The Defenders of Inti
The Defenders of Inti were a farcical imitation of the original Empire it claimed to be a descendant of. Pachacuti was gradually growing his power base in the tinpot dictatorships of Peru and Ecuador. And the terrorist ringleader was patient, and for him, time was on his side...The Neo-Incans took advantage of the illicit cocaine trade to create profit for their militias. With an established military force behind his back, he trounced the nascent competition. The group had become a real threat against the dictatorships in Peru and Ecuador. And he was only growing in popularity among the populations of both countries. In Ecuador he secretly gained the support of one Jorge Bolanos, a former soccer star turned populist politician who had the support of much of the poor of the nation. In Peru, through a combination of kickbacks and extortion schemes, he had direct or indirect control over nearly a fifth of the country, but remained ignored by the Peruvian government. With other insurgent forces on their mind, they saw him as one of many troublemakers in a problem in the unimportant hinterlands. Pachacuti was committed to a hearts and minds campaign, winning the support of indigenous peoples by portraying himself as a lawbringer. He killed rival drug lords, and his group often acted as a law-giving force, punishing those who wronged natives...
Machu Picchu. Formerly a summer retreat of the Sapa Inca Pachacuti, it had only been rediscovered in the 1900s by Americans. For decades people from around the world would flock to Peru to see this awe-inspiring landmark. But with the growing communist insurgency in the country, the hinterlands became unsafe, and with a string of attacks on tourists, tourism rates plummeted. World War Three and Marburg finally did in the rest of foreign visitation to the area. With many leaving the surrounding area, the complex had been abandoned by the time that Pachacuti had come across it. It was easy pickings really. Finding the place a great secluded hideout to carry out his operations, and understanding the historical significance it would carry among his followers, he made it his base of operations. And so it was passed from one Pachacuti to another. After centuries of waiting, the site would finally see their emperor return.
...
Pachacuti sat on his throne, contemplating his plans for a new South America. One free of European influence and under the control of the natives that had been long oppressed under the boot of the Spanish. The hated Chileans would be stomped underfoot, ruled by the Mapuche that had been oppressed so long under the chafe of the Spanish. He admired their feat as the last tribe to fall under the domination of European powers, not giving up the fight into the 1870s, before the Chileans and Argentinians snuffed that flame too. Surely they were in the favor of Inti.
He fantasized the conquering of North America, a mixed army of millions, from all corners of the continent. Inuit, Cherokee, Maya, Nahuatl, Aymara, Mapuche and Quechua; all of them dedicated to cleansing the Americas of the devilish Europeans. He saw his loyal troops outside the White House as they executed President Bundy by firing squad, and as his body was sacrificed to Inti, with the city of Washington as a backdrop, torched with a cleansing fire. A great site to build another capital for his burgeoning empire.
A fantasy, yes, but a man could dream. He was as sure that such an event wouldn’t happen in his lifetime, if at all, as he knew that there were ten planets in the solar system. His dreams were interrupted by a message from one of his guards. An intruder was spotted. Pahucati saw a man presented to him, Jordan Perez, a young man who worked as an Assistant Professor at the Department of Anthropology of UC San Diego, and a fellow Quechua speaker. He and his entourage had been ambushed while he had been attempting to visit the site, which was thought completely abandoned and in disrepair. After being found out to be the leader of the expedition, they brought him alive, in chains.
“It’s sick, just sick that you and your terrorist lackeys think that you can defile the name of Inti with this mockery of what the Tawantinsuyu really was”, he said with a biting voice.
He knew it was all true, if this was all some historical roleplay, it would’ve been dreadfully inaccurate. But really, the question was did it matter? To his followers, though, the truth did not matter. What they knew was that their leader had been gravely insulted. Angered by the mockery of their God-Emperor, they were like dogs held back by a leash, looking to the Sapa Inca for their permission to strike. He didn’t give it to them.
“Do you realize that the Inca never went to such extremes with--”
Before Perez could continue on with his tirade, a searing pain tore through his body.
The Sapa Inca fired a single bullet from a concealed Smith & Wesson revolver, through his lung.
He obtained the revolver during the Battle of Manaus, taking it out of the hands of a godless European communist and shooting its owner. There were still four bullets left loaded in its chamber. It would be the weapon which he would hopefully use to slay the oppressors in Lima.
“This is madness!”, croaked the professor.
“No. It is you who is mad, mad for betraying your own people to the European and North American imperialists, you are one of the lackeys to those that keep us in chains. A traitor to your own. For all your knowledge of our ancestors, you are blind to where your loyalties should lie. It’s almost childish, and I nearly sympathise for your naivete.”
Perez was defiant to the end, even in his weakened state, and he refused to let his spirit waver. He attempted to lunge himself towards the Emperor, but was knocked unconscious by one of his guards. He would eventually be drugged, and buried while still unconscious. He would become another sacrifice to Inti, in the style of Qapaq hucha: A sacrifice of a child for the Sapa Inka’s health. Almost a shame, the man reminded him of his past self in some way, and of the ambition of his youth. He turned to his entourage to send a message to them. Perez’s body had at this point been dragged out by his guards, leaving behind a blood stain.
“Let it be known that traitors to Inti shall not go unpunished. Traitors will meet the same fate as the imperialists. Of course, Europeans who recognize our just cause shall be treated graciously.” With a flourish, he pointed to one of his guards, his face covered with a cloak. He took it off, revealing Jorge Bolanos. His guards were shocked by this, a couple almost starstruck to meet the celebrity. He nodded, and let the Sapa Inka continue.
“We will restore the Inca Empire to its place in the sun. We shall remove European influence from our land and remake it in our image. We only need to wait.” And continue receiving arms from India. The oppressors in Lima would rue the day that the Sapa Inka took his rightful position as ruler.
Post-War Colombia
The Marburg virus had forced the military to take control of Colombia, suspending democracy, and instituting martial law. Colombia would see many freedoms repressed in the name of security. However, in Colombia, Marburg had one positive effect: by sheer luck, it killed off many heads of the cartels. With the military junta executing any soldier or citizen who was found to have accepted bribes, without trial, and offering huge prizes to those who caught the drug lords, the cartels were finally stamped out, at a high cost. Unwilling to deal with other problems of societal rot, those caught possessing drugs were shot on sight.
In addition, access to doctors was restricted and controlled by the government, who would refuse treatment to those suspected of being involved with drugs in any way, shape, or form. Ex-soviet Russian mercenaries, (which there were plenty of), with counter-insurgency experience, were also hired to hunt down the gangs. Despite being noticeably more squeamish than Bundy later would with supporting the tactics of the Colombian regime, to deal with the drug crisis, Iacocca also sent substantial financial and military aid. This was mostly in the form of private government contracts with very cheap financing, thanks to the IDFC. This allowed for huge amount of infrastructure development, which had in many portions been destroyed during the war and the post war chaos brought by the aftermath of the Marburg epidemic. The French also sent heaps of aid to the military regime and “wined and dined” those in power. Many feared Colombia would end up in the French Concordat camp.
However, Bundy (through Romney) pushed the regime to liberalize and hold elections, hoping to keep Colombia as a stable, democratic, foothold in Latin America. In the wake of what had been seen as a violation of the Monroe Doctrine in Brazil by Portugal, the belief of Americans on all sides of the political aisle was that the U.S. had to prop up democracies in South America. In contrast to the autocracies and colonies propped up by the Concordat, (and to some extent India), held tripartisan sway. Moreover, the leaders of the underground Democratic Opposition were very pro-U.S., and it helped to encourage these forces.
Colombia held a referendum on whether the military government would be able to rule for five more years past 1997, with two main campaigns: “Si” and “No”.
The “No” Campaign was led by two key figures, Luis Carlos Galan, a pre-Junta Liberal Politician who had made enough of a name for himself that the junta dared not shoot him like some others, and Pablo Escobar, a shady, but popular NCO turned general who had won the Colombian Medal of Honor in WWIII and now ruled the Southern Neighborhoods of Bogota. Between Galan’s political connections and Escobar’s “personal branch of the military” the referendum was safe from meddling from the military government.
Many suspected that Escobar had a past in the drug industry, but all those who knew anything about Escobar’s past died in mysterious accidents (or were bribed by Escobar and ignored when asked by reporters). It would later turn out that indeed, Escobar had risen to the top of the drug world, but had joined the army in WWIII after realizing that the Colombian government would go after his operation as part of the homefront effort. Post-war, he calculated that a return to the cocaine industry was not in the cards and decided to enter the government and go legal. He began to use his wealth and connections to support the pro-democracy movement, hoping one day to rule Colombia, gaining more power than he ever could have before. Despite publicly known as a former member of the cocaine trade, Escobar ran a great PR campaign, presenting his past self as being a modern day Robin Hood, stealing from the rich to give to the poor. The public knew him as only a low level member of the cartel, not involved in major operations anyways. Indeed many of his policies were close to socialist, though not close to communist.
Poster in Support for the No Campaign
The No campaign had known that to win the referendum, they would have to receive over 60% of the votes, internally adjusting for likely attempts by pro-military forces to stuff ballot boxes or possibly intimidate voters (though the latter was unlikely to happen on a large scale). After more than four months of campaigning, the vote was finally held, with Galan mobilizing the populace and Escobar ensuring no “funny business”, the vote was underway. (The USS Nelson Rockefeller also proved a threat. The junta resigned themselves to hoping the result went their way, the old-fashioned way.)
“No” won two-thirds of the vote. The military regime, in return for “retirement” payments and free passage to various resort villas, announced they would resign in three months after a presidential election, following old Colombian rules with one exception: that the President serve longer five-year terms, to ensure continuity of power.
The two main architects of the Referendum would duke it out in a bitter campaign.
Galan campaigned as the great liberalizer, whilst Escobar portrayed Galan as an extremist, and himself as the sensible candidate. Moreover, Escobar appealed to those “No” votes in the past referendum. In addition, Galan was very pro-US (reminding voters of America’s support for democracy and WWIII), whilst Escobar preferred the French and tried to stir ancestral anti-U.S. sentiment. But Escobar wouldn’t leave this to chance. Galan was nearly assassinated three times on the campaign trail, raising many suspicions that there was something foul afoot.
Galan’s campaign aides rushed to find more about Escobar, finally finding his mother, who changed her mind, and decided to publicly testify in a live interview, on what was supposed to be a Galan campaign announcement. Galan’s mother revealed all: his work as a drug kingpin, his corruption, his attempts to kill Galan, all of it. Bundy’s CIA Director, who had been watching all along, ordered a CIA team to evacuate Senora Escobar, for fear for her safety. Pablo Escobar fled Colombia to Peruvian territory controlled by the Neo-Incas.
After these announcements, the desire for a third-party candidate (a write-in) emerged but never materialized; victory was pretty much ensured for Galan.
Galan would move to institute major reforms in Colombia. Firstly, he instituted firm property rights and enforced intellectual property rights, famously cracking down on pirated CDs. He would continue to be tough on drugs, although not to the extent of the past regime. He also instituted firm union protections, including closed shops in many industries including agriculture. Using cheap American infrastructure loans, Galan industrialized the nation. He also created a GMI even more expansive than the American one, paid for by Colombia’s nationalized Coffee Production Corporation (Colombia’s oil had been sold exclusively to the Enron Corporation, though the Bundy administration denied corruption being behind the deal.) This Coffee corporation paid farmers well and hugely increased productivity, dominating the world market, although critics pointed that it pushed out other crops (to the benefit of American and Mexican agriculture). Colombia was dangerously close to promoting cash crops over sustenance, but nothing came of this yet.
Galan also funded “Bolivarian Institutes” in key US universities, with the help of the Venezuelan government promoting the study of Colombia and Venezuela, in a joint effort between both governments. This, in return, prompted high acceptance rates in said universities, and a whole slew of foreign exchange programs. In all, many American liberals would point towards Colombia as a light to copy.
Galan was a big fan of Hubert Humphrey, and Bundy wanted to build on this. Bundy made Hubert’s son, Skip Humphrey, US Ambassador to Colombia, in a Bipartisan move. While Skip and Bundy disagreed about the “bigger picture”, both were united in their belief in a firm hand in the Caribbean and northern South America, to block against any further violations of the Monroe Doctrine.
Despite communism being as reviled as fascism in much of the world as a result of the Third World War and the actions of the Politburo leading up to it, it was alive and well in Colombia with the FARC separatist group. Reportedly getting funding from India, it was a major nuisance to the Colombian government, terrorizing many living in rural areas and keeping some parts of the drug trade running. Only a solid alliance with the U.S. and joint-exercises kept the situation under control.
In early September 1997, Meredith, in the place of Bundy, busy with other matters, visited Colombia, where he met Galan, and they agreed to lighten some trade restrictions and mutual import quotas, but not signing onto any larger trade deal, due to opposition from smaller emerging industries. Galan did agree to purchase huge amounts of US Dairy products, a move well received in the state of Wisconsin. Previous American investments, through the IDFC, continued and rose. This all as Galan raised tariffs on “predatory French Goods”. Meredith and Galan, though different in ideological persuasion, became the best of friends, many calling them “The Odd Couple”.
Galan speaking to roaring crowds
The Ukraine-Poland Crisis of 1997
While Ukrainians had largely been left alone culturally until 1997, the new Polish Government became impatient with the Ukrainian community. Leszek Moczulski, a historian turned radical Freyist, capitalized on a poor economy in 1996 to lead a Freyist Coalition (as the head of a "Pure" Freyist Party) to victory over Lech Walesa’s governing Solidarity Party. Compared to the Belarusians, which were assimilating quickly and also had brought their own contributions to wider Polish culture (though the Belarusian Government disagreed with this position), the Ukrainians were a largely insular community. Many were frustrated, many calling it a lack of progress in “Polonification”. Some outside observers believed that this was due to continued slow economic growth and an attempt for the government to distract from this. This happened especially as Ukrainians self-segregated, to the detriment of all parties concerned. While numerous Ukrainians had left to settle in Kuban, some remained, most around Lwow/Lviv. Part of the issue was that most investment in eastern Poland had avoided insular Ukrainian communities, a part of the “silent arrangement”-”Ukrainians gain some autonomy, but remain poor” (BBC 1996). Lviv/Lwow, one of the most beautiful cities in Europe, had been damaged by the war and the Poles had yet to rebuild it, due to their hyper-focus on integrating Belarusians and the relative lack of damage it received (relative being the key word). While Ukrainians believed a conspiracy was afoot, the IMF and international organizations assured leaders that it was simply a problem of division of labor.
Like seen in many other situations, religious tensions caused a ramping up of tensions. This started when the Polish Church Leadership demanded that the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church be absorbed fully into the Roman Catholic Church (as opposed to remaining a separate Uniate Church), and cease its eastern orthodox-style worship practices. The Polish Government, which was in a nationalistic state under a new government after reclaiming its old borders, started seizing Church Property. St. George’s in Lviv one of the few historic buildings standing, was burned to the ground by “Politically motivated Youth”. This caused an uproar in the Hetmanate, which threatened war. The Hetman also mentioned the past history in Poland between WWI and WW2 were Ukrainians were denied employment based on their heritage, denied the right ot Orthodox Churches, or to Ukrainian language education, especially in urban areas, thus forcing many to label themselves as Polish (through conversion to Roman Catholicism). The Polish responded with reminders about the UPA persecution of Poles during WW2, calling these forces no worse than the Nazis. Many former UPA fighters, still alive in old age, publically took offence to this. Ethnic tensions rose with rumors swirling that both practices were resuming, with Ukrainians being kicked out of local governments and partisan groups being organized underground in Poland. The situation was escalating. Unlike the relatively peaceful border exchange between the Germans and Poles, relations between the Poles and Germans were up to a fever point. Tensions between fellow Slavs had worsened more than Poland’s before-then traditional enemy in Germany. As both were aligned with the Freyist Pact, all eyes were on Gerhard Frey as to how to solve his first post-war international crisis.
St. George's Cathedral Lviv
As the unofficial “regional leader”, the German Chancellor knew he had to step in. Even though he had made closer ties with Poland, he threatened outright invasion if the religious persecution did not cease, which while raising eyebrows, and shocked the Polish Government. It was a bluff, however, Pope Leo, respected among the Poles, stayed oddly neutral over this debate. He was infuriated with the Polish Bishops for squandering the opportunities granted to him with both the fall of communism, the second great awakening, and the collapse of the Russian Orthodox Church. Leo had even dreamed of uniting the various new states of the Ex-USSR under Catholicism, but this seemed like a fantasy now that Poland had “gotten in the way”, scaring many. Leo quickly expulsed and replaced the Polish catholic leadership, ending the religious part of the equation, and doing his part to try resolving tensions.
Now Frey had to deal with the political element of the equation. He initially wanted to Poland and Ukraine to reach an accord where Poland would cede much of its majority Ukrainian territory to Ukraine again, per PM Mason’s recommendations, (the UK imported a large proportion of its sugar, barley, wheat, and honey from Ukraine after Churchill’s trade deal, and wanted to maintain good relations with the Hetmanate), and per certain studies on the ground. However, the Polish refused, especially after France, the Scandinavian States, the FRR, and oddly enough, Greater Serbia, sided with the Poles. All making the point of saying the land was “ancestrally Polish, even if not recently”. Bundy, not wanting to worsen relations with either diaspora, made vague, and grand statements, pointing towards a “grand reconciliation”, which were useless to resolving the problem. After the election of Bundy, America began taking an isolationist turn, and for Germany’s purposes, would be loath to resolve this issue. “I want to see how this turns out”, said Bundy of the crisis.
Lech Walesa, who now controlled the opposition party in parliament in Poland (after losing the 1996 elections) opposed the violence as “pointless” and reminded the Polish people “we need patience”, and recommended peaceful negotiations. Frey, wanting to preserve peace on the continent, and prevent another terrible continental war, came up with what he later called “the terrible solution”, and “the greatest stain on Freyism”. Bundy, who appreciated Frey’s initiative, acquiesced to German leadership.
Germany would fund the further settling of the entire Ukrainian population from the region, continuing an existing voluntary trend. Ukraine would cede the Zhitomir Oblast, home of the largest Polish minority in Ukraine, to Ukraine. In return, Lwow oblast would be ceded to Ukraine, as an autonomous and unconnected region, a strange aspect of the treaty, and one that angered many Poles that wanted to keep Lwow. However, Lviv was dear to many Ukrainians culturally, as the cultural center of Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and traditionally the gateway to Europe for the Ukrainian People. Frey also believed that the discontinuity of this territory would be a positive. Frey thought that having this discontinuous territory would force Poland and Ukraine to trade more, thus reducing tensions.
In addition to the land-swap, Ukraine would agree to recognize the massacres at Volyn and East Galicia by the UPA in 1944, with further negotiations over other “historical crimes” by both sides pending. The Ukrainian Government would also encourage repatriation from new, and past, Polish territory, with various financial incentives (not yet used), whilst the Poles promised not to legally require repatriation or continue to “behave as in recent months” with the threat of crippling sanctions to follow. Ukraine could also face similar sanctions if its Government refused to follow per the letter of the law. Moreover, Frey would organize two “Mini Schwartzkopf Plans” for Ukraine and Poland in order to revive their economies, provided they keep inflation down.
Moczulski was thrilled at the idea, finally getting “Poland for the Poles” but pressed to demand that his government would dictate Ukrainian historical curriculum regarding past conflicts between Poles and Ukrainians. Ukraine was not as pleased as the Poles, especially given UK support for their claims to all of disputed territory (due to the agricultural trade between the two nations). Ukraine sat on their hands and waited for the US to take their side, which never happened.
Frey forced the Hetmanate to the table by reminding them of their refusal to teach Russian in ex-Russian territory and the lack of ethnically Russian peoples’ representation in the Ukrainian government. Frey also reminded the Ukrainian negotiating team that “Ukraine had extended far more into the east than most consider reasonable given the past” (Frey 1997). One of Frey’s advisers said under a hot mike “Only Crazy People believe Ukraine extends all the way to the Caspian”, nearly leading to the negotiations collapsing completely by acknowledging something most believed, but couldn’t say.
It was then agreed after this spat that the German Army, not the Poles, would monitor the transfer of land and moving of people’s both into and out of the region and essentially govern militarily for the four month evacuation period, it was planned. In addition, per FRR request, Ukraine would designate certain seats in local government for Russian Speakers in the eastern provinces. Frey promised not to bring up Eastern Ukraine further. All sides agreed to these terms and the plan was executed.
And when the crisis seemed to come to a peaceful end, the Germans messed it up by lightening their role in keeping the peace. The Poles living in Ukraine now, after a period of remarkable peace, started fighting in the streets with the Ukrainians, especially in Lviv. Ukrainians responded by burning houses as they left their homes and villages (either for Lviv or Eastern Ukraine) in tit-for-tat fighting as Poles moved in. Unbeknownst to everyone on the ground, Ukrainian secret services were helping tear up roads, cut rail lines, etc. In response, the Polish secret service flooded rivers, some times with toxic waste, and even blew up rail lines. Train stations in Zhitomir and Lviv were firebombed by activists on both sides. Most of the exchanged territories on both sides was severely damaged. Billions of damage on both sides needlessly impoverished the affected regions.
Moreover, Poland refused to allow Ukrainians to pass into the Lwow Oblast, blocking roads with tanks as German troops refused to fire, forcing Frey to set up a military government in the Lviv Oblast, to establish the “Republic of Galicia”. After a month, with the crisis not yet resolved, negotiating teams decided would become its own nation-state. Ukraine, which had willingly ceded Zhitomir, and placing its capital, Kiev, in mortal danger, was furious, but happy that at least the Polish hadn’t invaded, and set off a major war no one wanted. The Poles were also unhappy, but unwilling to start a war.
Frey set up an investigatory commission, trying to find the source of these incidents but couldn’t connect them to either government. Mass violence and bloodshed had been blocked by German peacekeepers, but property damage was rampant in the “biggest display of mass vandalism in history”. Infuriating most experts, Frey did agree to a massive arms deal of unforseen proportion with Poland, whose army grew into the fifth biggest internationally, as a means of reconciling the leadership and buying their economy. Many would argue that Frey was “feeding Polish Hysteria” although Frey would fiercely deny this.
Poland would become partners with Germany, and permanent allies. Poles admired Germany’s attempts to keep the peace. And the nation, feeling hurt from the region, and angry at “missing out on the potential of its ancestral land” turned to Germany and power for relief. They also appreciated the favorable initial offer Germany had made to them. This “unhealthy revanchist relationship” made Germany more powerful, but made Frey uneasy.
Ukraine began to fear fully trusting any one side, beginning a long game of political chess where it would swindle money, aid, education opportunities, and weapons from great powers in return for promises of alliances that somehow never worked out after Ukraine got what it wanted. Ukraine’s sense of national unity did increase from the crisis, and regional divides over language, etc subsided. The Republic of Galicia would become another statelet in the ex-USSR, generally pursuing trade and economic interconnectedness as a means of security. Galicia and Ruthenia would also become close friends, many even posited a union. This would be problematic given Ruthenia close politica relationships with Germany and Poland. It would be a long road to reconciliation for the Poland, Germany, Ukraine, and Galicia, but one that would be a feather in the cap of a future world leader.
Flag of the Galician Republic, the “accidental state”
Most nation states, including Germany, would punish both the Poles and Ukrainians simultaneously through temporary sanctions and travel limitations. Pope Leo would also demand a “cleaning of house” in the Ukrainian Catholic Church as well. Moreover, there would be a secret purge of the secret services on both sides, as the leadership realized the stupidity of their arrogance and leadership. Nobody knows what would have happened if either side had gotten caught...
While Germany had helped itself out domestically and in the “Great game” of power politics, Frey had failed in his mission against tyranny. He had also lost a potential ally in Ukraine, who he would try to resolve relations with. His moves had only caused more anguish and pain. The world remained “on fire” (London Times 1997) and Freyism had hit its first major roadblock. Frey announced he would remain doubly committed to Freedom and preserving order in the region but many just laughed. Some even held higher suspicions
National Enquirer Headlines: Frey F**ks it Up!
The Economist: Frey isn’t incompetent, he is malevolent.
-Headlines from 1997
Investment in both countries would tank temporarily and both countries’ experienced a currency crisis, causing a major economic recession in the region. Thankfully, loans from Germany and the UK allowed both countries to recover, but this did little to make people feel happy about the Frey’s resolution to this crisis. Frey’s approval dipped permanently by ten percent, although he held firm against any snap elections.
Later in 1997, due to the recession caused by the crisis, a snap election was held in Poland, and Lech Walesa, after promising to further ties between Germany, increase investment, and “move forward from stupidity”, lead the Solidarity Party to victory over the ruling “Freyist Coalition’. Wascela was unable In the long run, many consider Walesa’s return to power a key stabilizing moment in the region, as he navigated the Poland away from a path of pure revanchism. He also increased the power of labour in Poland, improved the business climate (especially for German investors) by reducing red tape, and snuffed out the most obvious revanchist parties from power including the Freyist Party. That being said, a more moderate form of Freyism did hold sway in Poland, centered around the Catholic Church, a universal non-ethnic body, as the institution that held the nation together. And Wascela would remind Poles about “the need for redemption and confession”. The Ukrainian Prime Minister, who served under the Hetman, would also resign after an ulcer caused by the stress of the crisis.
Because Ukraine never “received” the Lviv Oblast, Walesa withdrew from the eastern part of the Zhytomyr Oblast, which was partitioned along, of all things, the main highway and city of Zhytomyr. The city of Zhytomyr was given to the Ukrainians, in return for the very important railway hub of Korosten. The Hetmanate also agreed to change railway gauge to Polish/central European sizes across Ukraine, a major measure which would foster trade between the two nations. Ukraine would also hand over surplus Soviet tanks and arms to help build up the Polish Army. Ukraine paid a heavy price for this “strip of security in Zhytomyr, but it was worth it. Sadly, many (especially in US diplomatic circles) doubted the genuineness Walesa’s cries for reconciliation, to Walesa’s great dismay (as they were in fact genuine although not backed by many ).Wascela engaged in further negotiations in Zhytomyr with the Hetman and Ukrainian PM Viacheslav Chornovil. Trade negotiations were successful, and mutual tariffs and quotas were lifted, although the border remained hard and military guarded and residency permits hard to obtain and student visas non-existent (a stark contrast to early days post-independence). This would greatly help both economies (along with internal stability). However, political negotiations really went nowhere as the damage had been done. Ukraine refused to enter into Poland and Germany’s political movement. In addition, past plans to jointly host the EuroCup were scrapped. Mutual anti-crime initiatives sadly were left unfinished. On the ground, however, the wealth generated from goods moving across borders forced many to work together, and with this, for stereotypes were destroyed and friendship built.
Territory to the west of the main central road, the majority of the Oblast, remained Polish territory to the East was was returned to the Ukrainians by Walesa.
Throughout this criss, US SOS Mitt Romney was disgusted by the situation. He had been very critical of the post-war borders as a senator, in part to please the small, but active, Ukrainian American Community in Boston. He also disliked German territorial gains, which he saw as the start of this “cascade of chaos”. He had even sponsored a bill to place sanctions on Poland until they gave Belarusian areas autonomy in 1995, that died in committee. He had wanted that territory returned to Ukraine, in return for the destruction of customs and borders in the area, another aid package to Poland, and Ukrainian entrance into NATO. A Ukraine in NATO would allow American power to block Turkey, the Timurids, and other unsavory states. Ukraine would never join NATO now that they deeply distrusted Germany and Poland. While Germany and Poland were fine allies, keeping them happy was not worth losing a vital potential ally.
Romney even doubted the motives behind the return of ⅓ of Zhytomyr to Ukraine. Was Poland lulling ukraine to prepare for an invasion? During his travels to Poland Romney had gotten along very poorly with Leoch Walesa and Gerhard Frey, and was highly suspicious of both. Romney questioned the ethics within the “German Block” (Germany, Poland, the Baltics, Italy) and Europe in general. Were these allies as committed to freedom, peace, and prosperity as America was, or had Europe returned to the dark days of power struggles of the 19th century? President Bundy had also asked this of the American people on a couple of TV appearances.
Frey’s hated compromise, leading to the accidental creation of the Galician Republic and the partition of the Zhytomyr Oblast.
...
1997 would enter into history with 1968, 1914, 1848, as one of the years when the world ripped aflame.
Some would argue that this tension, revolution, and change emerged from a lack of trade that made countries want to compete for resources. Others believed that “the failed borders of 1991 were to blame”. Some argued that a lack of change in social mores made people restless and violent while others argued that said beliefs had been abandoned for too long. Generally, however, there was a consensus that continued border changes and”nation state composition” left “the world in flux”. Moreover, the pain and destruction caused by WWIII left many unhappy, nations divided, and borders drawn not entirely out of honest divides, but old claims, and domestic lobbying. Moreover, WWII had wiped out a generation in some areas, leading to social unrest, especially as birth rates rose in many areas as a response to past issues, leading to a huge influx of young men, who grew restless when work was unavailable.
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Mitt Romney walked into the Oval Office, and saw Bundy not doing very much in particular. He seemed almost lost in thought, blissful. He gained attention when he saw Romney come in looking like he’d lost weight from stress and exhaustion. Romney almost looked like he’d come right off the streets, carrying a suitcase full of papers.
Bundy:
Hey Mitt, you sounded pretty flustered on the phone earlier, normally you enjoy our weekly Foreign Policy Meetings, especially after our work in Colombia.
Romney:
Yeah I’m pissed, I don’t get what the hell is your strategy with Ukraine and Poland, sitting on hands does nothing good, peace is at stake here. We cannot be dragged into war. We barely avoided a war. Its a miracle, considering the idiocy in Europe, damn Freyists.
Bundy:
Look Mitt, you and me both know Freyism is sham, a joke, but the rest of the world doesn’t understand, besides Buchanan, Nader, and assorted nuts. Now the world has seen Freysim for what it really is: a mess at best, evil at worst. Moreover, we win over Natural Law and Prog voters by not getting involved. And if we explicitly go against Germany and Poland the Democrats will go on the march. And if we go anti-Freyist to the core we will have Schmitz and his taxi driver listeners on our throats. Not to mention a lot of Americans just died to keep Germany free. We gotta be subtle with Europe, Mitt, small gains will lead to swift action soon enough. You know that, you won in Massachusetts as a Liberty Con after all.
Romney:
You obsess with domestic politics too much Ted.
Bundy:
This Three Party system is a bitch man, besides you really want Traficant as President, that nut?
Romney:
yeah, yeah, whatever...I understand this subtle approach, we need this anyway, specially after Iaccoca was about as subtle as a Boulder...you never cease to surprise me. But let’s not have a repeat silent performance, k?
Bundy:
Of course, besides, we’re not gonna have another crisis like this again
Romney:
God-Willing...