reached Amiens in mid-March completely unopposed. It was here that news reached Edward of what must have been part of his plan - Duke Francis had launched raids into Anjou and Maine, burning any undefended villages they could find. Simultaneously, in an event which could not have been planned by Edward, a rebellion erupted in Languedoc against the King’s taxation and ‘misrule’ which would also distract the French.
This news only spurred Edward on and within a week he had reached Compiegne some 30 miles from Paris, his army reduced to around 25,000 through garrisons and attrition. Charles then made his move. It is debatable whether Charles dithered or merely allowed Edward to extend his supply lines, but it is possible that he planned to trap the English as the Duke of Orleans arrived with reinforcement from the south. Regardless of whether Charles intended this, his numerically superior forced Edward to order the retreat back to Arras.
Hell Unleashed: Europe 1483-1495 J Watts 1994
The retreat from Compiegene could easily be explained by Edward V’s youth and inexperience - he was brash and too eager to destroy the French and now his army was pursued by a larger force, estimates ranging from 25,000 to 40,000 men, albeit they were perhaps less experienced. Now the English army was marching with all haste northwards.
Then on the 2nd of April, the English army stopped, they made camp near the village of Montdidier in the Somme and waited. Like Torhout before it, the Battle of Montdidier has been subject to much debate owing to a lack of clear accounts of the battle from a range of English, Burgundian and French sources, even Mancini who by all measures was present is even vague in many respects. However it is possible to reach some conclusions.
A visitor to Montdider today will find rolling wheat fields running north to the valley formed by the Avre river which causes the field to narrow to a point. Modern archaeology has shown that in 1491 this river would have restricted movement considerably and it would have been difficult for a large army to pass swiftly North. This has led to two theses; that Edward’s actions represent a blunder - and he was forced to give battle as his army was trapped by the terrain or the enemy. Alternatively, that Edward had chosen this location on the march south and had deliberately chosen it to destroy his enemy. What is clear is that Europe would never be the same again.
On the morning of the 4th of April the French army arrived and immediately made ready for battle. They were devoid of cannon after their swift chase, and relied on their cavalry to swiftly puncture the English line and rout them. The majority of the French infantry are thought to have been a mix of professional and peasant soldiers, some of whom had been levied from the countryside around Paris and Orleans, they must have made for an intimidating sight but their quality was in question.
For the English’s part they had formed their army up along the Avre river with it anchoring their left, eastern flank as they faced the French to the south. Again Archaeological surveys have shown good evidence of English cannon on the eastern side of the Avre, with some suggesting that there were even earthworks dug for them, although GPR has proved inconclusive. Mancini reports that ‘the King was mighty eager to admonish the French king and prepared his army in three battles with the Earl Rivers in the van (right flank), himself in the centre and Derby and Lord Grantham holding the rearguard (left flank).’ Richmond was held in reserve with the horse. Little is known of the French dispositions, Mancini records that ‘they came on like a rabble’, although it is possible to surmise that Orleans led the French vanguard.
When battle was finally joined it was truly a unique moment; the English fielding cannon in the ‘modern’ manner for the first time. Most commentators record that the initial French charge had been slowed by withering Cannon fire and also English ‘earthworks’ although no such evidence has been found, it is entirely possible that the English had sown caltrops and other defences. Thus frustrated, the French infantry entered the fray on all fronts, and it seems this was the moment in which Edward played his hand. The Flying Earl, Henry Tudor, led his cavalry through a gap (likely created for this purpose) in the English rear between the King and the Earl of Derby thus breaking the French vanguard and setting them to flight. Doubtless seeing the cream of their army turn tale and run, loosened the resolve of the remaining French infantry who also disengaged from the English. At this moment the Breton cavalry appeared behind the French vanguard, having crossed the Avre at a predetermined point and brought about a stunning coup; Louis of Orleans, the King’s cousin and heir, was captured.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
The Battle of Montdidier could not have lasted longer than four or five hours, but it has generated years of debate. Was the battle a pre-arranged plan by Edward V or was it a desperate gamble that unbelievably paid off? A few pieces of evidence may harbour clues. The English had established their Cannon beyond the Avre and French hands, this must have been a preplanned move. Secondly Henry Tudor’s charge, though typical of his reputation, was extremely unconventional in that it came effectively through the English line during the battle - an very risky move unless the ground had been prepared and the tactic rehearsed. Finally, and perhaps most tellingly, the original march to Compiegene was without the usual heavy baggage train, with most academics explaining this away as Edward’s rash nature, yet what if it was planned? What if Edward V wanted to create the impression of disarray and weakness, only to have the French Army stumble straight into his carefully laid plans?
Alas there is no firm consensus, but I would suggest that Edward’s excellent teachers; Rivers, Gloucester, Hastings, Manicini and of course his father, had taught the boy well and Montdidier was the fruition of all these efforts. Regardless of the circumstances of the battle it is possible to see it as the foundation stone of the new Yorkist age; if Torhout checked French ambitions, Montdidier asserted English ones over them for at least a generation. Charles VIII - increasingly gaining notoriety for his spineless response to misfortune - fled with his still relatively intact army back to Paris, it is thought they lost around 8,000 men at Montdidier but that around half of that number were captured with another two Barons and around 20 knights joining Orleans in captivity. With his army victorious and his captives in tow, Edward V made for the most unexpected of destinations; Reims.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
The campaigning began early in 1491, Edward V was keen to end the war quickly and decisively. He certainly had the resources to do so. De Graff’s Mercenary contingent now numbered some 6,000 Swiss pikes to which were added 1,000 light Breton horse, 500 Burgundian Handgunners and crossbowmen and a large English force taking the total army to around 30,000 - it was the largest English Army since Towton. Gloucester and Hastings, along with Dorset, Jasper Tudor and Pembroke had remained in England to hold the fort, and Norfolk patrolled the channel, but this still left some ten plus major magnates and 30 or so smaller Lords to accompany the King. Mancini, who cannot have been happy about being dragged on campaign with his Lord, likened the Royal army to that of Israel marching to claim the promised land.
But just where was this ‘promised land’? That must have been the question Charles VIII asked himself as spring arrived. Charles had rebuilt his army since the previous Summer but had been unable to replace as many of his cannon, though the effort had left the French peasantry destitute and fractious. Edward V had the initiative and he could have strengthened Burgundy, taken Normandy or even marched on Paris itself to draw out the French. In any case the English army reached Amiens in mid-March completely unopposed. It was here that news reached Edward of what must have been part of his plan - Duke Francis had launched raids into Anjou and Maine, burning any undefended villages they could find. Simultaneously, in an event which could not have been planned by Edward, a rebellion erupted in Languedoc against the King’s taxation and ‘misrule’ which would also distract the French.
This news only spurred Edward on and within a week he had reached Compiegne some 30 miles from Paris, his army reduced to around 25,000 through garrisons and attrition. Charles then made his move. It is debatable whether Charles dithered or merely allowed Edward to extend his supply lines, but it is possible that he planned to trap the English as the Duke of Orleans arrived with reinforcement from the south. Regardless of whether Charles intended this, his numerically superior forced Edward to order the retreat back to Arras.
Hell Unleashed: Europe 1483-1495 J Watts 1994
The retreat from Compiegene could easily be explained by Edward V’s youth and inexperience - he was brash and too eager to destroy the French and now his army was pursued by a larger force, estimates ranging from 25,000 to 40,000 men, albeit they were perhaps less experienced. Now the English army was marching with all haste northwards.
Then on the 2nd of April, the English army stopped, they made camp near the village of Montdidier in the Somme and waited. Like Torhout before it, the Battle of Montdidier has been subject to much debate owing to a lack of clear accounts of the battle from a range of English, Burgundian and French sources, even Mancini who by all measures was present is even vague in many respects. However it is possible to reach some conclusions.
A visitor to Montdider today will find rolling wheat fields running north to the valley formed by the Avre river which causes the field to narrow to a point. Modern archaeology has shown that in 1491 this river would have restricted movement considerably and it would have been difficult for a large army to pass swiftly North. This has led to two theses; that Edward’s actions represent a blunder - and he was forced to give battle as his army was trapped by the terrain or the enemy. Alternatively, that Edward had chosen this location on the march south and had deliberately chosen it to destroy his enemy. What is clear is that Europe would never be the same again.
On the morning of the 4th of April the French army arrived and immediately made ready for battle. They were devoid of cannon after their swift chase, and relied on their cavalry to swiftly puncture the English line and rout them. The majority of the French infantry are thought to have been a mix of professional and peasant soldiers, some of whom had been levied from the countryside around Paris and Orleans, they must have made for an intimidating sight but their quality was in question.
For the English’s part they had formed their army up along the Avre river with it anchoring their left, eastern flank as they faced the French to the south. Again Archaeological surveys have shown good evidence of English cannon on the eastern side of the Avre, with some suggesting that there were even earthworks dug for them, although GPR has proved inconclusive. Mancini reports that ‘the King was mighty eager to admonish the French king and prepared his army in three battles with the Earl Rivers in the van (right flank), himself in the centre and Derby and Lord Grantham holding the rearguard (left flank).’ Richmond was held in reserve with the horse. Little is known of the French dispositions, Mancini records that ‘they came on like a rabble’, although it is possible to surmise that Orleans led the French vanguard.
When battle was finally joined it was truly a unique moment; the English fielding cannon in the ‘modern’ manner for the first time. Most commentators record that the initial French charge had been slowed by withering Cannon fire and also English ‘earthworks’ although no such evidence has been found, it is entirely possible that the English had sown caltrops and other defences. Thus frustrated, the French infantry entered the fray on all fronts, and it seems this was the moment in which Edward played his hand. The Flying Earl, Henry Tudor, led his cavalry through a gap (likely created for this purpose) in the English rear between the King and the Earl of Derby thus breaking the French vanguard and setting them to flight. Doubtless seeing the cream of their army turn tale and run, loosened the resolve of the remaining French infantry who also disengaged from the English. At this moment the Breton cavalry appeared behind the French vanguard, having crossed the Avre at a predetermined point and brought about a stunning coup; Louis of Orleans, the King’s cousin and heir, was captured.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
The Battle of Montdidier could not have lasted longer than four or five hours, but it has generated years of debate. Was the battle a pre-arranged plan by Edward V or was it a desperate gamble that unbelievably paid off? A few pieces of evidence may harbour clues. The English had established their Cannon beyond the Avre and French hands, this must have been a preplanned move. Secondly Henry Tudor’s charge, though typical of his reputation, was extremely unconventional in that it came effectively through the English line during the battle - an very risky move unless the ground had been prepared and the tactic rehearsed. Finally, and perhaps most tellingly, the original march to Compiegene was without the usual heavy baggage train, with most academics explaining this away as Edward’s rash nature, yet what if it was planned? What if Edward V wanted to create the impression of disarray and weakness, only to have the French Army stumble straight into his carefully laid plans?
Alas there is no firm consensus, but I would suggest that Edward’s excellent teachers; Rivers, Gloucester, Hastings, Manicini and of course his father, had taught the boy well and Montdidier was the fruition of all these efforts. Regardless of the circumstances of the battle it is possible to see it as the foundation stone of the new Yorkist age; if Torhout checked French ambitions, Montdidier asserted English ones over them for at least a generation. Charles VIII - increasingly gaining notoriety for his spineless response to misfortune - fled with his still relatively intact army back to Paris, it is thought they lost around 8,000 men at Montdidier but that around half of that number were captured with another two Barons and around 20 knights joining Orleans in captivity. With his army victorious and his captives in tow, Edward V made for the most unexpected of destinations; Reims.
Sorry Professor, not Scotland quite yet! Thanks for support though, I am enjoying being back into this.
The noise I made when I read that Edward was going to Reims! He's really going for it!
Oh this is fun. I'm a sucker for both surviving Yorkists and England doing well in France, so I love this! Long Live King Edward!
1491 part 2
Youngblood by Bernard Cornwell (2009)
Silence. Solemnity. Stillness. These were not usually the things which accompanied a King’s coronation. But this was no ordinary coronation. Edward walked slowly to the top of the central aisle of Reims Cathedral, the large vaulted space packed with his soldiers; Swiss, Flemish, Breton, Welsh, English. No French. They were outside, their faint murmur contained by the thick walls of the Cathedral - some cheered, others yelled obscenities at the King of England who would be King of France.
As he reached the top of the aisle the choir began its shrill chorus from the far end - Edward could see Archbishop Robert who had arrived mere days before to perform the ceremony. Next to him sat the large stone throne upon which the Kings of France had been crowned for centuries, it seemed almost eerie to him that they were here, amidst the foreign footsteps of History. Then he steeled himself, this was his idea, the kind of audacious thing his father had done in his youth, he would be proud.
Edward neared the front of the Cathedral, the heads of his army turning towards him as he passed - the Welsh gentry, English Yeomen, De Graff and his officers in their black and white livery, then the Lords; Grantham, Talbot, Egremont, Lisle, Vernon, Bacon, Selby, Grey, Howard, Paston and the rest. Then the Nobles; Hull, Westmoreland, Arundel. The Falcons were next, what few had made it; just Warwick and Lincoln. Then his family; Rivers and his brother Richard, who alone beamed from his tall lean face. Across the aisle stood the French Lords, Orleans at their head, his dark features accentuated by the bitterness in his eyes, he cannot have been happy at the spectacle but he had little choice, his captors bid him be here and so here he was. At least that was not how they would portray it to the French commons, here were French Nobles, giving assent to their ‘rightful’ King. Image was important. Edward gave a curt respectful nod to the Duke of Orleans and grinned inwardly as the man’s intense stare only deepened. Edward ascended to his throne.
The ceremony went on and on. It was important Edward knew, but he would much rather find a good ale and a good woman with John, Richard and Edward than be here. Archbishop Robert had little time to read up on the required liturgy and his French was a little off in places, another thing to annoy Orleans and his greasy knot of companions. Edward sat straight for the whole interminable period, his gaze fixed on the back of the Cathedral, his features as firm as the throne he sat on. Then finally he caught the Archbishop’s French - he had been taught it as soon as he could speak English ‘In the name of the father, and of the son, and of the Holy Ghost, I proclaim you King’. The Archbishop turned slowly towards Edward, the Crown held in his hands. It wasn’t the proper French Crown, but the Smiths had done a good job with what they had, it certainly looked fit for a King, a French King at least.
As the Golden circlet touched his well-groomed hair the chamber erupted with the cheers and applause of his men, the enormous organ started up again and the choirs sang the gloria. Not bad for a day’s work he thought, as Edward, King of England and France, Lord of Wales and Ireland descended from the throne to the acclaim of his brothers in arms.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
Edward V was crowned King of France in Reims Cathedral on St Mark’s day 1491, a mere three weeks after Montdidier. This was a remarkable and completely unexpected achievement from the young King. He had not only used Orleans as a bargaining chip to gain entry to Reims but also to secure enough assent from the people of the city to safely carry out a coronation in the most symbolic of places.
To modern eyes the coronation would seem to be mere hubris and folly, but Edward V had read his History and understood the reality which faced him. Even his father had claimed the French throne upon his invasion in 1475, albeit to drop it during later negotiations at Picquingy, but this had been a common tactic of English monarchs for generations. Of course there were still quiet questions in some quarters over Edward’s claim to the English throne, let alone the French throne (through the Plantagenet line) but this in reality mattered little. What truly mattered to Edward was the symbolism; he had defeated Charles VIII in battle, taken his heir hostage, and had marched unopposed into the ancient city of Reims where French kings had been crowned for almost 1000 years and made himself King of France. The political momentum, and more importantly the apparent divine sanction of the almighty, was firmly in his favour.
Sadly the mood in France cannot be adequately measured at such a remove of time. Most French accounts labelled Edward a tyrant and usurper, although a few are enlighteningly silent on Charles VIII’s conduct. Mancini’s account of the coronation is the typically gushing account you would expect of the King’s former Tutor and the Keeper of the Royal Scroll. Perhaps most helpful is the Crowland Continuation recorded back in the fens of East Anglia who merely wrote that ‘the French lords and commons merely sat as a stone with the changing of the tide.’
Why did Edward do such a thing? His position was covered by his and the Burgundian armies, but still Reims was a rather extreme stretch, not to mention the fact that his claim was almost sterile in reality - very few French would adhere to it. The simple reality is that Edward most likely wanted to make a statement, as his father had when he claimed the English throne, but also required an important bargaining chip in his favour when negotiations finally began with Charles, it would certainly prove to be a strong card in his hand.
Hell Unleashed: Europe 1483-1495 J Watts 1994
Within a week of the coronation, Charles VIII had received the news from Reims, and dispatched Cardinal Tessier to entreat with King Edward. A meeting was held at Amiens in May and June of 1491 to end hostilities. There was little else that Charles could have done; his army had been defeated twice in the field with much loss of men and treasure, not to mention cannon. The raids on Anjou and Maine had abated but the region was badly damaged, and Longuedoc had finally been brought to heal but at cost. France was exhausted, demoralised and people began to speak of God abandoning the country once more to the English, Charles had to capitulate.
Edward V had three aces up his sleeve; his recent coronation, the hostages he held, and the presence of the Holy Roman Emperor Maximillian who had arrived from east of his Empire in time for the negotiations. In retaliation Charles had very little; no army, nor resources and as the aggressor he would have to pay off the victors any way he could. The negotiations were also unusual in that Charles was entreating with Edward, Maximillian and Breton representatives on an equal footing. It would appear that Brittany gained the least although Francis certainly had no reason to be dissatisfied.
The Treaty of Amiens almost broke Charles. In exchange for the return of his cousin, the other prisoners and a seven year truce he was forced to cede the counties of Artois and Boulogne to England and the smaller Marne to Burgundy with Brittany gaining all land within five leagues (around 25kms) of St Malo. ‘La Cinqiem’ as it became known was to act as a buffer between the Breton port and French territory. Charles also had to pay an £11,000 bond for each year of the truce as guarantee of his good behaviour. All of this was gained without Edward relinquishing his claim to the French throne, which reportedly threatened to derail the negotiations more than once. In the end a deeply controversial compromise was reached; Edward would relinquish his claim to the French throne - dispatching Robert Stilllington to Rome to receive an annulment - in exchange for France relinquishing all claims of suzerainty and overlordship to Brittany, La Cinqiem, Boulogne, Artois, Calais, Marne, and all current territory of the Duchy of Burgundy.
This was an astonishing turn of events; all of these lands would henceforth be off-limits to the French Crown, yet Charles was forced to pay such a steep price to prevent an existential crisis at the heart of his kingship. Edward’s claim may have been bogus, but given later events, it is possible to suggest that Charles was beginning to see threats to his claim from inside his family, and he needed to remove Edward from the game in order to strengthen his position. Whether this was too steep a price to pay, only time would tell.
The Treaty of Amiens was ratified by Mid-summer 1491 and it was a resounding success for the Treaty of Calais partnership. It gave cast-iron protection to the ever suffering Brittany and Burgundy and gave England a secure foothold around Calais, not to mention some fine hunting ground and a greater in-road to the continental textile trade. To Duke Francis, lying on his deathbed back in Brittany, the news reached him before he died, surely adding comfort to his passing. The Treaty also marked a line underneath the endless wars of the Middle Ages - the three realms’ position being so strong that further conflicts in northern Europe would be sporadic and light for at least half a century.
Some have questioned why Edward did not ask for more sentimental lands such as Normandy, Gascony or Aquitaine, yet such questions ignore the fact that Edward had learnt from History. All of these territories were more distant from England, and hard to retain, the Pas de Calais was much more self-contained, and of course was protected on its flank by Burgundy and Prince Richard’s holdings around Ostend. Again it was another shrewd move by the Yorkist King who had proved beyond doubt that he was a capable soldier and politician for the new century.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
Edward and the royal party finally returned to England in September of 1491 having spent the intervening months touring his new lands around Calais and carrying out the King’s justice. Edward, like his father, took a keen eye in local affairs and made it his business to learn all that there was to know about the two new counties and the people who lived there.
The mood in England was nothing short of jubilant, especially as the King returned home to an heir; Prince Edward of Eltham was born in August 1491, yet another sign of hope for the Yorkist dynasty. The Prince made an appearance during the King’s triumphant entry to London - his father proudly carrying him across London Bridge on his war-horse surrounded by the Falcons and Rivers.
This mood continued into the Parliament of that year - giving it the name of the Parliament of the Bells - for the incessant ringing across London and, if we believe Mancini, every town, village, and hovel of the realm. The Parliament was delayed until October and it is clear from the mammoth amount of business passed that this was to give Edward V time to prepare. Edward had much to discuss; there had not been a full Parliament since 1488 and Edward had to reward those loyal servants from the War of French Aggression, and enact many changes he had decided on in that time.
First Edward of Eltham was invested as Duke of Cornwall, and a household was created for him. Then the spoils of war were awarded. To Jasper Tudor, the title Earl Hereford and the position as leader of the Council of Wales was given cementing his place in the governance of Wales, he also benefited from some of the land of William Stanley into the bargain. To Edward of Warwick a marriage to Alice Scrope with all her inherited land, and a position on the Council of the North. Both of these men had come from the political wilderness of disgrace in the early 1480s and Edward’s rewards came after their loyal service in Wales and France. Rivers was affirmed in his role as Constable and Marshall of England, and also made Count of Boulogne. Prince Richard became Captain of Calais and Count of Artois to add to his land around Ostend - he was developing a nice European pocket for himself - something which would make him one of the most cosmopolitan (some would say eccentric) members of the Yorkist household for years to come.
Other rewards fell to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, who was to be married to the King’s sister, Anne, and receive some of the rebel lands in the north, as well as being given the title of Warden of the East March from Gloucester. Derby was given the west march for his services at Welford and Montdidier, although little land, that of his brother being parcelled out to Hereford, Pembroke and a few lords in the midlands. The removal of the marches from Gloucester heralded the end of his direct involvement in the north for over twenty years. His son, now Earl of Pembroke, would take on his responsibilities.
It seems Gloucester was not well by this point. Much speculation has been made to his spinal defect, although this is only alluded to in sources, regardless it seems that Gloucester was waning. The Parliament rolls make record of the King’s tribute to ‘our dear uncle Gloucester’ and his receipt of a £200 annual pension. Gloucester was relieved of his position as Lord Protector, a role he had held for over eight years. Gloucester was replaced by the Earl of Richmond, Henry Tudor. Tudor’s assent from political exile to Protector of the Realm in a mere decade was astronomical. His efforts in all three of the major campaigns of the war, where he made decisive charges on at least two occasions, surely contributed to his position. It must also be said that Richmond was also gaining a reputation for shrewdness to match his King, and he had a particular eye for accounts which would be invaluable as Lord Protector.
Final smaller rewards were made to Lincoln and James Stanley. Lincoln was the newly created Seneschal of Calais, with responsibility for the Castle and the surrounding lands, directly under Prince Richard. James Stanley was made Lord Oswestry and given some marcher land around Shropshire, highly irregular given that he was also Bishop of Worcester, but he had fought at Montdidier so perhaps Edward was willing to look the other way.
Lord Oswestry/Bishop Worcester was also given the task of entreating with Scotland. James IV had ascended the throne a year after Edward V but had spent the first few years securing his position against over-mighty magnates. This was fortunate given the Yorkist distraction in France, but now Edward knew he could not ignore the Scots any longer; Oswestry was sent north with a marriage alliance proposal after the Parliament ended.
The endless rewards and titles would have been enough for any Parliament, but Edward V was not spent and a raft of other legislation was passed, all of it spread by Caxton’s presses to the four corners of England, Wales, Ireland and France. The Code of Laws, confusingly named, was an important milestone in the English language; all laws (excusing those concerning the Church) were now to be codified in English, as were the Rolls of Parliament, French having declined in use amongst English elites. Alongside this, Edward began offering patronage to authors and scholars to translate classics into English; John Rous, Thomas Malory, John Caius the Elder, Henry Brinklow, and of course William Caxton all took on projects and before long books printed in English were becoming increasingly common across the realm.
Another vital ‘code’ of the Parliament was the Code of Seneschals. Here Edward defined more readily the roles, responsibilities, and most importantly the limits of the King’s Seneschals. This allowed them greater clarity in collecting taxes and mustering armed forces. The code also instituted the order of array, a royal writ required by any man to muster a force larger than 20 men. These empowered the Seneschals but also allowed Edward to control who could array soldiers, and charge them for the privilege of course. This and other measures helped to contribute to greater strength in the localities in the years after the Remnant Rebellion.
Financially Edward was wary of taxation, but so lucrative was the French War that he could use his booty to secure further lines of credit with the Church and Italian banks. The biggest boone were the new French lands which effectively paid for themselves with the Wool trade they encouraged and even textile industries in Arras and Lens.
Legally the Justices of the Peace, Seneschals and the Star Chamber had all been very effective in tidying up from the Remnant Rebellion, but Edward had become aware tha one legitimate grievance had been the inaccessibility of the King’s laws to the upper peasantry, the yeomanry, many of whom had fought in France. Consequently the Court of Requests was created as a touring judiciary designed for use by those outside of the nobility, penalties were small, but so was the cost for using them. Sumption has demonstrated that this court alone perhaps accounted for as much as a 50% decline in local petty crimes over the next twenty years.
With the Parliament dragging into late November, Edward had two minor late additions which appear as after-thoughts but had immense long term repercussions for England. Such had been Richmond’s success as Master of Horse, that the title of Master of Arms was created with Lord Grantham taking the position. His remit was to investigate three new types of weaponry Edward had witnessed on the continent; Pikes (Edward had been very impressed by the Swiss Mercenaries), Handguns and larger cannons. Granthams enlarged coffers after Amiens, and the greater access he had to Europe, allowed him to make great progress in the coming years.
Finally, Edward V made good on a promise he had made years earlier. Christopher Columbus had intended to sail west in search of a new route to India in 1490, but the war had scotched his plans. Edward’s last act of the Parliament of the Bells was the commissioning of Columbus to ‘make all preparations for such an undertaking as to discover a new route to the spice islands no later than Pentecost of the coming year.' Columbus had just five months, but he already had two ships and half a crew, Norfolk as Admiral of England and the Merchant Adventurers Guild were mobilised to assist him in his efforts, no-one knew the new frontier that lay ahead.
Silence. Solemnity. Stillness. These were not usually the things which accompanied a King’s coronation. But this was no ordinary coronation. Edward walked slowly to the top of the central aisle of Reims Cathedral, the large vaulted space packed with his soldiers; Swiss, Flemish, Breton, Welsh, English. No French. They were outside, their faint murmur contained by the thick walls of the Cathedral - some cheered, others yelled obscenities at the King of England who would be King of France.
As he reached the top of the aisle the choir began its shrill chorus from the far end - Edward could see Archbishop Robert who had arrived mere days before to perform the ceremony. Next to him sat the large stone throne upon which the Kings of France had been crowned for centuries, it seemed almost eerie to him that they were here, amidst the foreign footsteps of History. Then he steeled himself, this was his idea, the kind of audacious thing his father had done in his youth, he would be proud.
Edward neared the front of the Cathedral, the heads of his army turning towards him as he passed - the Welsh gentry, English Yeomen, De Graff and his officers in their black and white livery, then the Lords; Grantham, Talbot, Egremont, Lisle, Vernon, Bacon, Selby, Grey, Howard, Paston and the rest. Then the Nobles; Hull, Westmoreland, Arundel. The Falcons were next, what few had made it; just Warwick and Lincoln. Then his family; Rivers and his brother Richard, who alone beamed from his tall lean face. Across the aisle stood the French Lords, Orleans at their head, his dark features accentuated by the bitterness in his eyes, he cannot have been happy at the spectacle but he had little choice, his captors bid him be here and so here he was. At least that was not how they would portray it to the French commons, here were French Nobles, giving assent to their ‘rightful’ King. Image was important. Edward gave a curt respectful nod to the Duke of Orleans and grinned inwardly as the man’s intense stare only deepened. Edward ascended to his throne.
The ceremony went on and on. It was important Edward knew, but he would much rather find a good ale and a good woman with John, Richard and Edward than be here. Archbishop Robert had little time to read up on the required liturgy and his French was a little off in places, another thing to annoy Orleans and his greasy knot of companions. Edward sat straight for the whole interminable period, his gaze fixed on the back of the Cathedral, his features as firm as the throne he sat on. Then finally he caught the Archbishop’s French - he had been taught it as soon as he could speak English ‘In the name of the father, and of the son, and of the Holy Ghost, I proclaim you King’. The Archbishop turned slowly towards Edward, the Crown held in his hands. It wasn’t the proper French Crown, but the Smiths had done a good job with what they had, it certainly looked fit for a King, a French King at least.
As the Golden circlet touched his well-groomed hair the chamber erupted with the cheers and applause of his men, the enormous organ started up again and the choirs sang the gloria. Not bad for a day’s work he thought, as Edward, King of England and France, Lord of Wales and Ireland descended from the throne to the acclaim of his brothers in arms.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
Edward V was crowned King of France in Reims Cathedral on St Mark’s day 1491, a mere three weeks after Montdidier. This was a remarkable and completely unexpected achievement from the young King. He had not only used Orleans as a bargaining chip to gain entry to Reims but also to secure enough assent from the people of the city to safely carry out a coronation in the most symbolic of places.
To modern eyes the coronation would seem to be mere hubris and folly, but Edward V had read his History and understood the reality which faced him. Even his father had claimed the French throne upon his invasion in 1475, albeit to drop it during later negotiations at Picquingy, but this had been a common tactic of English monarchs for generations. Of course there were still quiet questions in some quarters over Edward’s claim to the English throne, let alone the French throne (through the Plantagenet line) but this in reality mattered little. What truly mattered to Edward was the symbolism; he had defeated Charles VIII in battle, taken his heir hostage, and had marched unopposed into the ancient city of Reims where French kings had been crowned for almost 1000 years and made himself King of France. The political momentum, and more importantly the apparent divine sanction of the almighty, was firmly in his favour.
Sadly the mood in France cannot be adequately measured at such a remove of time. Most French accounts labelled Edward a tyrant and usurper, although a few are enlighteningly silent on Charles VIII’s conduct. Mancini’s account of the coronation is the typically gushing account you would expect of the King’s former Tutor and the Keeper of the Royal Scroll. Perhaps most helpful is the Crowland Continuation recorded back in the fens of East Anglia who merely wrote that ‘the French lords and commons merely sat as a stone with the changing of the tide.’
Why did Edward do such a thing? His position was covered by his and the Burgundian armies, but still Reims was a rather extreme stretch, not to mention the fact that his claim was almost sterile in reality - very few French would adhere to it. The simple reality is that Edward most likely wanted to make a statement, as his father had when he claimed the English throne, but also required an important bargaining chip in his favour when negotiations finally began with Charles, it would certainly prove to be a strong card in his hand.
Hell Unleashed: Europe 1483-1495 J Watts 1994
Within a week of the coronation, Charles VIII had received the news from Reims, and dispatched Cardinal Tessier to entreat with King Edward. A meeting was held at Amiens in May and June of 1491 to end hostilities. There was little else that Charles could have done; his army had been defeated twice in the field with much loss of men and treasure, not to mention cannon. The raids on Anjou and Maine had abated but the region was badly damaged, and Longuedoc had finally been brought to heal but at cost. France was exhausted, demoralised and people began to speak of God abandoning the country once more to the English, Charles had to capitulate.
Edward V had three aces up his sleeve; his recent coronation, the hostages he held, and the presence of the Holy Roman Emperor Maximillian who had arrived from east of his Empire in time for the negotiations. In retaliation Charles had very little; no army, nor resources and as the aggressor he would have to pay off the victors any way he could. The negotiations were also unusual in that Charles was entreating with Edward, Maximillian and Breton representatives on an equal footing. It would appear that Brittany gained the least although Francis certainly had no reason to be dissatisfied.
The Treaty of Amiens almost broke Charles. In exchange for the return of his cousin, the other prisoners and a seven year truce he was forced to cede the counties of Artois and Boulogne to England and the smaller Marne to Burgundy with Brittany gaining all land within five leagues (around 25kms) of St Malo. ‘La Cinqiem’ as it became known was to act as a buffer between the Breton port and French territory. Charles also had to pay an £11,000 bond for each year of the truce as guarantee of his good behaviour. All of this was gained without Edward relinquishing his claim to the French throne, which reportedly threatened to derail the negotiations more than once. In the end a deeply controversial compromise was reached; Edward would relinquish his claim to the French throne - dispatching Robert Stilllington to Rome to receive an annulment - in exchange for France relinquishing all claims of suzerainty and overlordship to Brittany, La Cinqiem, Boulogne, Artois, Calais, Marne, and all current territory of the Duchy of Burgundy.
This was an astonishing turn of events; all of these lands would henceforth be off-limits to the French Crown, yet Charles was forced to pay such a steep price to prevent an existential crisis at the heart of his kingship. Edward’s claim may have been bogus, but given later events, it is possible to suggest that Charles was beginning to see threats to his claim from inside his family, and he needed to remove Edward from the game in order to strengthen his position. Whether this was too steep a price to pay, only time would tell.
The Treaty of Amiens was ratified by Mid-summer 1491 and it was a resounding success for the Treaty of Calais partnership. It gave cast-iron protection to the ever suffering Brittany and Burgundy and gave England a secure foothold around Calais, not to mention some fine hunting ground and a greater in-road to the continental textile trade. To Duke Francis, lying on his deathbed back in Brittany, the news reached him before he died, surely adding comfort to his passing. The Treaty also marked a line underneath the endless wars of the Middle Ages - the three realms’ position being so strong that further conflicts in northern Europe would be sporadic and light for at least half a century.
Some have questioned why Edward did not ask for more sentimental lands such as Normandy, Gascony or Aquitaine, yet such questions ignore the fact that Edward had learnt from History. All of these territories were more distant from England, and hard to retain, the Pas de Calais was much more self-contained, and of course was protected on its flank by Burgundy and Prince Richard’s holdings around Ostend. Again it was another shrewd move by the Yorkist King who had proved beyond doubt that he was a capable soldier and politician for the new century.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
Edward and the royal party finally returned to England in September of 1491 having spent the intervening months touring his new lands around Calais and carrying out the King’s justice. Edward, like his father, took a keen eye in local affairs and made it his business to learn all that there was to know about the two new counties and the people who lived there.
The mood in England was nothing short of jubilant, especially as the King returned home to an heir; Prince Edward of Eltham was born in August 1491, yet another sign of hope for the Yorkist dynasty. The Prince made an appearance during the King’s triumphant entry to London - his father proudly carrying him across London Bridge on his war-horse surrounded by the Falcons and Rivers.
This mood continued into the Parliament of that year - giving it the name of the Parliament of the Bells - for the incessant ringing across London and, if we believe Mancini, every town, village, and hovel of the realm. The Parliament was delayed until October and it is clear from the mammoth amount of business passed that this was to give Edward V time to prepare. Edward had much to discuss; there had not been a full Parliament since 1488 and Edward had to reward those loyal servants from the War of French Aggression, and enact many changes he had decided on in that time.
First Edward of Eltham was invested as Duke of Cornwall, and a household was created for him. Then the spoils of war were awarded. To Jasper Tudor, the title Earl Hereford and the position as leader of the Council of Wales was given cementing his place in the governance of Wales, he also benefited from some of the land of William Stanley into the bargain. To Edward of Warwick a marriage to Alice Scrope with all her inherited land, and a position on the Council of the North. Both of these men had come from the political wilderness of disgrace in the early 1480s and Edward’s rewards came after their loyal service in Wales and France. Rivers was affirmed in his role as Constable and Marshall of England, and also made Count of Boulogne. Prince Richard became Captain of Calais and Count of Artois to add to his land around Ostend - he was developing a nice European pocket for himself - something which would make him one of the most cosmopolitan (some would say eccentric) members of the Yorkist household for years to come.
Other rewards fell to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, who was to be married to the King’s sister, Anne, and receive some of the rebel lands in the north, as well as being given the title of Warden of the East March from Gloucester. Derby was given the west march for his services at Welford and Montdidier, although little land, that of his brother being parcelled out to Hereford, Pembroke and a few lords in the midlands. The removal of the marches from Gloucester heralded the end of his direct involvement in the north for over twenty years. His son, now Earl of Pembroke, would take on his responsibilities.
It seems Gloucester was not well by this point. Much speculation has been made to his spinal defect, although this is only alluded to in sources, regardless it seems that Gloucester was waning. The Parliament rolls make record of the King’s tribute to ‘our dear uncle Gloucester’ and his receipt of a £200 annual pension. Gloucester was relieved of his position as Lord Protector, a role he had held for over eight years. Gloucester was replaced by the Earl of Richmond, Henry Tudor. Tudor’s assent from political exile to Protector of the Realm in a mere decade was astronomical. His efforts in all three of the major campaigns of the war, where he made decisive charges on at least two occasions, surely contributed to his position. It must also be said that Richmond was also gaining a reputation for shrewdness to match his King, and he had a particular eye for accounts which would be invaluable as Lord Protector.
Final smaller rewards were made to Lincoln and James Stanley. Lincoln was the newly created Seneschal of Calais, with responsibility for the Castle and the surrounding lands, directly under Prince Richard. James Stanley was made Lord Oswestry and given some marcher land around Shropshire, highly irregular given that he was also Bishop of Worcester, but he had fought at Montdidier so perhaps Edward was willing to look the other way.
Lord Oswestry/Bishop Worcester was also given the task of entreating with Scotland. James IV had ascended the throne a year after Edward V but had spent the first few years securing his position against over-mighty magnates. This was fortunate given the Yorkist distraction in France, but now Edward knew he could not ignore the Scots any longer; Oswestry was sent north with a marriage alliance proposal after the Parliament ended.
The endless rewards and titles would have been enough for any Parliament, but Edward V was not spent and a raft of other legislation was passed, all of it spread by Caxton’s presses to the four corners of England, Wales, Ireland and France. The Code of Laws, confusingly named, was an important milestone in the English language; all laws (excusing those concerning the Church) were now to be codified in English, as were the Rolls of Parliament, French having declined in use amongst English elites. Alongside this, Edward began offering patronage to authors and scholars to translate classics into English; John Rous, Thomas Malory, John Caius the Elder, Henry Brinklow, and of course William Caxton all took on projects and before long books printed in English were becoming increasingly common across the realm.
Another vital ‘code’ of the Parliament was the Code of Seneschals. Here Edward defined more readily the roles, responsibilities, and most importantly the limits of the King’s Seneschals. This allowed them greater clarity in collecting taxes and mustering armed forces. The code also instituted the order of array, a royal writ required by any man to muster a force larger than 20 men. These empowered the Seneschals but also allowed Edward to control who could array soldiers, and charge them for the privilege of course. This and other measures helped to contribute to greater strength in the localities in the years after the Remnant Rebellion.
Financially Edward was wary of taxation, but so lucrative was the French War that he could use his booty to secure further lines of credit with the Church and Italian banks. The biggest boone were the new French lands which effectively paid for themselves with the Wool trade they encouraged and even textile industries in Arras and Lens.
Legally the Justices of the Peace, Seneschals and the Star Chamber had all been very effective in tidying up from the Remnant Rebellion, but Edward had become aware tha one legitimate grievance had been the inaccessibility of the King’s laws to the upper peasantry, the yeomanry, many of whom had fought in France. Consequently the Court of Requests was created as a touring judiciary designed for use by those outside of the nobility, penalties were small, but so was the cost for using them. Sumption has demonstrated that this court alone perhaps accounted for as much as a 50% decline in local petty crimes over the next twenty years.
With the Parliament dragging into late November, Edward had two minor late additions which appear as after-thoughts but had immense long term repercussions for England. Such had been Richmond’s success as Master of Horse, that the title of Master of Arms was created with Lord Grantham taking the position. His remit was to investigate three new types of weaponry Edward had witnessed on the continent; Pikes (Edward had been very impressed by the Swiss Mercenaries), Handguns and larger cannons. Granthams enlarged coffers after Amiens, and the greater access he had to Europe, allowed him to make great progress in the coming years.
Finally, Edward V made good on a promise he had made years earlier. Christopher Columbus had intended to sail west in search of a new route to India in 1490, but the war had scotched his plans. Edward’s last act of the Parliament of the Bells was the commissioning of Columbus to ‘make all preparations for such an undertaking as to discover a new route to the spice islands no later than Pentecost of the coming year.' Columbus had just five months, but he already had two ships and half a crew, Norfolk as Admiral of England and the Merchant Adventurers Guild were mobilised to assist him in his efforts, no-one knew the new frontier that lay ahead.
1492
Chapter 10: 1492 Into the unknown
Exploration in the Age of York, J Slight 2014
After many years of preparation, planning and begging, Columbus was finally ready. His small fleet of three ships left Portsmouth on Palm Sunday 1492. The largest ship, the Saint Anne, was captained by Columbus himself and he was accompanied by ‘The Lady of Havant’ and ‘Adventurer’ this third ship being led by Sir Thomas Bradbury of the Merchant Adventurer’s Guild and sponsored by Edward V himself.
The keen interest of the new monarch, and his father before, is widely considered to be the main reason why Columbus spurned opportunities of greater patrons in the previous years. Isabella and Ferdinand, not to mention the Holy Roman Emperor, tried to convince Columbus to switch allegiance to them, but it is believed his personal friendship with the York family and the early support he had received, kept him loyal.
The fleet carried an extremely mixed crew; Genoese, Aragonese, Burgundian, English, even a handful of Welshmen were aboard the Adventurer, although Columbus himself possessed the royal patent granting him command of the flotilla. In retrospect it is possible to see that Sir Thomas Bradbury acted as Columbus’ second in command and Edward V’s personal eyes and ears,The early months of the voyage did not go smoothly, the three ships having to dodge French interference in the channel and then being dispersed by a storm in the Bay of Biscay before regrouping in the Azores where a stand-off with Portugese officials delayed the voyage until early June. Undeterred Columbus pushed on, believing the Spice Islands to be a mere 4 weeks sail away, although he carried supplies for 12 weeks. However all seemed lost a few weeks later when a large storm sank the Lady of Havant and divided the other two, but within three days Columbus sighted another mast on the horizon; the Adventurer which was signalling that it had seen dry land.
Robert Chatham, lookout on board the Adventurer, is widely considered to be the first European ever to lay eyes on the New World when he spotted some narrow sand banks in the Carribean. Having met with the Saint Anne the two ships made land on a large wooded island on 3rd August 1492. Columbus insisted this was the Malacca Spice Islands, but Bradbury, well read and more cynical, named it in his logs as Nova Albion, New England (OTL Hispaniola). Columbus, believing he had discovered a new route to the East Indies dubbed the inhabitants ‘indians’ although they had little spice to trade. In honour of his patron Columbus named the bay St Edward’s bay and the small village they discovered Yorkstown (OTL Puerta Plata, Dominican Republic).
Initial relations with the locals were positive and Bradbury recorded that a great feast was held in their honour, although communication was difficult. It seems there was a disagreement between Columbus and Bradbury; Columbus wanted to take some of the native ‘indians’ as slaves, but Bradbury was reticent, what with supplies low and his appetite for slavery a lot lower than that of the Geonese sailor. Nevertheless, the two men were united in their distraction by the golden trinkets the local Magua tribes wore, and tried to discover the origin of this Gold to no avail.
In the end, although the cause is lost to History, the foreigners were attacked by the Maguana tribe. They were easily defeated by the gunpowder and steel of the Europeans and a few men were taken prisoner. Bradbury noticed that ‘there seems to be little metal work in the region, clay, bone and wood being the main materials.’ It was probably not lost to him that such people would be easy to conquer. Bradbury’s journal is one of the most valuable sources in all of History. The ‘Voyages to the Columbias’ first printed (by Caxton of course) in 1493 became an incredibly popular book detailing the discovery of the New World and the culture and appearance of the people who lived there.
Whilst Bradbury wrote his journal, Columbus completed a circumnavigation of the land, thereby proving that Nova Albion was an island. Nonetheless, eager to return with news of their discovery to England, the two remaining ships departed in September 1492. Columbus reportedly suspected other islands, and on the return journey detected a few smaller islets which later became part of the Norward Islands (OTL Turks and Caicos) although he did not make landfall. The victorious sailors returned to London in early December 1492 - just surviving a few winter storms. The St Anne was forced to put into Plymouth with damage, Columbus transferred to Adventurer wishing to tell the King personally of the new land.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
Many authors have tried to imagine Edward V’s reaction to the discovery of this strange new land. He certainly dreamed of Adventure, and it had captivated him at a young age. But it is impossible to imagine what he expected from Columbus’ voyage and what he thought of this distant island with its primitive people and mysterious Gold supply. Nonetheless we can surmise that Edward was fascinated with the New World as he commissioned Caxton to make prints of ‘Voyages to the Colombias’ with a larger illuminated version for himself complete with coloured illustrations from Bradbury’s sketches. ‘The Edward Edition’ can still be seen today in the National Library, and it is thought to contain the first images made of the New World by Europeans, Bradbury particularly interested in the coverings and headdresses of the Magua Caciques (chieftains), especially that of Gamua who had welcomed them.
As for the naming of the islands - for surely there was more than one - Columbus continued to insist that he had discovered the Malacca Spice Islands whilst Bradbury, supported by English Mathematicians, showed that they had not covered the required distance and suggested that Nova Albion was a new land entirely. To win Columbus over, Edward ordered the Islands be known as the Columbias in his honour - and would be recorded as such in the Rolls of Parliament. The Parliament also issued writs to Bradbury and Columbus to return to the Columbias to conduct a wider survey and mapping of the area and in particular to discover the origin of the Gold on Nova Albion. This later aim got the particular interest of the Merchant Adventurers Company who Edward gave strict orders to locate and mine this Gold, allowing them to keep 15% of the findings and absorbing the rest into his coffers. Even with such a low cut, Bradbury’s tales did not fail to gather a great amount of popular support and interest in a second voyage and before long there were over 1,000 men, mostly second or third sons of Gentry, flocking to London to seek passage and their fortune.
All of these exploration efforts were supported by the year of consolidation which 1492 had been for Edward. Whilst Bradbury and Columbus sailed the high seas, Edward had enjoyed the first real peace he had had since ascending the throne. The Code of Laws and Code of Seneschals had been implemented across England, and the final remains of legal unrest been taken care of by the various Councils and the Court of Requests.
Edward had also been fortunate; his second son Richard of Bedford had been born in July, and both he and his older brother Edward of Eltham were said to be healthy young boys; Edward’s dynasty seemed secure. Furthermore, Lord Oswestry’s embassy to Scotland had been successful and King James IV married Anne of York in summer 1492. As part of the marriage a seven year truce was agreed with Scotland as well as permission for Scottish ships to use Calais and Ostend for nominal fees. On top of this, Edward completely secured the north through the marriage of his other unmarried sister Catherine to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland. Both of these unions would lock down the defenses of the north for many years to come, and so allow Edward V to concentrate on Europe and indeed the New World.
The only set-back in 1492 was the death of the Earl of Pembroke, Edward of Middleham, son of Richard of Gloucester. The young Earl had suffered through his entire life with various illnesses and it seems a fever took him in summer of 1492, he was survived by his only son Richard of Hutton who was born mere weeks before his fathers’ death. This blow must surely have been hard on Gloucester, his own health failing, after the death of Duchess Anne in 1489. Middleham’s son, and his widow, fell into the care of Edward of Warwick, son of Clarence. Warwick had his main seat at Pontefract, and after the death of Edward of Middleham rose to prominence in the Council of the North, almost sharing leadership with John Fox. Some King’s may have feared this growing influence from the son of a traitor, but Warwick’s place on the fringes of the Falcons, his service in France, and the birth of his first son Henry in the autumn of 1492 cemented his dependability to Edward V. All things considered, this allowed the King to focus on matters abroad with a little more attention.
Exploration in the Age of York, J Slight 2014
After many years of preparation, planning and begging, Columbus was finally ready. His small fleet of three ships left Portsmouth on Palm Sunday 1492. The largest ship, the Saint Anne, was captained by Columbus himself and he was accompanied by ‘The Lady of Havant’ and ‘Adventurer’ this third ship being led by Sir Thomas Bradbury of the Merchant Adventurer’s Guild and sponsored by Edward V himself.
The keen interest of the new monarch, and his father before, is widely considered to be the main reason why Columbus spurned opportunities of greater patrons in the previous years. Isabella and Ferdinand, not to mention the Holy Roman Emperor, tried to convince Columbus to switch allegiance to them, but it is believed his personal friendship with the York family and the early support he had received, kept him loyal.
The fleet carried an extremely mixed crew; Genoese, Aragonese, Burgundian, English, even a handful of Welshmen were aboard the Adventurer, although Columbus himself possessed the royal patent granting him command of the flotilla. In retrospect it is possible to see that Sir Thomas Bradbury acted as Columbus’ second in command and Edward V’s personal eyes and ears,The early months of the voyage did not go smoothly, the three ships having to dodge French interference in the channel and then being dispersed by a storm in the Bay of Biscay before regrouping in the Azores where a stand-off with Portugese officials delayed the voyage until early June. Undeterred Columbus pushed on, believing the Spice Islands to be a mere 4 weeks sail away, although he carried supplies for 12 weeks. However all seemed lost a few weeks later when a large storm sank the Lady of Havant and divided the other two, but within three days Columbus sighted another mast on the horizon; the Adventurer which was signalling that it had seen dry land.
Robert Chatham, lookout on board the Adventurer, is widely considered to be the first European ever to lay eyes on the New World when he spotted some narrow sand banks in the Carribean. Having met with the Saint Anne the two ships made land on a large wooded island on 3rd August 1492. Columbus insisted this was the Malacca Spice Islands, but Bradbury, well read and more cynical, named it in his logs as Nova Albion, New England (OTL Hispaniola). Columbus, believing he had discovered a new route to the East Indies dubbed the inhabitants ‘indians’ although they had little spice to trade. In honour of his patron Columbus named the bay St Edward’s bay and the small village they discovered Yorkstown (OTL Puerta Plata, Dominican Republic).
Initial relations with the locals were positive and Bradbury recorded that a great feast was held in their honour, although communication was difficult. It seems there was a disagreement between Columbus and Bradbury; Columbus wanted to take some of the native ‘indians’ as slaves, but Bradbury was reticent, what with supplies low and his appetite for slavery a lot lower than that of the Geonese sailor. Nevertheless, the two men were united in their distraction by the golden trinkets the local Magua tribes wore, and tried to discover the origin of this Gold to no avail.
In the end, although the cause is lost to History, the foreigners were attacked by the Maguana tribe. They were easily defeated by the gunpowder and steel of the Europeans and a few men were taken prisoner. Bradbury noticed that ‘there seems to be little metal work in the region, clay, bone and wood being the main materials.’ It was probably not lost to him that such people would be easy to conquer. Bradbury’s journal is one of the most valuable sources in all of History. The ‘Voyages to the Columbias’ first printed (by Caxton of course) in 1493 became an incredibly popular book detailing the discovery of the New World and the culture and appearance of the people who lived there.
Whilst Bradbury wrote his journal, Columbus completed a circumnavigation of the land, thereby proving that Nova Albion was an island. Nonetheless, eager to return with news of their discovery to England, the two remaining ships departed in September 1492. Columbus reportedly suspected other islands, and on the return journey detected a few smaller islets which later became part of the Norward Islands (OTL Turks and Caicos) although he did not make landfall. The victorious sailors returned to London in early December 1492 - just surviving a few winter storms. The St Anne was forced to put into Plymouth with damage, Columbus transferred to Adventurer wishing to tell the King personally of the new land.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
Many authors have tried to imagine Edward V’s reaction to the discovery of this strange new land. He certainly dreamed of Adventure, and it had captivated him at a young age. But it is impossible to imagine what he expected from Columbus’ voyage and what he thought of this distant island with its primitive people and mysterious Gold supply. Nonetheless we can surmise that Edward was fascinated with the New World as he commissioned Caxton to make prints of ‘Voyages to the Colombias’ with a larger illuminated version for himself complete with coloured illustrations from Bradbury’s sketches. ‘The Edward Edition’ can still be seen today in the National Library, and it is thought to contain the first images made of the New World by Europeans, Bradbury particularly interested in the coverings and headdresses of the Magua Caciques (chieftains), especially that of Gamua who had welcomed them.
As for the naming of the islands - for surely there was more than one - Columbus continued to insist that he had discovered the Malacca Spice Islands whilst Bradbury, supported by English Mathematicians, showed that they had not covered the required distance and suggested that Nova Albion was a new land entirely. To win Columbus over, Edward ordered the Islands be known as the Columbias in his honour - and would be recorded as such in the Rolls of Parliament. The Parliament also issued writs to Bradbury and Columbus to return to the Columbias to conduct a wider survey and mapping of the area and in particular to discover the origin of the Gold on Nova Albion. This later aim got the particular interest of the Merchant Adventurers Company who Edward gave strict orders to locate and mine this Gold, allowing them to keep 15% of the findings and absorbing the rest into his coffers. Even with such a low cut, Bradbury’s tales did not fail to gather a great amount of popular support and interest in a second voyage and before long there were over 1,000 men, mostly second or third sons of Gentry, flocking to London to seek passage and their fortune.
All of these exploration efforts were supported by the year of consolidation which 1492 had been for Edward. Whilst Bradbury and Columbus sailed the high seas, Edward had enjoyed the first real peace he had had since ascending the throne. The Code of Laws and Code of Seneschals had been implemented across England, and the final remains of legal unrest been taken care of by the various Councils and the Court of Requests.
Edward had also been fortunate; his second son Richard of Bedford had been born in July, and both he and his older brother Edward of Eltham were said to be healthy young boys; Edward’s dynasty seemed secure. Furthermore, Lord Oswestry’s embassy to Scotland had been successful and King James IV married Anne of York in summer 1492. As part of the marriage a seven year truce was agreed with Scotland as well as permission for Scottish ships to use Calais and Ostend for nominal fees. On top of this, Edward completely secured the north through the marriage of his other unmarried sister Catherine to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland. Both of these unions would lock down the defenses of the north for many years to come, and so allow Edward V to concentrate on Europe and indeed the New World.
The only set-back in 1492 was the death of the Earl of Pembroke, Edward of Middleham, son of Richard of Gloucester. The young Earl had suffered through his entire life with various illnesses and it seems a fever took him in summer of 1492, he was survived by his only son Richard of Hutton who was born mere weeks before his fathers’ death. This blow must surely have been hard on Gloucester, his own health failing, after the death of Duchess Anne in 1489. Middleham’s son, and his widow, fell into the care of Edward of Warwick, son of Clarence. Warwick had his main seat at Pontefract, and after the death of Edward of Middleham rose to prominence in the Council of the North, almost sharing leadership with John Fox. Some King’s may have feared this growing influence from the son of a traitor, but Warwick’s place on the fringes of the Falcons, his service in France, and the birth of his first son Henry in the autumn of 1492 cemented his dependability to Edward V. All things considered, this allowed the King to focus on matters abroad with a little more attention.
Given the health problems of Middleham, I'm pleasantly surprised he made it this long. Must be difficult for old Richard of Gloucester, having lost both his son and his wife within a few years like that, but hopefully Richard of Hutton will be a consolation in his grandfather's twilight days. Remind me again, who did Edward of Middleham marry?
Elizabeth Herbert, surviving sister of William Herbert JNR, heiress to the Pembroke Earldom - Welsh Marches
1493 part 1
Just a brief aside here; BIG plans for Prince Richard. Will hopefully get more on Columbus in during the next week.
Chapter 11: 1493: The Prince of Harts
The Prince of Harts: Richard of Shrewsbury 1473-1548, T Borman 2012
When the phrase ‘Renaissance Man’ is used, there can be few examples better than Prince Richard of Shrewsbury, the ‘Prince of Harts.’ Richard’s nickname came from the symbol he sometimes used of a Hart rampant. This had previously been used by Richard II, but Richard of Shrewsbury used it to demonstrate his purity and fearlessness. It also incorporated the double entendre that the Prince was said to be quite the ladies man.
Prince Richard so easily encapsulates the title of ‘Renaissance Man’ for his wide range of skills; Richard was a supreme figure on the battlefield, the reflection of his father and grandfather, and a cunning military tactician. Yet he was also well-read and had studied at the feet of Caxton and Mancini, he was said to be into poetry and plays and, allegedly, would perform them himself. He was further credited with being proficient of the Lyre and later the Harpsichord. Richard could speak English, French, Latin, Greek and Italian, and it was said his Flemish and Spanish was also passable. In short he was the total package. However the mystique around Prince Richard has only deepened since his death, and he has entered the halls of great English heroes.
Yet behind Richard’s impressive skills and outward appearance lays the personality of a rogue who never suffered under the shadow of his more famous brother, a man who was determined to plot his own course, and not necessarily do what society expected of him. Richard carved a niche for himself in the arts and military service abroad; his cultural and cosmopolitan influences having a large impact on the world and England in particular.
Richard was just 19 when his wife Margaret of Austria died in 1493. Given her young age, they never consummated the marriage, however he still spent large amounts of his time around Artois and Ostend where he took great interest in the burgeoning cloth trade on ‘English’ soil. Thus still a teenager, and now a bachelor, Richard truly had the world at his feet and he took full advantage of it, accompanying the Earl Rivers on his tour of the Holy Roman Empire, Switzerland and Italy throughout 1493.
The Royal party left Calais in early March and passed through the lowlands - Prince Richard particularly interested in the cloth manufacturing at Antwerp. He would go on to utilise many of the methods he picked up here at Lens and Arras with the blessing of the Burgundian trading houses - their continued prosperity was after all partly thanks to English victories against the French. They celebrated Easter at Aachen with Emperor Maximilian, and spent some time hunting with him and the Elector Palatinate near Frankfurt. This was a more social-call than the other stops on the tour but it was always important to strengthen the Burgundian/Maximillian alliance, and surely this also allowed Richard and Maximillian time to grieve for Margaret.
Into Switzerland, Rivers especially spent time in Zurich discussing Swiss training for the Calais guards and other English soldiers in the use of the Swiss Pike. The introductions were made by Johan de Graff, the Mercenary commander at Welford who had since served Edward and was commander of the Swiss Guards at the Tower of London by this time. By all accounts the venture was successful with Swiss weaponry and tactics being incorporated as elements of the English army for the next century. It is anecdotally recorded that Prince Richard took this opportunity to spar and train with some of the Confederacy’s finest soldiers, most notably Ulrich von Uri, and it would certainly fit with the Prince’s later military prowess.
However it was to be in Italy that Prince Richard’s most significant meetings of the trip took place. Rivers spent time in Milan making arrangements for supplies of plate armour for the Calais garrison, and also as a gift for King Edward. It is thought that Prince Richard here received his trademark white-silver armour which would come to define his battlefield prowess. Most significant in Milan was his meeting with Duce Gian Galleazo Sforza and his imposing uncle Ludovico. Of course contemporary sources probably exaggerate the brotherly love between Richard and Ludovico especially, but it is relatively safe to infer that the lifelong friendship between Richard and Ludovico would begin here. This friendship not only linked Italy and its Renaissance to England but would have a significant impact on Italian politics in the coming years.
By August 1493 Rivers and Prince Richard reached Florence, although it is unknown if they actually met Lorenzo the Magnificent, it is certain that at this stage the Prince of Harts met two men who would have an indelible impact upon his life; Savonarola and Macchiavelli. Savonraola was a Friar in San Marco and through his teaching (prophecy) against the corruption of the Church and its coming destruction gained quite a name for himself. It is thought, especially given his later religious leanings, that Prince Richard sought out the Friar himself, and he would return to Florence in Autumn 1493, wintering there and receiving teaching. As for Macchiavelli, it is very possible that the two crossed paths during the initial visit and certainly later, but regardless the two men would form a lasting friendship with many scholars debating whether Macchiavelli’s The Prince is in fact dedicated to the Prince of Harts.
The final stop on the tour was Rome where the Royal Pair arrived in time for the consecration of Rodrigo Borgia as Pope Alexander VI in October 1493. Here Rivers formally asked the Pope for his blessing and received (after a suspected bribe) a Papal Bull to allow English settlement of the New World in exchange for taking the light of Christ to the pagan natives. This was the only overt time in which Borgia supported English designs across the Atlantic, and he would often side with his Spanish countrymen in later negotiations. Why he chose to support England at first is unclear, although he perhaps did not appreciate the importance of the New World to come. As for the Prince of Harts, there are no accurate records of his opinion of Rome and the new Pope, but given the reputations of both men, Richard cannot have been impressed, and it is unsurprising that he chose to spend the next six months in Florence studying with Savonarola and others.
The tour of 1493 marks the first time that Prince Richard was seen on the public stage in his own right - even his wedding three years earlier was a carefully stage-managed political alliance. Now the Prince of Harts was free to exercise his own will and it seems he relished his image as the swashbuckling hero, vanquisher of the French and the hearts of many women; more than a few priests scandalously recorded his womanising. Yet Richard’s greatest impact on Italy was not in the bedchamber but in the courts of power where he was able to ensconce himself in positions which would be of great import to England and the Italian states in the years to come.
Chapter 11: 1493: The Prince of Harts
The Prince of Harts: Richard of Shrewsbury 1473-1548, T Borman 2012
When the phrase ‘Renaissance Man’ is used, there can be few examples better than Prince Richard of Shrewsbury, the ‘Prince of Harts.’ Richard’s nickname came from the symbol he sometimes used of a Hart rampant. This had previously been used by Richard II, but Richard of Shrewsbury used it to demonstrate his purity and fearlessness. It also incorporated the double entendre that the Prince was said to be quite the ladies man.
Prince Richard so easily encapsulates the title of ‘Renaissance Man’ for his wide range of skills; Richard was a supreme figure on the battlefield, the reflection of his father and grandfather, and a cunning military tactician. Yet he was also well-read and had studied at the feet of Caxton and Mancini, he was said to be into poetry and plays and, allegedly, would perform them himself. He was further credited with being proficient of the Lyre and later the Harpsichord. Richard could speak English, French, Latin, Greek and Italian, and it was said his Flemish and Spanish was also passable. In short he was the total package. However the mystique around Prince Richard has only deepened since his death, and he has entered the halls of great English heroes.
Yet behind Richard’s impressive skills and outward appearance lays the personality of a rogue who never suffered under the shadow of his more famous brother, a man who was determined to plot his own course, and not necessarily do what society expected of him. Richard carved a niche for himself in the arts and military service abroad; his cultural and cosmopolitan influences having a large impact on the world and England in particular.
Richard was just 19 when his wife Margaret of Austria died in 1493. Given her young age, they never consummated the marriage, however he still spent large amounts of his time around Artois and Ostend where he took great interest in the burgeoning cloth trade on ‘English’ soil. Thus still a teenager, and now a bachelor, Richard truly had the world at his feet and he took full advantage of it, accompanying the Earl Rivers on his tour of the Holy Roman Empire, Switzerland and Italy throughout 1493.
The Royal party left Calais in early March and passed through the lowlands - Prince Richard particularly interested in the cloth manufacturing at Antwerp. He would go on to utilise many of the methods he picked up here at Lens and Arras with the blessing of the Burgundian trading houses - their continued prosperity was after all partly thanks to English victories against the French. They celebrated Easter at Aachen with Emperor Maximilian, and spent some time hunting with him and the Elector Palatinate near Frankfurt. This was a more social-call than the other stops on the tour but it was always important to strengthen the Burgundian/Maximillian alliance, and surely this also allowed Richard and Maximillian time to grieve for Margaret.
Into Switzerland, Rivers especially spent time in Zurich discussing Swiss training for the Calais guards and other English soldiers in the use of the Swiss Pike. The introductions were made by Johan de Graff, the Mercenary commander at Welford who had since served Edward and was commander of the Swiss Guards at the Tower of London by this time. By all accounts the venture was successful with Swiss weaponry and tactics being incorporated as elements of the English army for the next century. It is anecdotally recorded that Prince Richard took this opportunity to spar and train with some of the Confederacy’s finest soldiers, most notably Ulrich von Uri, and it would certainly fit with the Prince’s later military prowess.
However it was to be in Italy that Prince Richard’s most significant meetings of the trip took place. Rivers spent time in Milan making arrangements for supplies of plate armour for the Calais garrison, and also as a gift for King Edward. It is thought that Prince Richard here received his trademark white-silver armour which would come to define his battlefield prowess. Most significant in Milan was his meeting with Duce Gian Galleazo Sforza and his imposing uncle Ludovico. Of course contemporary sources probably exaggerate the brotherly love between Richard and Ludovico especially, but it is relatively safe to infer that the lifelong friendship between Richard and Ludovico would begin here. This friendship not only linked Italy and its Renaissance to England but would have a significant impact on Italian politics in the coming years.
By August 1493 Rivers and Prince Richard reached Florence, although it is unknown if they actually met Lorenzo the Magnificent, it is certain that at this stage the Prince of Harts met two men who would have an indelible impact upon his life; Savonarola and Macchiavelli. Savonraola was a Friar in San Marco and through his teaching (prophecy) against the corruption of the Church and its coming destruction gained quite a name for himself. It is thought, especially given his later religious leanings, that Prince Richard sought out the Friar himself, and he would return to Florence in Autumn 1493, wintering there and receiving teaching. As for Macchiavelli, it is very possible that the two crossed paths during the initial visit and certainly later, but regardless the two men would form a lasting friendship with many scholars debating whether Macchiavelli’s The Prince is in fact dedicated to the Prince of Harts.
The final stop on the tour was Rome where the Royal Pair arrived in time for the consecration of Rodrigo Borgia as Pope Alexander VI in October 1493. Here Rivers formally asked the Pope for his blessing and received (after a suspected bribe) a Papal Bull to allow English settlement of the New World in exchange for taking the light of Christ to the pagan natives. This was the only overt time in which Borgia supported English designs across the Atlantic, and he would often side with his Spanish countrymen in later negotiations. Why he chose to support England at first is unclear, although he perhaps did not appreciate the importance of the New World to come. As for the Prince of Harts, there are no accurate records of his opinion of Rome and the new Pope, but given the reputations of both men, Richard cannot have been impressed, and it is unsurprising that he chose to spend the next six months in Florence studying with Savonarola and others.
The tour of 1493 marks the first time that Prince Richard was seen on the public stage in his own right - even his wedding three years earlier was a carefully stage-managed political alliance. Now the Prince of Harts was free to exercise his own will and it seems he relished his image as the swashbuckling hero, vanquisher of the French and the hearts of many women; more than a few priests scandalously recorded his womanising. Yet Richard’s greatest impact on Italy was not in the bedchamber but in the courts of power where he was able to ensconce himself in positions which would be of great import to England and the Italian states in the years to come.
Oh, a Sforza girl then? Both of Gian Galeazzo's sisters would be of appropriate age.
1493 part 2
Exploration in the Age of York, J Slight 2014
Christopher Columbus’ second journey to the New World departed London in February 1493. Comprised of 16 ships and over 2,000 men, Columbus carried with him Royal warrants to map and explore all the seas around Nova Albion, in this endeavor he was assisted by Lord Morley, (Henry Parker), and Robert Wydow, a Dominican friar. These two men, as much as any other, would come to define Yorkist efforts to understand and map the new world, becoming famous for their cartography and translations respectively. Wydow had already begun to work on translating the Taino language spoken by the Maguana prisoners from the first expedition who had all since perished.
As for Sir Thomas Bradbury, newly created Lord Bradbury, he had personal instructions from Edward V and Norfolk for the establishment of an English settlement at Yorkstown and an expedition in search of Gold on the island. He was accompanied by John Bourchier, Lord Berners, who was to be appointed Governor and Seneschal of the island. Berners had grown up with Norfolk following his father’s death at Barnet and the two men had a strong affinity for exploration and seamanship. Conspiracy theories like to exaggerate claims of a secret compact between Bradbury, Berners and Norfolk, to cut Columbus out of any future settlement and credit. However a more rational theory is possible; from Bradbury’s correspondence surrounding his first two voyages, he clearly did not like Columbus and saw the man as vain,arrogant, and a sub-par seaman. Especially given later events, it is possible to conclude that these three did not trust Columbus and sought to minimise the damage he could cause to Albion, perhaps this is why Columbus was dispatched to the surrounding Ocean far from Nova Albion.
The fleet arrived in Yorkstown in May 1493 to find a rather unexpected situation; Cacique Gamua had died, and his remaining tribe had become extremely nervous about the foreigners from the sea, refusing to meet with Bradbury. Columbus, taking Morley and Wydow, took off in search of new lands leaving Bradbury and Berners to deal with the situation. Armed with around 1500 settlers/adventurers and modern weaponry, the men were able to establish the first fort at Cape Middleham to the north of Yorkstown and set out into the surrounding countryside in search of Gold. Encounters with locals were said to be very tense, and before long a palisade was erected around Yorkstown itself and all parties into the country equipped with weapons
The Yorkist explorers were successful in late summer when deposits of Gold were found near St Edward (OTL Santiago) along what became known as the Golden River. There was limited prospecting at this point, given the difficult mountainous terrain between St Edward and Yorkstown. Enough Gold was gathered to take back to England and prove its existence on Nova Albion whilst Lord Berners made preparations to construct a road and fortifications into the interior in the next year. Berners was left in command of 600 men in Yorkstown, the majority of them soldiers, who had the job of constructing a town and colony fit for the King. They were fortunate in that the majority of locals kept their distance allowing the English to establish farms surrounding Yorkstown.
Columbus returned to Yorkstown in around August having completed a good survey of the surrounding areas, having circumnavigated Cove (Cuba), St John (Pureto Rico) and St Dominic (Jamaica) plus charting the location of the St Mark islands (Caymans OTL). Columbus had also reached a heavily jungled coastline which he was convinced were the Malacca islands, but his English companions were sure was another, vast, island. Wydow made reference to this land in his notes as Yucka (OTL Yucatan) but was rather disparaging towards Columbus’ suggestion and the lands’ prospects.
In contrast the other 3 main islands discovered were said to be ripe for English use. Cove in particular had many friendly natives, some of whom were encouraged to return to England. One of these natives, Amac (called John Brown in Europe), is thought to be one of the first native Columbians to learn English and was instrumental in Wydow’s translations between Taino-Arawak languages and English. On Cove (Cuba) Columbus had discovered a wide,ecure bay which he named Green Bay (OTL Guantanamo) which was noted as the best natural harbour in the island chain. As for St John, the island was small, but Morley recorded that its position between England and Nova Albion made it a prime strategic site. As for St Dominic, there was certainly land a plenty for settlement, but little else to make it remarkable at this stage.
The second voyage had been a resounding success. When Bradbury and Columbus returned to England in November 1493, their arrival was possibly even greater than that of the previous year; the men had brought back Gold, a few natives who could speak some English, and tales of rich agricultural land ripe for settlement. John Brown’s audience with King Edward V has gone down in legend, although it is unknown what they specifically discussed. Mancini records that ‘the King was most exercised to discover the richness of life in the west, its strange foods and precious metals, yet was much dismayed at the heresy of its people.’ This of course must be measured against Mancini’s legendary capacity for exaggeration of his liege, but nonetheless it fits Edward’s reactions well; with Rivers’ return from Rome with the Papal Bull ‘Procedo et Fortuno’ and Bradbury’s proof of Gold in the new world, Edward lent even greater energy for preparations the following year.
Christopher Columbus’ second journey to the New World departed London in February 1493. Comprised of 16 ships and over 2,000 men, Columbus carried with him Royal warrants to map and explore all the seas around Nova Albion, in this endeavor he was assisted by Lord Morley, (Henry Parker), and Robert Wydow, a Dominican friar. These two men, as much as any other, would come to define Yorkist efforts to understand and map the new world, becoming famous for their cartography and translations respectively. Wydow had already begun to work on translating the Taino language spoken by the Maguana prisoners from the first expedition who had all since perished.
As for Sir Thomas Bradbury, newly created Lord Bradbury, he had personal instructions from Edward V and Norfolk for the establishment of an English settlement at Yorkstown and an expedition in search of Gold on the island. He was accompanied by John Bourchier, Lord Berners, who was to be appointed Governor and Seneschal of the island. Berners had grown up with Norfolk following his father’s death at Barnet and the two men had a strong affinity for exploration and seamanship. Conspiracy theories like to exaggerate claims of a secret compact between Bradbury, Berners and Norfolk, to cut Columbus out of any future settlement and credit. However a more rational theory is possible; from Bradbury’s correspondence surrounding his first two voyages, he clearly did not like Columbus and saw the man as vain,arrogant, and a sub-par seaman. Especially given later events, it is possible to conclude that these three did not trust Columbus and sought to minimise the damage he could cause to Albion, perhaps this is why Columbus was dispatched to the surrounding Ocean far from Nova Albion.
The fleet arrived in Yorkstown in May 1493 to find a rather unexpected situation; Cacique Gamua had died, and his remaining tribe had become extremely nervous about the foreigners from the sea, refusing to meet with Bradbury. Columbus, taking Morley and Wydow, took off in search of new lands leaving Bradbury and Berners to deal with the situation. Armed with around 1500 settlers/adventurers and modern weaponry, the men were able to establish the first fort at Cape Middleham to the north of Yorkstown and set out into the surrounding countryside in search of Gold. Encounters with locals were said to be very tense, and before long a palisade was erected around Yorkstown itself and all parties into the country equipped with weapons
The Yorkist explorers were successful in late summer when deposits of Gold were found near St Edward (OTL Santiago) along what became known as the Golden River. There was limited prospecting at this point, given the difficult mountainous terrain between St Edward and Yorkstown. Enough Gold was gathered to take back to England and prove its existence on Nova Albion whilst Lord Berners made preparations to construct a road and fortifications into the interior in the next year. Berners was left in command of 600 men in Yorkstown, the majority of them soldiers, who had the job of constructing a town and colony fit for the King. They were fortunate in that the majority of locals kept their distance allowing the English to establish farms surrounding Yorkstown.
Columbus returned to Yorkstown in around August having completed a good survey of the surrounding areas, having circumnavigated Cove (Cuba), St John (Pureto Rico) and St Dominic (Jamaica) plus charting the location of the St Mark islands (Caymans OTL). Columbus had also reached a heavily jungled coastline which he was convinced were the Malacca islands, but his English companions were sure was another, vast, island. Wydow made reference to this land in his notes as Yucka (OTL Yucatan) but was rather disparaging towards Columbus’ suggestion and the lands’ prospects.
In contrast the other 3 main islands discovered were said to be ripe for English use. Cove in particular had many friendly natives, some of whom were encouraged to return to England. One of these natives, Amac (called John Brown in Europe), is thought to be one of the first native Columbians to learn English and was instrumental in Wydow’s translations between Taino-Arawak languages and English. On Cove (Cuba) Columbus had discovered a wide,ecure bay which he named Green Bay (OTL Guantanamo) which was noted as the best natural harbour in the island chain. As for St John, the island was small, but Morley recorded that its position between England and Nova Albion made it a prime strategic site. As for St Dominic, there was certainly land a plenty for settlement, but little else to make it remarkable at this stage.
The second voyage had been a resounding success. When Bradbury and Columbus returned to England in November 1493, their arrival was possibly even greater than that of the previous year; the men had brought back Gold, a few natives who could speak some English, and tales of rich agricultural land ripe for settlement. John Brown’s audience with King Edward V has gone down in legend, although it is unknown what they specifically discussed. Mancini records that ‘the King was most exercised to discover the richness of life in the west, its strange foods and precious metals, yet was much dismayed at the heresy of its people.’ This of course must be measured against Mancini’s legendary capacity for exaggeration of his liege, but nonetheless it fits Edward’s reactions well; with Rivers’ return from Rome with the Papal Bull ‘Procedo et Fortuno’ and Bradbury’s proof of Gold in the new world, Edward lent even greater energy for preparations the following year.
1494 part 1
Chapter 12: 1494: The cat amongst the pigeons
Hell Unleashed: Europe 1483-1495 J Watts 1994
Charles VIII had been licking his wounds during 1493. Despite all of his best efforts to assert his claims over Brittany, Burgundy and Calais he had lost all of them irretrievably and been forced into the humiliating peace of Amiens (1491). Charles had been forced to agree a truce with England, Burgundy and Brittany and made to to abide to it for fear of Edward V once again asserting his claim to the throne of France. Spain was also out - Ferdinand and Isabella fresh from their completed Reconquista and riding high. That only left one location for Charles to pursue his ambition and redeem his image: Italy.
Fortunately Italy was a complex mess of rivaling states and dynasties in 1494. Charles had a long claim to the Kingdom of Naples, and another to the Duchy of Milan. Milan was uncertain given Duke Gian Galleazo Sforza’s illness and the control of his uncle Ludovico as regent, and Naples was more distant. Secondly the newly installed Pope Alexander VI was causing waves as he sought to enrich his children on the fat of Italian lands and Lorenzo ‘Il Magnifico’ had died in Florence in 1492 leaving Piero in control, a young man thoroughly unsuited to power-politics Charles intended to play.
Therefore when Ferdinand I of Naples died in January 1494, Charles saw his moment to strike. Alfonso II, the new king, had unwisely chosen this moment to assert his claim over Milan in opposition to Ludovico Sforza’s machinations. Charles consequently saw his chance and hoped to find common cause with Ludovico against Naples, and planned to march through Italy, taking advantage of a distracted Pope and a weakened Florence. There was however one flaw in the plan: Prince Richard of Shrewsbury.
Prince Richard had spent the winter of 1493-1494 in Florence studying under Savonarola, although he often found time to visit Milan and Duke Ludovico, and for this reason was perhaps not as integrated to Florentine high society as he might have been. Ludovico has often been seen as a very cautious man, but with Gian Galleazo’s health failing, and his chance to seize Milan approaching, Ludovico must have appreciated Charles causing a distraction in Naples. Many historians (Benelli chief amongst them) have suggested that Ludovico was all but certain to sign an agreement with Charles when his representatives arrived in Naples in Spring 1494. However Prince Richard intervened; Richard had met Charkes at Amiens, and had been one of Louis of Orleans’ captors after Montdidier, he knew the two men and their abilities and more importantly he knew that Ludovico would be unwise to trust them. Ludovico therefore stayed his hand, and when Charles’ 25,000 men arrived in Savoy in September of 1494 they received only the support of Genoa.
Nonetheless the French made good time and steamrolled Lucca into submission by late October having already crushed a small Neapolitan force near Genoa. The French army thus approached Tuscany by November and it was here Piero de Medici had a decision to make. Unlike Milan, Florence could not prevaricate and fudge an answer to Charles, they either had to join him or resist him. It is possible to surmise that Prince Richard would have advised Piero to resist, just as he had Ludovico, but the English Prince did not enjoy as good a relationship with the Medici as he did the Sforza (perhaps because of the latter). Instead Piero dithered, and was unable to secure the support of the city or organise adequate defenses. Consequently Piero was forced to cave to French demands, the people rose against him, and the entire Medici dynasty fled the city.
What Prince Richard did next is open to interpretation, but his teacher Savonarola urged the people of Florence to establish a ‘popular’ Republic and prophesied that one day the city would become a ‘New Jerusalem’ and replace Rome as the centre of Christendom. With this he and his young followers began to purge the city of vice and corruption which they associated with the Medici, eventually establishing a Republic which Savonarola had influence over, though as a Friar he could not hold political office. It is sadly impossible to identify Prince Richard within these movements. His commentators are divided; Tracey Borman insists that Prince Richard was ‘as much the revolutionary as Savonarola was’ whilst George Barnard believed that Richard could not have become ‘such an ardent Republican in the space of a year.’ Nevertheless Savonarola’s preaching also included vehement attacks upon Charles (after he had departed for Naples of course) which many have suggested partly came from Richard, given his earlier advice to Milan. Although we cannot judge any clear conclusions, Savonarola’s later pogroms against ‘drunken debauchery’ and ‘immodest dress’ could not have gone down well with Richard who was famed for both things and much more besides. Therefore this would explain why Richard is known to have left Florence before Christmas 1494 and headed north towards Milan.
Gian Galleazo Sforza died in November 1494 as Charles VIII entered Florence. He was succeeded, unusually, by his Uncle Ludovico Sforza who used a dowry to his niece to secure the Duchy of Milan for himself. Such was Ludovico’s distraction that he offered little opposition to Charles until he heard of the fall of Florence and the flight of Piero de Medici. By this point it was becoming clear to the Lords of Italy that Charles VIII and his army had become a ‘cat amongst pigeons’ as one anonymous chronicler poetically put it and something must be done about him.
A meeting in late December 1494 yielded the League of Venice; an anti-French alliance between Milan, Venice, the Papal States and Mantua. Spain, Brittany, the Holy Roman Empire and England were all similarly united in their dislike of France but all save Spain were prevented from joining the League by the Treaty of Amiens and its truce. Therefore Edward V was unable to join the League of Venice, although he likely sent his blessing. Interestingly we do know now that Prince Richard was present at Venice and would have undoubtedly added his support, as were the Earls of Lincoln and Wiltshire. Whether these two men attended to support the League, or reign in Prince Richard is unclear, but if it was the latter then they were singularly unsuccessful.
Prince Richard’s name does not appear anywhere on the documentation relating to the initial League of Venice in 1494. England would join in 1498 after they were released from the Treaty of Amiens, although by this time they had their own Anti-French alliance. However it has been possible to see the Prince of Harts’ influence over the League; he was certainly instrumental in bringing Ludovico to the table, indeed in keeping him out of the French camp in the first place. That Ludovico was even willing to negotiate with forces he had previously been so antagonistic towards shows the level of the French threat, and Richard’s influence.
By the end of 1494 Charles VIII had taken his prize of Naples and forced Alfonso II into exile on Sicily. For the first time since he became King, one of his schemes had come to fruition and the French army was laden down with war booty. Yet once again Charles would face Yorkist opposition to his plans in the coming year.
Hell Unleashed: Europe 1483-1495 J Watts 1994
Charles VIII had been licking his wounds during 1493. Despite all of his best efforts to assert his claims over Brittany, Burgundy and Calais he had lost all of them irretrievably and been forced into the humiliating peace of Amiens (1491). Charles had been forced to agree a truce with England, Burgundy and Brittany and made to to abide to it for fear of Edward V once again asserting his claim to the throne of France. Spain was also out - Ferdinand and Isabella fresh from their completed Reconquista and riding high. That only left one location for Charles to pursue his ambition and redeem his image: Italy.
Fortunately Italy was a complex mess of rivaling states and dynasties in 1494. Charles had a long claim to the Kingdom of Naples, and another to the Duchy of Milan. Milan was uncertain given Duke Gian Galleazo Sforza’s illness and the control of his uncle Ludovico as regent, and Naples was more distant. Secondly the newly installed Pope Alexander VI was causing waves as he sought to enrich his children on the fat of Italian lands and Lorenzo ‘Il Magnifico’ had died in Florence in 1492 leaving Piero in control, a young man thoroughly unsuited to power-politics Charles intended to play.
Therefore when Ferdinand I of Naples died in January 1494, Charles saw his moment to strike. Alfonso II, the new king, had unwisely chosen this moment to assert his claim over Milan in opposition to Ludovico Sforza’s machinations. Charles consequently saw his chance and hoped to find common cause with Ludovico against Naples, and planned to march through Italy, taking advantage of a distracted Pope and a weakened Florence. There was however one flaw in the plan: Prince Richard of Shrewsbury.
Prince Richard had spent the winter of 1493-1494 in Florence studying under Savonarola, although he often found time to visit Milan and Duke Ludovico, and for this reason was perhaps not as integrated to Florentine high society as he might have been. Ludovico has often been seen as a very cautious man, but with Gian Galleazo’s health failing, and his chance to seize Milan approaching, Ludovico must have appreciated Charles causing a distraction in Naples. Many historians (Benelli chief amongst them) have suggested that Ludovico was all but certain to sign an agreement with Charles when his representatives arrived in Naples in Spring 1494. However Prince Richard intervened; Richard had met Charkes at Amiens, and had been one of Louis of Orleans’ captors after Montdidier, he knew the two men and their abilities and more importantly he knew that Ludovico would be unwise to trust them. Ludovico therefore stayed his hand, and when Charles’ 25,000 men arrived in Savoy in September of 1494 they received only the support of Genoa.
Nonetheless the French made good time and steamrolled Lucca into submission by late October having already crushed a small Neapolitan force near Genoa. The French army thus approached Tuscany by November and it was here Piero de Medici had a decision to make. Unlike Milan, Florence could not prevaricate and fudge an answer to Charles, they either had to join him or resist him. It is possible to surmise that Prince Richard would have advised Piero to resist, just as he had Ludovico, but the English Prince did not enjoy as good a relationship with the Medici as he did the Sforza (perhaps because of the latter). Instead Piero dithered, and was unable to secure the support of the city or organise adequate defenses. Consequently Piero was forced to cave to French demands, the people rose against him, and the entire Medici dynasty fled the city.
What Prince Richard did next is open to interpretation, but his teacher Savonarola urged the people of Florence to establish a ‘popular’ Republic and prophesied that one day the city would become a ‘New Jerusalem’ and replace Rome as the centre of Christendom. With this he and his young followers began to purge the city of vice and corruption which they associated with the Medici, eventually establishing a Republic which Savonarola had influence over, though as a Friar he could not hold political office. It is sadly impossible to identify Prince Richard within these movements. His commentators are divided; Tracey Borman insists that Prince Richard was ‘as much the revolutionary as Savonarola was’ whilst George Barnard believed that Richard could not have become ‘such an ardent Republican in the space of a year.’ Nevertheless Savonarola’s preaching also included vehement attacks upon Charles (after he had departed for Naples of course) which many have suggested partly came from Richard, given his earlier advice to Milan. Although we cannot judge any clear conclusions, Savonarola’s later pogroms against ‘drunken debauchery’ and ‘immodest dress’ could not have gone down well with Richard who was famed for both things and much more besides. Therefore this would explain why Richard is known to have left Florence before Christmas 1494 and headed north towards Milan.
Gian Galleazo Sforza died in November 1494 as Charles VIII entered Florence. He was succeeded, unusually, by his Uncle Ludovico Sforza who used a dowry to his niece to secure the Duchy of Milan for himself. Such was Ludovico’s distraction that he offered little opposition to Charles until he heard of the fall of Florence and the flight of Piero de Medici. By this point it was becoming clear to the Lords of Italy that Charles VIII and his army had become a ‘cat amongst pigeons’ as one anonymous chronicler poetically put it and something must be done about him.
A meeting in late December 1494 yielded the League of Venice; an anti-French alliance between Milan, Venice, the Papal States and Mantua. Spain, Brittany, the Holy Roman Empire and England were all similarly united in their dislike of France but all save Spain were prevented from joining the League by the Treaty of Amiens and its truce. Therefore Edward V was unable to join the League of Venice, although he likely sent his blessing. Interestingly we do know now that Prince Richard was present at Venice and would have undoubtedly added his support, as were the Earls of Lincoln and Wiltshire. Whether these two men attended to support the League, or reign in Prince Richard is unclear, but if it was the latter then they were singularly unsuccessful.
Prince Richard’s name does not appear anywhere on the documentation relating to the initial League of Venice in 1494. England would join in 1498 after they were released from the Treaty of Amiens, although by this time they had their own Anti-French alliance. However it has been possible to see the Prince of Harts’ influence over the League; he was certainly instrumental in bringing Ludovico to the table, indeed in keeping him out of the French camp in the first place. That Ludovico was even willing to negotiate with forces he had previously been so antagonistic towards shows the level of the French threat, and Richard’s influence.
By the end of 1494 Charles VIII had taken his prize of Naples and forced Alfonso II into exile on Sicily. For the first time since he became King, one of his schemes had come to fruition and the French army was laden down with war booty. Yet once again Charles would face Yorkist opposition to his plans in the coming year.
1494 part 2
Exploration in the Age of York, J Slight 2014
‘For God and Gold’ is how Colin MacLachlan has described the Yorkist project in the New World. Whilst this is rather over-simplistic, it nonetheless encapsulates the overt motivations of Edward V in 1494. He dispatched Bradbury and Columbus back to the Columbia Islands with a large group of Friars, Brothers and Priests to tend to the spiritual needs of the inhabitants of Nova Albion (both European and indigenous peoples) along with a significant number of settlers and miners destined for the Gold mines of St Edward. Whilst the religious motives were undoubtedly necessary to fulfill the Papal Bull of the previous year, and gain official recognition of English presence on the islands, it is debatable as to how far Edward V actually believed in this mission.
There has been much ink spilled discussing the piety of Edward V elsewhere, especially later in his reign, yet at this stage it seems safe to assume that he saw Nova Albion as little different to English holdings in Ireland and elsewhere, and therefore it should have been part of the Catholic Church. However it remains true that aside from encouraging various orders and individual clergy to go to Albion, Edward V seemed a lot more focused on the financial aspects of the new colony. The Merchant Adventurers Guild were supplied a sum of credit to fund Gold mining on Nova Albion and Edward also encouraged in their colonisation efforts. When Lord Bradbury left London in Spring 1494 he took some 3,000 settlers with him. Unlike the mix of gentry, soldiers, engineers, adventurers and assortment of radicals in 1493, the 1494 colonists represented the first concerted attempt to settle European peasantry in the New World.
Dyer has estimated that around 2,000 of the colonists were mid to low level peasantry from the Welsh and Northern marches. A small number of these were criminals given the opportunity of going to Albion in exchange for a harsher sentence from the Royal Justiciars. Yet the majority were peasants in search of a better life - how far they were taken in by the promises of Gold and much richer, larger land is open to debate. Nevertheless the new settlers were split between 3 different settlements, with four ships left in the Columbias to maintain contact between them.
The largest number of settlers went to Nova Albion and set about the Gold Mines, as well as constructing the new road through the mountains to Yorkstown. This road allegedly used an existing track but the English built a fort at each end of the mountain pass to control access, and before long Gold was trickling back to Yorkstown and thence to England. Two new towns were founded on other Islands; Green Port (OTL Caimanera) on Cove (Cuba) and Bradbury (San Juan) on St John (Puerto Rico). These towns were not initially intended as agrarian settlements but trading hubs - the exotic fruit and native cotton of Cove in particular being of interest to the Merchant Adventurer’s Guild. Meanwhile Bradbury became an important military outpost with a deep port and the soon to be constructed Eltham Castle at its mouth.
The impact of these Europeans on the native populations is extremely controversial; the more vociferous ‘Black Legends’ suggest that the English systematically sought out and eradicated any native tribes in the areas they settled, corrupting the survivors with alcohol. Yet such legends have recently been shown by O’Reilly and others to be exaggerated Spanish propaganda designed to undermine English presence in the area, and particularly in Rome. It is true that by 1494 the natives of Nova Albion had suffered a great number of deaths through disease with an estimated 40% of population dead or dying. This would explain a large native raid on St Edward in the Summer of 1494, but it was easily repulsed by the plate and handguns of the English soldiers (including the first recorded use of a Cannon in the western hemisphere) which broke the back of remaining native resistance on the island (OTL Hispaniola).
Elsewhere the English did not pursue a policy of genocide, indeed on Cove the work of John Brown as ambassador was vital in establishing trade links with the natives. On St John, the local tribes were a little less supportive, but were still lured into trade in exchange for small metal trinkets. Nonetheless by Autumn 1494 the English were clearly there to stay. As for the religious aspect of the colonies, the various clergy established Churches in Yorkstown, St Edward, Green Port and Bradbury but the had limited success with the indigenous populations who were either dying, in open hostility, or disinterested.
Whilst Berners and Brabury established the new colonies and continued to map the smaller islands (the St Matthew (Bahamas) and St Luke (Virgin Islands) Islands being discovered in 1494) Columbus sailed off in pursuit of further glory. Bradbury records in his journal that Columbus was becoming increasingly fractious by this point that the English Crown did not accept that he had reached the Spice Islands (that there was no Spice to trade did not deter Columbus). In retaliation it seems Columbus took five ships further west in 1494 from Yorktown, determined to find India, whether or not this was with Bradbury and Edward V’s blessing is unclear.
In any case Columbus returned to Yucka (Yucatan) and encountered the Aztec Empire replete with all its Gold and riches. Again Columbus declared these to be Indians, and again the English with him were not buying it. Columbus was determined, however, to gain the riches of this new land guessing (correctly it turns out) that the Gold reserves of the area were far in excess of those on Nova Albion. Columbus continued his search for the Gold of the Aztecs long past the date he should have turned back for Yorktown but to no avail. On this return journey he did encounter an entirely unexpected phenomenon; the Spanish fleet. Ferdinand and Isabella had been disappointed not to secure Columbus’ services and when news of his discoveries reached Spain they decided to launch their own expedition led by Amerigo Vespucci. Vespucci arrived in the new world in June 1494 in search of a suspected great southern landmass in order to outmaneuver the English - they discovered a few smaller islands (OTL Trinidad and Tobago) and the coast of modern-day Venezuela and then bumped into Columbus.
Lord Morley, who was on board Columbus’ flagship St Dominic, records Columbus’ anger at meeting a rival, and mere greetings were exchanged. Columbus also had Morley hurriedly sign a declaration of ownership on the entire coastline he had discovered - naming it St Nicholas - to deny it to the Spanish. The legality of this declaration, and the ownership of the land, would cause much strife between England and Spain for years to come.
With Columbus’ late return to Yorkstown, much to Bradbury’s annoyance, the royal fleet departed for England in late summer 1494. Columbus’ delay meant that the ships sailed into the remains of a hurricane which sank two of the 14 returning ships and scattered the remainder. This had unexpected consequences when Sir Thomas Hawkyns, captain of the Margaret of Southwark discovered Fair Isle (OTL Bermuda) an uninhabited rock which had access to freshwater. Thus in one action Hawkyns solved the English issue of crossing the Atlantic without access to Spanish or Portuguese Islands.
The voyage of 1494 had been an unmitigated success for Bradbury and the Merchant Adventurers Guild; they had established four settlements across the sea, complete with Churches and fortifications, begun agriculture and gold extraction, defended the land from indigenous and Spanish intrusion and discovered yet more rich land in the west. It must therefore have come as a rude awakening when the fleet returned to London in November 1494; Columbus’ star was on the wane and the MAG now faced competition.
Sir Robert Chatham is widely thought to have been the first European to sight the Columbian Islands from his lookout position on the Adventurer in 1492, for which he earned his knighthood. However Chatham’s personality clash with both Columbus and Bradbury wrote him out of future expeditions and he was forced to seek a new patron, finding it in the most unlikely of places. The Society of Merchant Venturers were based in Bristol, and did not enjoy the same royal patronage or profile of the Merchant Adventurers Guild, although they still profitted from a fine trade between Ireland, Brittany, Castile and Portugal in the pre-Columbian world.
By 1494 the Society of Merchant Venturers had engaged Chatham to lead an expedition of six ships to the new world and establish their own trading posts. However the MAG blocked them from receiving a royal warrant for such a venture, believing it would undermine their own profits. Instead the SMV took the audacious risk of gaining a royal warrant to ply the northern ocean in search of new lands. Chatham worked from previous Norse rumour and old sea--wives tales to plot a journey across the northern Atlantic in search of Greenland and Norse lands.
Chatham departed Bristol aboard the St Jordan in spring of 1494, a few weeks after Bradbury’s 3rd voyage left for the Columbias. Chatham’s exact course is unknown, but he recorded that he sailed due west of Kinsale for almost 7 weeks before sighting land on the horizon. Chatham records that this land was flat but much less verdant than that he had seen in the Columbias. He still named it Greenland believing he had rediscovered the old Norse settlements when in fact it was a new landmass altogether (OTL Newfoundland).
Chatham continued to sail westwards down the coast and mapped the extensive inlets and bays which he discovered naming them New Norfolk (Nova Scotia), and New Avon (Maine - Massachusetts). Having reached a rather sheltered bay Chatham went ashore at a place he called Jordanstown (OTL Boston) and met with the indigenous tribes who were friendly. Chatham noted the abundance of timber, game and furs in the region, not to mention the agreeable climate of Jordanstown which he undoubtedly planned as a future Colony of his own. Chatham’s fleet returned to Bristol in October 1494 being low on supplies, and news of their new discovery invigorated the Society of Merchant Venturers, much to the chagrin of the MAG. At this point the different climate, and estimated distance between the two discoveries, suggested that both the Columbias and Norland (as the collective name for Chatham’s discoveries became known) were two separate land masses, which would only add more fuel to the exploration fire.
This news greeted Columbus when he returned to England in winter 1494, as well as Genoa’s support for Charles VIII in Italy. This revelation, alongside that of the Spanish arrival in the new world did not do Columbus any favours, but it was his continued attitude which did most damage to his reputation at Edward V’s court. Columbus continued to insist that if the Columbias were not the Spice Islands then Yucka and St Nicholas were surely those lands, despite the continued rejection of Lord Morley and Robert Wydow who had accompanied Columbus on both expeditions and maintained that these lands were hitherto undiscovered. When Bradbury testified to Edward V of Columbus’ continued bellicosity, and his lateness resulting in the loss of two ships in a storm, the Genoan’s fate must have been sealed. Therefore 1494 was an incredibly successful year for the Yorkists in the west, but the growing pains were beginning to show.
‘For God and Gold’ is how Colin MacLachlan has described the Yorkist project in the New World. Whilst this is rather over-simplistic, it nonetheless encapsulates the overt motivations of Edward V in 1494. He dispatched Bradbury and Columbus back to the Columbia Islands with a large group of Friars, Brothers and Priests to tend to the spiritual needs of the inhabitants of Nova Albion (both European and indigenous peoples) along with a significant number of settlers and miners destined for the Gold mines of St Edward. Whilst the religious motives were undoubtedly necessary to fulfill the Papal Bull of the previous year, and gain official recognition of English presence on the islands, it is debatable as to how far Edward V actually believed in this mission.
There has been much ink spilled discussing the piety of Edward V elsewhere, especially later in his reign, yet at this stage it seems safe to assume that he saw Nova Albion as little different to English holdings in Ireland and elsewhere, and therefore it should have been part of the Catholic Church. However it remains true that aside from encouraging various orders and individual clergy to go to Albion, Edward V seemed a lot more focused on the financial aspects of the new colony. The Merchant Adventurers Guild were supplied a sum of credit to fund Gold mining on Nova Albion and Edward also encouraged in their colonisation efforts. When Lord Bradbury left London in Spring 1494 he took some 3,000 settlers with him. Unlike the mix of gentry, soldiers, engineers, adventurers and assortment of radicals in 1493, the 1494 colonists represented the first concerted attempt to settle European peasantry in the New World.
Dyer has estimated that around 2,000 of the colonists were mid to low level peasantry from the Welsh and Northern marches. A small number of these were criminals given the opportunity of going to Albion in exchange for a harsher sentence from the Royal Justiciars. Yet the majority were peasants in search of a better life - how far they were taken in by the promises of Gold and much richer, larger land is open to debate. Nevertheless the new settlers were split between 3 different settlements, with four ships left in the Columbias to maintain contact between them.
The largest number of settlers went to Nova Albion and set about the Gold Mines, as well as constructing the new road through the mountains to Yorkstown. This road allegedly used an existing track but the English built a fort at each end of the mountain pass to control access, and before long Gold was trickling back to Yorkstown and thence to England. Two new towns were founded on other Islands; Green Port (OTL Caimanera) on Cove (Cuba) and Bradbury (San Juan) on St John (Puerto Rico). These towns were not initially intended as agrarian settlements but trading hubs - the exotic fruit and native cotton of Cove in particular being of interest to the Merchant Adventurer’s Guild. Meanwhile Bradbury became an important military outpost with a deep port and the soon to be constructed Eltham Castle at its mouth.
The impact of these Europeans on the native populations is extremely controversial; the more vociferous ‘Black Legends’ suggest that the English systematically sought out and eradicated any native tribes in the areas they settled, corrupting the survivors with alcohol. Yet such legends have recently been shown by O’Reilly and others to be exaggerated Spanish propaganda designed to undermine English presence in the area, and particularly in Rome. It is true that by 1494 the natives of Nova Albion had suffered a great number of deaths through disease with an estimated 40% of population dead or dying. This would explain a large native raid on St Edward in the Summer of 1494, but it was easily repulsed by the plate and handguns of the English soldiers (including the first recorded use of a Cannon in the western hemisphere) which broke the back of remaining native resistance on the island (OTL Hispaniola).
Elsewhere the English did not pursue a policy of genocide, indeed on Cove the work of John Brown as ambassador was vital in establishing trade links with the natives. On St John, the local tribes were a little less supportive, but were still lured into trade in exchange for small metal trinkets. Nonetheless by Autumn 1494 the English were clearly there to stay. As for the religious aspect of the colonies, the various clergy established Churches in Yorkstown, St Edward, Green Port and Bradbury but the had limited success with the indigenous populations who were either dying, in open hostility, or disinterested.
Whilst Berners and Brabury established the new colonies and continued to map the smaller islands (the St Matthew (Bahamas) and St Luke (Virgin Islands) Islands being discovered in 1494) Columbus sailed off in pursuit of further glory. Bradbury records in his journal that Columbus was becoming increasingly fractious by this point that the English Crown did not accept that he had reached the Spice Islands (that there was no Spice to trade did not deter Columbus). In retaliation it seems Columbus took five ships further west in 1494 from Yorktown, determined to find India, whether or not this was with Bradbury and Edward V’s blessing is unclear.
In any case Columbus returned to Yucka (Yucatan) and encountered the Aztec Empire replete with all its Gold and riches. Again Columbus declared these to be Indians, and again the English with him were not buying it. Columbus was determined, however, to gain the riches of this new land guessing (correctly it turns out) that the Gold reserves of the area were far in excess of those on Nova Albion. Columbus continued his search for the Gold of the Aztecs long past the date he should have turned back for Yorktown but to no avail. On this return journey he did encounter an entirely unexpected phenomenon; the Spanish fleet. Ferdinand and Isabella had been disappointed not to secure Columbus’ services and when news of his discoveries reached Spain they decided to launch their own expedition led by Amerigo Vespucci. Vespucci arrived in the new world in June 1494 in search of a suspected great southern landmass in order to outmaneuver the English - they discovered a few smaller islands (OTL Trinidad and Tobago) and the coast of modern-day Venezuela and then bumped into Columbus.
Lord Morley, who was on board Columbus’ flagship St Dominic, records Columbus’ anger at meeting a rival, and mere greetings were exchanged. Columbus also had Morley hurriedly sign a declaration of ownership on the entire coastline he had discovered - naming it St Nicholas - to deny it to the Spanish. The legality of this declaration, and the ownership of the land, would cause much strife between England and Spain for years to come.
With Columbus’ late return to Yorkstown, much to Bradbury’s annoyance, the royal fleet departed for England in late summer 1494. Columbus’ delay meant that the ships sailed into the remains of a hurricane which sank two of the 14 returning ships and scattered the remainder. This had unexpected consequences when Sir Thomas Hawkyns, captain of the Margaret of Southwark discovered Fair Isle (OTL Bermuda) an uninhabited rock which had access to freshwater. Thus in one action Hawkyns solved the English issue of crossing the Atlantic without access to Spanish or Portuguese Islands.
The voyage of 1494 had been an unmitigated success for Bradbury and the Merchant Adventurers Guild; they had established four settlements across the sea, complete with Churches and fortifications, begun agriculture and gold extraction, defended the land from indigenous and Spanish intrusion and discovered yet more rich land in the west. It must therefore have come as a rude awakening when the fleet returned to London in November 1494; Columbus’ star was on the wane and the MAG now faced competition.
Sir Robert Chatham is widely thought to have been the first European to sight the Columbian Islands from his lookout position on the Adventurer in 1492, for which he earned his knighthood. However Chatham’s personality clash with both Columbus and Bradbury wrote him out of future expeditions and he was forced to seek a new patron, finding it in the most unlikely of places. The Society of Merchant Venturers were based in Bristol, and did not enjoy the same royal patronage or profile of the Merchant Adventurers Guild, although they still profitted from a fine trade between Ireland, Brittany, Castile and Portugal in the pre-Columbian world.
By 1494 the Society of Merchant Venturers had engaged Chatham to lead an expedition of six ships to the new world and establish their own trading posts. However the MAG blocked them from receiving a royal warrant for such a venture, believing it would undermine their own profits. Instead the SMV took the audacious risk of gaining a royal warrant to ply the northern ocean in search of new lands. Chatham worked from previous Norse rumour and old sea--wives tales to plot a journey across the northern Atlantic in search of Greenland and Norse lands.
Chatham departed Bristol aboard the St Jordan in spring of 1494, a few weeks after Bradbury’s 3rd voyage left for the Columbias. Chatham’s exact course is unknown, but he recorded that he sailed due west of Kinsale for almost 7 weeks before sighting land on the horizon. Chatham records that this land was flat but much less verdant than that he had seen in the Columbias. He still named it Greenland believing he had rediscovered the old Norse settlements when in fact it was a new landmass altogether (OTL Newfoundland).
Chatham continued to sail westwards down the coast and mapped the extensive inlets and bays which he discovered naming them New Norfolk (Nova Scotia), and New Avon (Maine - Massachusetts). Having reached a rather sheltered bay Chatham went ashore at a place he called Jordanstown (OTL Boston) and met with the indigenous tribes who were friendly. Chatham noted the abundance of timber, game and furs in the region, not to mention the agreeable climate of Jordanstown which he undoubtedly planned as a future Colony of his own. Chatham’s fleet returned to Bristol in October 1494 being low on supplies, and news of their new discovery invigorated the Society of Merchant Venturers, much to the chagrin of the MAG. At this point the different climate, and estimated distance between the two discoveries, suggested that both the Columbias and Norland (as the collective name for Chatham’s discoveries became known) were two separate land masses, which would only add more fuel to the exploration fire.
This news greeted Columbus when he returned to England in winter 1494, as well as Genoa’s support for Charles VIII in Italy. This revelation, alongside that of the Spanish arrival in the new world did not do Columbus any favours, but it was his continued attitude which did most damage to his reputation at Edward V’s court. Columbus continued to insist that if the Columbias were not the Spice Islands then Yucka and St Nicholas were surely those lands, despite the continued rejection of Lord Morley and Robert Wydow who had accompanied Columbus on both expeditions and maintained that these lands were hitherto undiscovered. When Bradbury testified to Edward V of Columbus’ continued bellicosity, and his lateness resulting in the loss of two ships in a storm, the Genoan’s fate must have been sealed. Therefore 1494 was an incredibly successful year for the Yorkists in the west, but the growing pains were beginning to show.
1495 part 1
Thanks for all the likes guys! I am really flying with this now. I intend to finish 'Act 1' of SIS at the end of 1496 so almost there!
Chapter 13: 1495: The Sons in Splendor
Hell Unleashed: Europe 1483-1495 J Watts 1994
War was coming to the Italian peninsula, and a Son of York was caught in the crosshairs. The declaration of the League of Venice in February 1495 took Charles VIII by surprise. He had over-wintered in Naples enjoying the spoils of war, and finally some sunshine, both literal and figurative. Thus the realisation that an alliance had formed against him - and blocked his passage home was undoubtedly an unwelcome one. Charles immediately made preparations to leave Naples, with the Duke of Montpensier left in command, the French army finally departing in April.
Meanwhile the League of Venice were making their own preparations; an army of some 20,000 men was forming around Mantua, mostly comprised of Venetians and Mantuans under the command of Francesco Il Gonzago - the grizzled condottieri who controlled the city and the surrounding countryside.
Just as word reached Gonzago that the French had left Naples, he also received some unexpected support. Ludovico Sforza may have signed the League of Venice, but his aversion to Venetians, and his general reticence to commit led many to doubt his genuine sincerity. Such doubters were proved wrong when he marched into Mantua with some 4,000 men shortly before Easter 1495, and was accompanied by Prince Richard of Shrewsbury commanding his own company.
Many have speculated that Ludovico’s commitment to the League army was encouraged by his friend Richard, and the genuine concern he had for Milan’s place in the Italian political sphere if he allowed Venice to do all the fighting for him. Prince Richard was not present at the request of his brother, Edward V, indeed Mancini records that the King was ‘much displeased’ when he discovered that Richard had risked the truce of Amiens. However Richard’s actions did not provoke French revenge, they in fact won him fame and acclaim across Europe (excluding France of course).
The origins of the Piacenza company are obscure. They emerged in 1495 under an official license from Duke Ludovico, but there are little firm records beyond this document. Anecdotal evidence, even local legend, names this company as ‘the English Company’ although this of course would have been concealed by Yorkist scholars anxious to prevent a war. Nonetheless, anecdotal evidence suggests that the company was formed either for or by Prince Richard and that it took part in the 1495 campaign and included English, Welsh, Irish, Breton, Burgundian and Swiss soldiers amongst its ranks. Essentially the company had all the appearance of a roguish mercenary company, with the personnel of some of the great families of Europe, albeit 2nd and 3rd sons. The fact that the surviving arms of the company are a male white stag (similar to a Hart) should probably be all the evidence required.
Nonetheless we know that Richard, along with Lincoln and Wiltshire, were present with the League army outside Mantua in late June when the French army arrived. Charles’ aim was simple; to escape Italy with his army and haul of treasure intact and make it back to France. The League were much less clear; the Venetian senate was reticent to engage the French army head on (despite having an almost 3 to 1 numbers advantage) and elected to harry and pursue Charles hoping to recover the Neapolitan treasure. Ludovico’s desires are unclear, although it is possible to surmise that he would have similarly opted to harry and disrupt rather than risk a total confrontation. Gonzago was much more keen for a scrap, and in this he was supported by Prince Richard; he had defeated Charles twice, a third time was surely possible.
Despite all the disagreement, Gonzago managed to get the League army, by now numbering 30,000 men to the French 15,000 to the village of Fornovo in the Taro valley camped above the village to the east of the river, and north of the bridge over it. On 4th July Charless VIII approached from the south-west and began to negotiate safe passage across the bridge and back to France. The League were at least all agreed that Charles would have to surrender all baggage and territory for this to be considered. Charles, having not learned to quit whilst he was ahead, refused these demands and continued negotiations, the Venetian delegation being more than happy to oblige, hoping to weaken the French by starvation.
As negotiations continued into the 5th of July, Gonzago ordered his forces to occupy the village and place cannon overlooking the bridge to deter Charles’ advance. This has long been considered Gonzago’s natural approach, but English academics have recently suggested Ricardian influence; Richard was present at Torhout when Charles was panicked by cannon fire across his line of approach, Gonzago’s tactic being strikingly similar. This had the desired effect; by the evening of 5th July Phillipe de Comines (travelling with the French army) records that supplies were getting dangerously low, and with a torrential downpour limiting visibility and neutralising the League’s guns, Charles decided to make a break for it.
The Battle of Fornovo commenced in the early hours of the 6th of July 1495, just before dawn. Charles gave Louis de Tremoile, one of his favourites, the vanguard of the French army with the task of clearing the Fornovo bridge, himself leading the main body of the army with the baggage wagons bringing up the rear. Commines records that Charles intended to use speed and surprise to punch through Fornovo and have his army across the Taro, and defended with Swiss Pikes in the rear before Gonzago realised what was happening. In this he was aided by the rather dispersed nature of the League army; that had spread down the Taro valley for around five miles back towards Parma; the various elements of the army had been separated for logistical and political reasons but this also reflected their leaders’ different stances (the Venetians were furthest from Fornovo)
Thus Louis de Tremoile was able to cross the Taro with little fuss, the Italian guns silenced by the rain. Commines records that Charles was halfway across the river himself when his plan began to unravel. The Italians may have been spread across the Taro valley, but there was one company who had occupied the Provincialli hill overlooking Faro, and who chose this moment to strike. The Piacenza company may have had only 500 mounted men in various states of armour, but when their charge thundered down the hill and clattered into the side of the French army their impact was apocalyptic. Charles, continuing his reputation for shoddy battlefield preparation, had not even realised that his flank was exposed and it set his army into a wild panic.
Even Phillipe de Comines charitably records that Charles attempted to return to Fornovo only to be prevented by the weight of his own army. Following the initial charge, it is unknown what Prince Richard did next, but it is unlikely he stayed engaged in battle hopelessly outnumbered. However we do know that Gonzago was able to bring up reinforcements and used his own personal guard to try and plug the Fornovo Bridge. As the morning wore on, more and more Italian forces arrived and the French became increasingly bogged down on the wrong side of the river. In the final analysis the Italians were able to block the bridge and trap around 50% of the French army where they and their baggage train was mercilessly raided by the victorious League army. Charles was able to escape with around 7,000 men, but not his treasure, his territory, or his reputation.
The celebrations in Italy were jubilant; Pope Alexander VI himself held masses for all the victorious army - Gonzago and Venice getting most of the credit. After all, it seemed to them that a grave evil, even the devil himself if you listened to Savonarola, had passed through Italy and had been fought off. Of course the Neapolitan treasure helped to lift the mood, not that it was ever returned to Naples.
If Prince Richard was disappointed at the lack of acclaim he received from Italy at large, it was probably alleviated by his reward from the Duchy of Milan. Anna Sforza had been betrothed to Alfonso d’Este, Duke of Ferrara when she was a year old, they had finally married in 1491 and had not enjoyed a happy marriage. Alfonso was well-known for his lecherous and debauched nature, and did not approve of Anna’s ‘less feminine’ attributes; she wore men’s clothes, refused to ride side saddle, and generally failed to conform to the stereotypes of her era. Fortunately for her, Alfonso perished at Fornovo guarding the French baggage train, having been one of the few Italian lords to side with the French.
Anna Sforza and Richard of Shrewsbury were married in Milan on the 2nd of September 1495 with the bride given away by her uncle Ludovico. Whether Edward V approved of this union is unknown, but the timing suggests he wasn’t consulted. As well as a bride, Richard was given a handful of estates near Lake Maggiore. The union of York and Milan would be one of the defining events of Richard’s life; not only had he helped to defeat Charles VIII’s ambitions yet again, but his association with Italy was all but assured. Happily, the couple were said to enjoy life together; contented with one another's' company and Richard allowing his wife to wear or do what she wished, within reason. The couple left for Oudenburg, Richard’s dowry from his first marriage, in the new year where Anna was more free to pursue her own eccentric tastes away from the prying eyes of Italian society and in the more tolerant low countries.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
Despite being absent, Edward V was affected by the Battle of Fornovo all the same. Firstly he cannot have been happy about Prince Richard’s rash actions involving himself with the campaign and then marrying without his permission. Secondly, the fact that Wiltshire and Lincoln had also involved themselves clearly incensed him; they were both fined a £500 benevolence and restricted to England for a year. However Edward V’s tempers were never extreme and England was fortunate with the position it found itself.
Charles once again had a bloody nose, that was surely good for English defences, and he was in no position to question the truce of Amiens, or Richard's contrary actions at Fornovo. For all of Richard’s rashness he had established vital links to northern Italy which not only boxed in France even further but allowed for a greater cultural and economic exchange with England. Furthermore, Edward was said to be particularly intrigued by the League of Venice and immediately pursued a League of his own with Burgundy and Brittany. The resultant London League was signed in September 1495, within days of Richard’s marriage to Anna Sforza.
The League was an upgrade on the Treaty of Calais; the three nations now agreeing to pursue a combined strategy and army in the event of war with France. Other provisions included economic non-competition, marriage alliances, and a Breton interest in the new world (Burgundy was busy with the Holy Roman Empire). The League of London further enforced English security and the anti-French entente for at least another 20 years. The only wrinkle was that Maximillian made it clear that he saw Burgundy as no longer his domain but that of his son Phillip, who attended the League signing in London aged seventeen. This did not immediately cause concerns, but the fact that Burgundy no longer automatically included the vast Holy Roman Empire partially weakened the League.
Elsewhere the League of Venice had an indirect religious impact on England. Fresh from his defeat of the French, Alexander VI thus used the League to increase the heat on Heretics across Europe; Hussites, Waldensians, Lollards, even the handful of Cathars, were all fair game for the Pope and he used the League to enforce his demands. Not only did the League signatories, including Spain, agree to step up actions against heresy, but they also would find it hard to trade with those realms which did not owing to Papal restrictions. Therefore Edward V had little choice but to more actively pursue the Lollards in England.
Lollardy had emerged from the teachings of John Wycliffe in the later 14th century. One Hundred years later the Lollards still remained in scattered groups across England, particularly the south east. Lollardy held that the Bible was the only source of teaching on Christianity, Wycliffe himself translating parts of the Bible into English. This stance strengthened and weakened the Lollards; they had clear beliefs in that they opposed any Catholic doctrine absent from the Bible, the Eucharist in particular. However the literate nature of the movement limited its spread to the gentry and other literate groups. Nonetheless, McFarlane argued that there were perhaps around 5,000 Lollards in England by 1500, although they were disproportionately represented amongst the Gentry, professionals and artisans of the south east, particularly in London, Oxford and Norwich.
Therefore the 1495 Parliament in October gave greater powers to Royal Justiciars to hold and charge ‘Lollards, heretics and diverse unorthodoxies’. Although records remain sketchy, we can identify at least 23 Lollards who received fines in the next year, and three who were burnt at the stake. These numbers are not huge; England saw little of the atrocities perpetrated in Spain for example, but they nonetheless piled even more pressure on an already maligned group, which would have unforeseen consequences.
More broadly, England was entering an economic boom by 1495. Dyer has shown that this is notoriously hard to measure, but wool exports were up by 30% compared to 1480-1485, and that this represented a 60% increase from 1460. This was surely helped by the new English territories around Calais; Arras and Lens contained some form of fabric manufacture, albeit smaller than those further north. Encouraged by Lincoln and Rivers, and supported by the League of London, these industries surely drove demand for English wool. This, combined with the trickle of revenue from the Columbias, did wonders for the Royal coffers with Dover Castle and Eltham palace receiving ample renovations at this time.
The long term drawback of this explosion in the wool trade was the increased enclosure of land in order to develop sheep pasture leading to larger numbers of unemployed and ‘landless’ peasantry in the next decade. The new world was largely able to absorb these new landless poor much to the benefit of England, although not necessarily the peasants themselves.
Economic growth also helped to improve England’s defences. Richmond and Lord Grantham had made great progress with cavalry and weaponry respectively with records showing that the royal stables contained over 100 warhorses and that around 50 cannon of various types were forged in London by 1495. Edward had also invested in naval technology, at the insistence of the Duke of Norfolk, Admiral of England. Norfolk had successfully poached a group of shipwrights from Portugal and brought them to London to build Caravels for the Royal fleet and the Merchant Adventurer’s Guild.
Finally law and order remained tight across England as the Code of Seneschals came into effect and Richmond and the various councils kept a lid on any dissent. Whilst chaos swirled abroad, England remained stable and prosperous throughout the later 1490s with Edward’s earlier legal reforms paying dividends. The King himself could have breathed a sigh of relief as 1495 came to a close; his realm was secure, his enemies had been defeated once again, and his dynasty was secured with three children; Elizabeth, Edward and Richard.
Chapter 13: 1495: The Sons in Splendor
Hell Unleashed: Europe 1483-1495 J Watts 1994
War was coming to the Italian peninsula, and a Son of York was caught in the crosshairs. The declaration of the League of Venice in February 1495 took Charles VIII by surprise. He had over-wintered in Naples enjoying the spoils of war, and finally some sunshine, both literal and figurative. Thus the realisation that an alliance had formed against him - and blocked his passage home was undoubtedly an unwelcome one. Charles immediately made preparations to leave Naples, with the Duke of Montpensier left in command, the French army finally departing in April.
Meanwhile the League of Venice were making their own preparations; an army of some 20,000 men was forming around Mantua, mostly comprised of Venetians and Mantuans under the command of Francesco Il Gonzago - the grizzled condottieri who controlled the city and the surrounding countryside.
Just as word reached Gonzago that the French had left Naples, he also received some unexpected support. Ludovico Sforza may have signed the League of Venice, but his aversion to Venetians, and his general reticence to commit led many to doubt his genuine sincerity. Such doubters were proved wrong when he marched into Mantua with some 4,000 men shortly before Easter 1495, and was accompanied by Prince Richard of Shrewsbury commanding his own company.
Many have speculated that Ludovico’s commitment to the League army was encouraged by his friend Richard, and the genuine concern he had for Milan’s place in the Italian political sphere if he allowed Venice to do all the fighting for him. Prince Richard was not present at the request of his brother, Edward V, indeed Mancini records that the King was ‘much displeased’ when he discovered that Richard had risked the truce of Amiens. However Richard’s actions did not provoke French revenge, they in fact won him fame and acclaim across Europe (excluding France of course).
The origins of the Piacenza company are obscure. They emerged in 1495 under an official license from Duke Ludovico, but there are little firm records beyond this document. Anecdotal evidence, even local legend, names this company as ‘the English Company’ although this of course would have been concealed by Yorkist scholars anxious to prevent a war. Nonetheless, anecdotal evidence suggests that the company was formed either for or by Prince Richard and that it took part in the 1495 campaign and included English, Welsh, Irish, Breton, Burgundian and Swiss soldiers amongst its ranks. Essentially the company had all the appearance of a roguish mercenary company, with the personnel of some of the great families of Europe, albeit 2nd and 3rd sons. The fact that the surviving arms of the company are a male white stag (similar to a Hart) should probably be all the evidence required.
Nonetheless we know that Richard, along with Lincoln and Wiltshire, were present with the League army outside Mantua in late June when the French army arrived. Charles’ aim was simple; to escape Italy with his army and haul of treasure intact and make it back to France. The League were much less clear; the Venetian senate was reticent to engage the French army head on (despite having an almost 3 to 1 numbers advantage) and elected to harry and pursue Charles hoping to recover the Neapolitan treasure. Ludovico’s desires are unclear, although it is possible to surmise that he would have similarly opted to harry and disrupt rather than risk a total confrontation. Gonzago was much more keen for a scrap, and in this he was supported by Prince Richard; he had defeated Charles twice, a third time was surely possible.
Despite all the disagreement, Gonzago managed to get the League army, by now numbering 30,000 men to the French 15,000 to the village of Fornovo in the Taro valley camped above the village to the east of the river, and north of the bridge over it. On 4th July Charless VIII approached from the south-west and began to negotiate safe passage across the bridge and back to France. The League were at least all agreed that Charles would have to surrender all baggage and territory for this to be considered. Charles, having not learned to quit whilst he was ahead, refused these demands and continued negotiations, the Venetian delegation being more than happy to oblige, hoping to weaken the French by starvation.
As negotiations continued into the 5th of July, Gonzago ordered his forces to occupy the village and place cannon overlooking the bridge to deter Charles’ advance. This has long been considered Gonzago’s natural approach, but English academics have recently suggested Ricardian influence; Richard was present at Torhout when Charles was panicked by cannon fire across his line of approach, Gonzago’s tactic being strikingly similar. This had the desired effect; by the evening of 5th July Phillipe de Comines (travelling with the French army) records that supplies were getting dangerously low, and with a torrential downpour limiting visibility and neutralising the League’s guns, Charles decided to make a break for it.
The Battle of Fornovo commenced in the early hours of the 6th of July 1495, just before dawn. Charles gave Louis de Tremoile, one of his favourites, the vanguard of the French army with the task of clearing the Fornovo bridge, himself leading the main body of the army with the baggage wagons bringing up the rear. Commines records that Charles intended to use speed and surprise to punch through Fornovo and have his army across the Taro, and defended with Swiss Pikes in the rear before Gonzago realised what was happening. In this he was aided by the rather dispersed nature of the League army; that had spread down the Taro valley for around five miles back towards Parma; the various elements of the army had been separated for logistical and political reasons but this also reflected their leaders’ different stances (the Venetians were furthest from Fornovo)
Thus Louis de Tremoile was able to cross the Taro with little fuss, the Italian guns silenced by the rain. Commines records that Charles was halfway across the river himself when his plan began to unravel. The Italians may have been spread across the Taro valley, but there was one company who had occupied the Provincialli hill overlooking Faro, and who chose this moment to strike. The Piacenza company may have had only 500 mounted men in various states of armour, but when their charge thundered down the hill and clattered into the side of the French army their impact was apocalyptic. Charles, continuing his reputation for shoddy battlefield preparation, had not even realised that his flank was exposed and it set his army into a wild panic.
Even Phillipe de Comines charitably records that Charles attempted to return to Fornovo only to be prevented by the weight of his own army. Following the initial charge, it is unknown what Prince Richard did next, but it is unlikely he stayed engaged in battle hopelessly outnumbered. However we do know that Gonzago was able to bring up reinforcements and used his own personal guard to try and plug the Fornovo Bridge. As the morning wore on, more and more Italian forces arrived and the French became increasingly bogged down on the wrong side of the river. In the final analysis the Italians were able to block the bridge and trap around 50% of the French army where they and their baggage train was mercilessly raided by the victorious League army. Charles was able to escape with around 7,000 men, but not his treasure, his territory, or his reputation.
The celebrations in Italy were jubilant; Pope Alexander VI himself held masses for all the victorious army - Gonzago and Venice getting most of the credit. After all, it seemed to them that a grave evil, even the devil himself if you listened to Savonarola, had passed through Italy and had been fought off. Of course the Neapolitan treasure helped to lift the mood, not that it was ever returned to Naples.
If Prince Richard was disappointed at the lack of acclaim he received from Italy at large, it was probably alleviated by his reward from the Duchy of Milan. Anna Sforza had been betrothed to Alfonso d’Este, Duke of Ferrara when she was a year old, they had finally married in 1491 and had not enjoyed a happy marriage. Alfonso was well-known for his lecherous and debauched nature, and did not approve of Anna’s ‘less feminine’ attributes; she wore men’s clothes, refused to ride side saddle, and generally failed to conform to the stereotypes of her era. Fortunately for her, Alfonso perished at Fornovo guarding the French baggage train, having been one of the few Italian lords to side with the French.
Anna Sforza and Richard of Shrewsbury were married in Milan on the 2nd of September 1495 with the bride given away by her uncle Ludovico. Whether Edward V approved of this union is unknown, but the timing suggests he wasn’t consulted. As well as a bride, Richard was given a handful of estates near Lake Maggiore. The union of York and Milan would be one of the defining events of Richard’s life; not only had he helped to defeat Charles VIII’s ambitions yet again, but his association with Italy was all but assured. Happily, the couple were said to enjoy life together; contented with one another's' company and Richard allowing his wife to wear or do what she wished, within reason. The couple left for Oudenburg, Richard’s dowry from his first marriage, in the new year where Anna was more free to pursue her own eccentric tastes away from the prying eyes of Italian society and in the more tolerant low countries.
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
Despite being absent, Edward V was affected by the Battle of Fornovo all the same. Firstly he cannot have been happy about Prince Richard’s rash actions involving himself with the campaign and then marrying without his permission. Secondly, the fact that Wiltshire and Lincoln had also involved themselves clearly incensed him; they were both fined a £500 benevolence and restricted to England for a year. However Edward V’s tempers were never extreme and England was fortunate with the position it found itself.
Charles once again had a bloody nose, that was surely good for English defences, and he was in no position to question the truce of Amiens, or Richard's contrary actions at Fornovo. For all of Richard’s rashness he had established vital links to northern Italy which not only boxed in France even further but allowed for a greater cultural and economic exchange with England. Furthermore, Edward was said to be particularly intrigued by the League of Venice and immediately pursued a League of his own with Burgundy and Brittany. The resultant London League was signed in September 1495, within days of Richard’s marriage to Anna Sforza.
The League was an upgrade on the Treaty of Calais; the three nations now agreeing to pursue a combined strategy and army in the event of war with France. Other provisions included economic non-competition, marriage alliances, and a Breton interest in the new world (Burgundy was busy with the Holy Roman Empire). The League of London further enforced English security and the anti-French entente for at least another 20 years. The only wrinkle was that Maximillian made it clear that he saw Burgundy as no longer his domain but that of his son Phillip, who attended the League signing in London aged seventeen. This did not immediately cause concerns, but the fact that Burgundy no longer automatically included the vast Holy Roman Empire partially weakened the League.
Elsewhere the League of Venice had an indirect religious impact on England. Fresh from his defeat of the French, Alexander VI thus used the League to increase the heat on Heretics across Europe; Hussites, Waldensians, Lollards, even the handful of Cathars, were all fair game for the Pope and he used the League to enforce his demands. Not only did the League signatories, including Spain, agree to step up actions against heresy, but they also would find it hard to trade with those realms which did not owing to Papal restrictions. Therefore Edward V had little choice but to more actively pursue the Lollards in England.
Lollardy had emerged from the teachings of John Wycliffe in the later 14th century. One Hundred years later the Lollards still remained in scattered groups across England, particularly the south east. Lollardy held that the Bible was the only source of teaching on Christianity, Wycliffe himself translating parts of the Bible into English. This stance strengthened and weakened the Lollards; they had clear beliefs in that they opposed any Catholic doctrine absent from the Bible, the Eucharist in particular. However the literate nature of the movement limited its spread to the gentry and other literate groups. Nonetheless, McFarlane argued that there were perhaps around 5,000 Lollards in England by 1500, although they were disproportionately represented amongst the Gentry, professionals and artisans of the south east, particularly in London, Oxford and Norwich.
Therefore the 1495 Parliament in October gave greater powers to Royal Justiciars to hold and charge ‘Lollards, heretics and diverse unorthodoxies’. Although records remain sketchy, we can identify at least 23 Lollards who received fines in the next year, and three who were burnt at the stake. These numbers are not huge; England saw little of the atrocities perpetrated in Spain for example, but they nonetheless piled even more pressure on an already maligned group, which would have unforeseen consequences.
More broadly, England was entering an economic boom by 1495. Dyer has shown that this is notoriously hard to measure, but wool exports were up by 30% compared to 1480-1485, and that this represented a 60% increase from 1460. This was surely helped by the new English territories around Calais; Arras and Lens contained some form of fabric manufacture, albeit smaller than those further north. Encouraged by Lincoln and Rivers, and supported by the League of London, these industries surely drove demand for English wool. This, combined with the trickle of revenue from the Columbias, did wonders for the Royal coffers with Dover Castle and Eltham palace receiving ample renovations at this time.
The long term drawback of this explosion in the wool trade was the increased enclosure of land in order to develop sheep pasture leading to larger numbers of unemployed and ‘landless’ peasantry in the next decade. The new world was largely able to absorb these new landless poor much to the benefit of England, although not necessarily the peasants themselves.
Economic growth also helped to improve England’s defences. Richmond and Lord Grantham had made great progress with cavalry and weaponry respectively with records showing that the royal stables contained over 100 warhorses and that around 50 cannon of various types were forged in London by 1495. Edward had also invested in naval technology, at the insistence of the Duke of Norfolk, Admiral of England. Norfolk had successfully poached a group of shipwrights from Portugal and brought them to London to build Caravels for the Royal fleet and the Merchant Adventurer’s Guild.
Finally law and order remained tight across England as the Code of Seneschals came into effect and Richmond and the various councils kept a lid on any dissent. Whilst chaos swirled abroad, England remained stable and prosperous throughout the later 1490s with Edward’s earlier legal reforms paying dividends. The King himself could have breathed a sigh of relief as 1495 came to a close; his realm was secure, his enemies had been defeated once again, and his dynasty was secured with three children; Elizabeth, Edward and Richard.
I love this, but... I think Anna's match to Richard has come far too quickly after her first husband dies. She's got to at least put on a show of mourning Alfonso. Betroth them in September, by all means, but give it a few months, even a year, before they actually marry. If only to make sure she's not pregnant!
Thanks will shift that back to 1496 on the final timeline! I do get overkeen with mi marriages!