New Deal Coalition Retained III: A New World
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Really good move on the German-Polish border. The Poles are setting themselves up as one of the big powers in the Freyist bloc alongside Germany and Italy
The Third Sino-Japanese War
Madame Mao herself, Jiang Qing, died on May 14th, 1991, ending her 17 year long rule of China. Her death had at first changed little, with the triumvirate tenuously holding together for the rest of the war. But soon after the war ended, a short power struggle between the triumvirate running China during the war, the three being Premier of the State Council Li Peng, Foreign Minister Deng Xiaoping, and Deputy Chairman of the Central Military Commission Liu Huaqing. However, Li Peng was the quickest to act, and gained the upper hand in the dispute, as Deng Xiaoping had been in the United States as of the time of his consolidation, and found himself locked out of the dispute, with no way to rally his power base behind him. He lived in exile in the United States for the rest of his life, railing against the current regime in China. Liu Huanqing, the favorite of the military, had been found dead from officially a suicide from the back of the head, with his sudden death leaving many of his supporters scrambling for a replacement...Eventually they found themselves relocated to the western deserts of Sinkiang shortly after, where they found company of those who had been hit by Madame Mao’s waves of purges. This included the other aging members of the Gang of Four. They merely bided their time however, for the moment to strike. With his two rivals in the triumvirate out of the way, Li Peng was the unquestioned ruler of China. And he turned to the first matter of business. The elephant in the room for everyone in the CCP...Japan.
The Chinese had been weary of Japanese expansionism in their neighborhood, and after the war had found that they had a border with them. A long, possibly indefensible border. In truth the Chinese had been weary of their neighbor to the east ever since the Minseito had taken power, and seemed impotent to stop the threat. The short border conflict with the Japanese during the Third World War had ended up inconclusive with the death of Madame Mao forcing the Chinese to withdraw. The Chinese did not mourn the dissolution of the USSR, seeing that they could benefit more from them losing than them winning, but the the process of carving up Russia at the negotiating table and ensuing Russian Civil War had left China in a bad position. Although they ended up with the territory of the former Zabaykalsky Krai, they also found they now had a long and indefensible border with Japan, including Green Ukraine which was little more than a Japanese satellite state. And to make things worse, from there they were barely separated from American Siberia, and had to deal with American bases in former Russian territory too.
The General Secretary did not act though, as he had been distracted with domestic efforts to continue his consolidation of power. Japan’s control of Haishou (Vladivostok), had given the Japanese a strategic asset which the CCP thought was too vital to Chinese national security to allow them to keep in Japanese hands. Importantly as well, Japan had Manchuria surrounded on three sides. Li Peng had been well known as a hardliner, an advocate for fire and fury within the Chinese government. But with his government’s seeming inaction, his reputation was at stake, and it seemed like all his talk of strengthening Chinese influence through force seemed just that...Talk. The General Secretary did not want to look like a weakling though, so he had to act to avoid that.
His opportunity came on May 26th 1995, with a border incident on the new Outer Manchurian border escalated into a small scale skirmish, with some fatalities. Seeing his chance to prove himself, he declared war on Japan the next day. Propaganda began proclaiming that in fact, this was a war for the retaking their rightful land, of dormant irredentist claims dating back centuries. Ignoring the fact that the CCP didn’t even exist then, the public didn’t fall for it either.
Support for the war was not high, as they knew the Japanese had been preparing for such a scenario ever since they received Outer Manchuria. Japanese technology was superior, modernized, and their soldiers were battle hardened and experienced. The Chinese, on the other hand, had not recently fought in any major conflict, had in many areas outdated technologies, and used older equipment, prone to malfunction or be found not working. The Chinese’s main objectives were to take the Japanese by surprise and blitz towards Kosui (Khaborovsk), and completely surround it. They would then lay the pocket they created under an intense siege until the city and its garrison surrendered. If possible, another objective was to do the same to Haishou (Vladivostok), which would receive bombardment from the sea if easy access was guaranteed. If one or two of those cities were captured, the Chinese could force the Japanese to the negotiating table and extract concessions.
The plan was not very well thought out at all to say in the least, first of all, there was no telling if the Japanese would go to the negotiating table after the capture of those two cities or keep fighting on, and second of all, the Japanese fortified these cities anticipating a Chinese attack at some point. It was a surprise to few outside observers when they saw what happened soon after. What followed was a short, lopsided conflict, though a bloody one on both sides at that.
The two pronged attack on Kosui and Haishou had found some level of success in the early days, but ended up short of total encirclement. Forces in Kosui were supplied with material from the Amur, floated down from Komiso (Komsomolsk). Hopes of an assault from land and sea bending Kosui into submission also ended with neither objective met. The Chinese were stopped in their advance after the battle of Artiyim (Artem). The Chinese advance headed towards this Haishou suburb, being ground down by the Japanese army in brutal urban warfare.
The Japanese Navy blocked most attempts to reach Outer Manchuria or even the heartland of Honshu, though Okinawa received artillery fire for much of the war. The decisive battle came with what the West has known as the Second Battle of Port Arthur (Qingdao), off the coast of Qingdao. Unlike the other battle in the area which ended in a slight Japanese victory a hundred years before, the Chinese Navy was hit hard in a defeat close enough to shore that many bystanders could get a good view of the event. The defeat served as a blow to morale, especially since Qingdao was the location of one of China’s main naval bases, and the loss of 10 ships in that battle alone.
The final surprise for the Chinese came when the Japanese came on the counter-offensive, surprising even some of the more pessimistic members of the Chinese military and successfully surrounding the lightly defended border city of Jixi, which surrendered after a week of bombardment. The city was not a strategic asset for the Chinese Army, but the morale blow to the Chinese public led to widespread discontent. Fears of the horrors that the Second Sino-Japanese War returned, though truthfully the Japanese had acted well within the constraints of the Geneva Convention. Green Ukraine also “joined” the conflict, with troops from Blagoveshchensk pushing in from the north. Manchuria was practically surrounded.
The Chinese Army was not by any means doing a horrible job considering their odds, as anyone in the Okinawa Prefecture can prove, and through sheer attrition and numbers could have eventually reversed their losses theoretically with human wave tactics, which worked well in the Korean War and would’ve worked well in this case as well. But the public was not in the mood for it, and the army was beginning to look towards Li Peng as their scapegoat for the war and their eventual loss.
The Ulaanbaatar Accords held in neutral Mongolia were set up at the end of the war to establish peace and a settlement between the two countries. The conflict was left as a stalemate, as the Chinese were still well within the range to hit the Japanese with artillery fire in Outer Manchuria. by the time the Chinese government decided to end the conflict, though the Japanese were on the advance at the time, and they seemed to hold more power when negotiations eventually came. Over Chinese Char Siu washed down with plenty of baijiu, and Japanese Natto with sake, a deal was reached nearly a week and a half later. Japan won the day here, eventually forcing the Chinese to pay indemnities to the nation, and recognizing Green Ukraine as well as Japan’s holdings in Outer Manchuria.
In Japan, national pride was soaring, with the nation finally achieving victory over China and receiving recognition of its holdings. In China….not so much. The nation was not in for good times.
Madame Mao herself, Jiang Qing, died on May 14th, 1991, ending her 17 year long rule of China. Her death had at first changed little, with the triumvirate tenuously holding together for the rest of the war. But soon after the war ended, a short power struggle between the triumvirate running China during the war, the three being Premier of the State Council Li Peng, Foreign Minister Deng Xiaoping, and Deputy Chairman of the Central Military Commission Liu Huaqing. However, Li Peng was the quickest to act, and gained the upper hand in the dispute, as Deng Xiaoping had been in the United States as of the time of his consolidation, and found himself locked out of the dispute, with no way to rally his power base behind him. He lived in exile in the United States for the rest of his life, railing against the current regime in China. Liu Huanqing, the favorite of the military, had been found dead from officially a suicide from the back of the head, with his sudden death leaving many of his supporters scrambling for a replacement...Eventually they found themselves relocated to the western deserts of Sinkiang shortly after, where they found company of those who had been hit by Madame Mao’s waves of purges. This included the other aging members of the Gang of Four. They merely bided their time however, for the moment to strike. With his two rivals in the triumvirate out of the way, Li Peng was the unquestioned ruler of China. And he turned to the first matter of business. The elephant in the room for everyone in the CCP...Japan.
The Chinese had been weary of Japanese expansionism in their neighborhood, and after the war had found that they had a border with them. A long, possibly indefensible border. In truth the Chinese had been weary of their neighbor to the east ever since the Minseito had taken power, and seemed impotent to stop the threat. The short border conflict with the Japanese during the Third World War had ended up inconclusive with the death of Madame Mao forcing the Chinese to withdraw. The Chinese did not mourn the dissolution of the USSR, seeing that they could benefit more from them losing than them winning, but the the process of carving up Russia at the negotiating table and ensuing Russian Civil War had left China in a bad position. Although they ended up with the territory of the former Zabaykalsky Krai, they also found they now had a long and indefensible border with Japan, including Green Ukraine which was little more than a Japanese satellite state. And to make things worse, from there they were barely separated from American Siberia, and had to deal with American bases in former Russian territory too.
The General Secretary did not act though, as he had been distracted with domestic efforts to continue his consolidation of power. Japan’s control of Haishou (Vladivostok), had given the Japanese a strategic asset which the CCP thought was too vital to Chinese national security to allow them to keep in Japanese hands. Importantly as well, Japan had Manchuria surrounded on three sides. Li Peng had been well known as a hardliner, an advocate for fire and fury within the Chinese government. But with his government’s seeming inaction, his reputation was at stake, and it seemed like all his talk of strengthening Chinese influence through force seemed just that...Talk. The General Secretary did not want to look like a weakling though, so he had to act to avoid that.
His opportunity came on May 26th 1995, with a border incident on the new Outer Manchurian border escalated into a small scale skirmish, with some fatalities. Seeing his chance to prove himself, he declared war on Japan the next day. Propaganda began proclaiming that in fact, this was a war for the retaking their rightful land, of dormant irredentist claims dating back centuries. Ignoring the fact that the CCP didn’t even exist then, the public didn’t fall for it either.
Support for the war was not high, as they knew the Japanese had been preparing for such a scenario ever since they received Outer Manchuria. Japanese technology was superior, modernized, and their soldiers were battle hardened and experienced. The Chinese, on the other hand, had not recently fought in any major conflict, had in many areas outdated technologies, and used older equipment, prone to malfunction or be found not working. The Chinese’s main objectives were to take the Japanese by surprise and blitz towards Kosui (Khaborovsk), and completely surround it. They would then lay the pocket they created under an intense siege until the city and its garrison surrendered. If possible, another objective was to do the same to Haishou (Vladivostok), which would receive bombardment from the sea if easy access was guaranteed. If one or two of those cities were captured, the Chinese could force the Japanese to the negotiating table and extract concessions.
The plan was not very well thought out at all to say in the least, first of all, there was no telling if the Japanese would go to the negotiating table after the capture of those two cities or keep fighting on, and second of all, the Japanese fortified these cities anticipating a Chinese attack at some point. It was a surprise to few outside observers when they saw what happened soon after. What followed was a short, lopsided conflict, though a bloody one on both sides at that.
The two pronged attack on Kosui and Haishou had found some level of success in the early days, but ended up short of total encirclement. Forces in Kosui were supplied with material from the Amur, floated down from Komiso (Komsomolsk). Hopes of an assault from land and sea bending Kosui into submission also ended with neither objective met. The Chinese were stopped in their advance after the battle of Artiyim (Artem). The Chinese advance headed towards this Haishou suburb, being ground down by the Japanese army in brutal urban warfare.
The Japanese Navy blocked most attempts to reach Outer Manchuria or even the heartland of Honshu, though Okinawa received artillery fire for much of the war. The decisive battle came with what the West has known as the Second Battle of Port Arthur (Qingdao), off the coast of Qingdao. Unlike the other battle in the area which ended in a slight Japanese victory a hundred years before, the Chinese Navy was hit hard in a defeat close enough to shore that many bystanders could get a good view of the event. The defeat served as a blow to morale, especially since Qingdao was the location of one of China’s main naval bases, and the loss of 10 ships in that battle alone.
The final surprise for the Chinese came when the Japanese came on the counter-offensive, surprising even some of the more pessimistic members of the Chinese military and successfully surrounding the lightly defended border city of Jixi, which surrendered after a week of bombardment. The city was not a strategic asset for the Chinese Army, but the morale blow to the Chinese public led to widespread discontent. Fears of the horrors that the Second Sino-Japanese War returned, though truthfully the Japanese had acted well within the constraints of the Geneva Convention. Green Ukraine also “joined” the conflict, with troops from Blagoveshchensk pushing in from the north. Manchuria was practically surrounded.
The Chinese Army was not by any means doing a horrible job considering their odds, as anyone in the Okinawa Prefecture can prove, and through sheer attrition and numbers could have eventually reversed their losses theoretically with human wave tactics, which worked well in the Korean War and would’ve worked well in this case as well. But the public was not in the mood for it, and the army was beginning to look towards Li Peng as their scapegoat for the war and their eventual loss.
The Ulaanbaatar Accords held in neutral Mongolia were set up at the end of the war to establish peace and a settlement between the two countries. The conflict was left as a stalemate, as the Chinese were still well within the range to hit the Japanese with artillery fire in Outer Manchuria. by the time the Chinese government decided to end the conflict, though the Japanese were on the advance at the time, and they seemed to hold more power when negotiations eventually came. Over Chinese Char Siu washed down with plenty of baijiu, and Japanese Natto with sake, a deal was reached nearly a week and a half later. Japan won the day here, eventually forcing the Chinese to pay indemnities to the nation, and recognizing Green Ukraine as well as Japan’s holdings in Outer Manchuria.
In Japan, national pride was soaring, with the nation finally achieving victory over China and receiving recognition of its holdings. In China….not so much. The nation was not in for good times.
Well, that went well. And there's going to be a coup in China as a result of this? Can't wait to see how that plays out.
Yes it's under a Democracy, which is currently playing off the Japanese and Chinese.
Bookmark1995
Banned
"We will rise again," the Mongolians said ominously, while peaking at China from behind the Great Wall.
1992 UK election:
After the war, Britain was a strange place: the normally stoic Brits were in full jubilant celebration of the victory and the welcoming of the soldiers who had returned from Russia, South America, Biafra, and every corner of the empire where the sun never set, often in ruined streets and roofless pubs. These celebrations were as common as the somber funerals of those who will never return. This odd sad-happy mentality was the reality in the kingdom. The UK began moving away from its war fitting, as shown on December 16, 1991, as Prime Minister Churchill announced the end of the wartime unity coalition and the announcement of new elections to be held on January 13, 1992.
The Tories renominated Churchill without competition. He declared at the party conference: "Now that Britain has regained its rightful place and rules the waves again, we will take our place in defending liberty, both foreign and domestic". Later, he said in a campaign speech, "My grandfather once said, "We contend that for a nation to try to tax itself into prosperity is like a man standing in a bucket and trying to lift himself up by the handle.” Today, after 8 years of dealing with factors that repeatedly block any attempt to free the market from the chains of government, I understand how right he was.” (This speech is interpreted by the media as an attempt by Churchill to imitate the liberty-conservative ideology of the Republican Party overseas, and make it his own.)
In the Labour Party, the field was crowded. The candidates were popular shadow defence minister Roy Mason, Crossman’s Northern Ireland Secretary, and a prominent warhawk before the war broke out, former party whip and candidate for party leadership Michael Foot, the moderate reformist Tony Blair, the aging shadow chancellor of the exchequer John Smith, the “British Lynn Yeakel”, Margaret Beckett, extremist union leader Arthur Scargill and some more minor candidates. Both Mason and Foot were seen as old codgers, which upset a few younger MP’s who wanted to bring new blood into the party. With Foot having already run for leadership 3 times, many thought that some one else needed to have a turn at leadership. Beckett and Scargill did not run convincing enough campaigns, winning only a smattering of votes in the end. John Smith topped both their campaigns, but in the end many MP’s believed he didn’t have the right kind of leadership expertise to run the nation, more fit in the cabinet. Mason was a popular figure in the party due in part to his experience with the war, being seen as a statesman among many in party leadership, one able to live up to Churchill’s towering reputation. This along with some level of personal charisma made him a top contender, standing out in front of the rest. His main competitor was found in Tony Blair instead of Foot. Blair, though was considered in comparison too inexperienced, though he could win over many moderate voters, he was almost too liberal, so the party MPs gave Mason a victory in the Second Round.
The Liberals felt that this was their chance: the war and the nuclear threat were over and now proposals that supported the reduction of nuclear weapons and the military would no longer be perceived as toxic politically. The dramatic primaries had two members of parliament: the party elder Shirley Williams and Paddy Ashdown, who was perceived as able to attract moderates from both parties to the party. 21 party MP’s at the time supported Williams, forming a majority out of 37 party members and she was expected to win easily as a result, though in a twist, Ashdown won at the end because seven Labour members who supported Blair's candidacy, including Blair himself, moved to the Liberal Party because they saw their old party as outdated and unattractive for younger voters, and in their beliefs out of touch. The primaries were over with Ashdown gaining a majority of 23-21 MPs and the leadership of the party.
After each party had chosen its leader, they began the campaign: Mason and Labour tried to imitate the huge American rallies and held a huge rally in Sheffield that raised support for the party in working-class cities like Manchester and Glasgow, where support for the party was already high. The conservatives ran with the slogan "He won the war for you" and managed to convey a message of strength and stability. The liberals found success above all. Ashdown and the party managed to excite the crowd in Greater London, in the countryside, and especially in the non-English regions. They promised a greater degree of autonomy for the Scots and the Welsh, and some even promised a referendum to solve the question of Northern Ireland.
Mason during flight between rallies with his campaign managers
Ashdown, Williams, and Blair crossed the kingdom back and forth and promised (in a manner reminiscent of the efforts of the Progressive Party in America) to end the two-party duopoly. One rally in London, all three together at a large rally attracted 25,000 people. It was expected that the Liberals could become the kingmakers in the next parliament. Many polls surprisingly showed them winning up to 15 more seats in the next election.
Ashdown campaigning in chippenham.
The smaller parties took wind out of their sails, though the Liberals were able to draw votes from some regional parties that demanded more autonomy from London. In Northern Ireland, the smaller parties continued their alliances with their national counterparts.
The polls predicted Hung Parliament:
Tories: 287 seats
Labour: 283 seats
Liberals: 67 seats
Other: 13 seats
A week before the election, it seemed there would be no ballot, and it would take months for the coalition to reach something, but three phone calls changed everything: The young reporter Piers Morgan, at the time working for the BBC suggested that the three leading candidates hold for the first time in the history of Britain a television debate. The three candidates happily accepted the proposal, and so on the evening of January 9, four days before the elections, the debate took place when Morgan moderating.
Debates went on like the campaign: every candidate presented respectfully his vision of the vision he had for post-war Britain, whether as a nation with a military presence around the world, as an open nation for business from worldwide or as a nation addressing problems of its own and not the world's problems. The debate was rather dull, considered a failure until Churchill made a statement that defined the night.
Mason: we will keep ensuring that we’ll live in a country where people do not live in poverty and can afford education, health, and housing. It is inconceivable that in an advanced nation like us, there are people who can’t afford basic living conditions.
Churchill (speaking as Mason speaks): That's what your party said the last time when they kicked a Churchill out of downing 10.
Churchill during the debate
Churchill got into the groove later on the debate, seeming more self-confident and charismatic, managing to defend his views successfully. The following day, a survey was published about who won:
Churchill - 44%
Mason - 32%
Ashdown - 21%
tie - 3%
Churchill had won the day.
The good performance that Churchill gave in the debate created a wave of renewed support for the Conservative Party. The party's candidates were ordered to hold as many rallies as possible in the coming days in order to flip enough seat blue.
On the eve of the elections, the Tory wave surprised even the party itself. They managed to win a narrow majority (328 seats, three above required), enough to form a majority government.
While the Liberals underperformed their rather optimistic expectations in polls, they still did well, gaining 11 seats in the election. With Blair as a member of the Liberal Party, they took an up and coming leader from Labour.
@Roberto El Rey thankes for the wikiboxes
After the war, Britain was a strange place: the normally stoic Brits were in full jubilant celebration of the victory and the welcoming of the soldiers who had returned from Russia, South America, Biafra, and every corner of the empire where the sun never set, often in ruined streets and roofless pubs. These celebrations were as common as the somber funerals of those who will never return. This odd sad-happy mentality was the reality in the kingdom. The UK began moving away from its war fitting, as shown on December 16, 1991, as Prime Minister Churchill announced the end of the wartime unity coalition and the announcement of new elections to be held on January 13, 1992.
The Tories renominated Churchill without competition. He declared at the party conference: "Now that Britain has regained its rightful place and rules the waves again, we will take our place in defending liberty, both foreign and domestic". Later, he said in a campaign speech, "My grandfather once said, "We contend that for a nation to try to tax itself into prosperity is like a man standing in a bucket and trying to lift himself up by the handle.” Today, after 8 years of dealing with factors that repeatedly block any attempt to free the market from the chains of government, I understand how right he was.” (This speech is interpreted by the media as an attempt by Churchill to imitate the liberty-conservative ideology of the Republican Party overseas, and make it his own.)
In the Labour Party, the field was crowded. The candidates were popular shadow defence minister Roy Mason, Crossman’s Northern Ireland Secretary, and a prominent warhawk before the war broke out, former party whip and candidate for party leadership Michael Foot, the moderate reformist Tony Blair, the aging shadow chancellor of the exchequer John Smith, the “British Lynn Yeakel”, Margaret Beckett, extremist union leader Arthur Scargill and some more minor candidates. Both Mason and Foot were seen as old codgers, which upset a few younger MP’s who wanted to bring new blood into the party. With Foot having already run for leadership 3 times, many thought that some one else needed to have a turn at leadership. Beckett and Scargill did not run convincing enough campaigns, winning only a smattering of votes in the end. John Smith topped both their campaigns, but in the end many MP’s believed he didn’t have the right kind of leadership expertise to run the nation, more fit in the cabinet. Mason was a popular figure in the party due in part to his experience with the war, being seen as a statesman among many in party leadership, one able to live up to Churchill’s towering reputation. This along with some level of personal charisma made him a top contender, standing out in front of the rest. His main competitor was found in Tony Blair instead of Foot. Blair, though was considered in comparison too inexperienced, though he could win over many moderate voters, he was almost too liberal, so the party MPs gave Mason a victory in the Second Round.
The Liberals felt that this was their chance: the war and the nuclear threat were over and now proposals that supported the reduction of nuclear weapons and the military would no longer be perceived as toxic politically. The dramatic primaries had two members of parliament: the party elder Shirley Williams and Paddy Ashdown, who was perceived as able to attract moderates from both parties to the party. 21 party MP’s at the time supported Williams, forming a majority out of 37 party members and she was expected to win easily as a result, though in a twist, Ashdown won at the end because seven Labour members who supported Blair's candidacy, including Blair himself, moved to the Liberal Party because they saw their old party as outdated and unattractive for younger voters, and in their beliefs out of touch. The primaries were over with Ashdown gaining a majority of 23-21 MPs and the leadership of the party.
After each party had chosen its leader, they began the campaign: Mason and Labour tried to imitate the huge American rallies and held a huge rally in Sheffield that raised support for the party in working-class cities like Manchester and Glasgow, where support for the party was already high. The conservatives ran with the slogan "He won the war for you" and managed to convey a message of strength and stability. The liberals found success above all. Ashdown and the party managed to excite the crowd in Greater London, in the countryside, and especially in the non-English regions. They promised a greater degree of autonomy for the Scots and the Welsh, and some even promised a referendum to solve the question of Northern Ireland.
Mason during flight between rallies with his campaign managers
Ashdown, Williams, and Blair crossed the kingdom back and forth and promised (in a manner reminiscent of the efforts of the Progressive Party in America) to end the two-party duopoly. One rally in London, all three together at a large rally attracted 25,000 people. It was expected that the Liberals could become the kingmakers in the next parliament. Many polls surprisingly showed them winning up to 15 more seats in the next election.
Ashdown campaigning in chippenham.
The smaller parties took wind out of their sails, though the Liberals were able to draw votes from some regional parties that demanded more autonomy from London. In Northern Ireland, the smaller parties continued their alliances with their national counterparts.
The polls predicted Hung Parliament:
Tories: 287 seats
Labour: 283 seats
Liberals: 67 seats
Other: 13 seats
A week before the election, it seemed there would be no ballot, and it would take months for the coalition to reach something, but three phone calls changed everything: The young reporter Piers Morgan, at the time working for the BBC suggested that the three leading candidates hold for the first time in the history of Britain a television debate. The three candidates happily accepted the proposal, and so on the evening of January 9, four days before the elections, the debate took place when Morgan moderating.
Debates went on like the campaign: every candidate presented respectfully his vision of the vision he had for post-war Britain, whether as a nation with a military presence around the world, as an open nation for business from worldwide or as a nation addressing problems of its own and not the world's problems. The debate was rather dull, considered a failure until Churchill made a statement that defined the night.
Mason: we will keep ensuring that we’ll live in a country where people do not live in poverty and can afford education, health, and housing. It is inconceivable that in an advanced nation like us, there are people who can’t afford basic living conditions.
Churchill (speaking as Mason speaks): That's what your party said the last time when they kicked a Churchill out of downing 10.
Churchill during the debate
Churchill got into the groove later on the debate, seeming more self-confident and charismatic, managing to defend his views successfully. The following day, a survey was published about who won:
Churchill - 44%
Mason - 32%
Ashdown - 21%
tie - 3%
Churchill had won the day.
The good performance that Churchill gave in the debate created a wave of renewed support for the Conservative Party. The party's candidates were ordered to hold as many rallies as possible in the coming days in order to flip enough seat blue.
On the eve of the elections, the Tory wave surprised even the party itself. They managed to win a narrow majority (328 seats, three above required), enough to form a majority government.
While the Liberals underperformed their rather optimistic expectations in polls, they still did well, gaining 11 seats in the election. With Blair as a member of the Liberal Party, they took an up and coming leader from Labour.
@Roberto El Rey thankes for the wikiboxes
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Well, I guess being the leading party in the coalition which won the war would enable the Tories to stay in power, but one has to assume that people will tire of their prolonged leadership by the next election, at least.
1996 Republican Primary
“This has got to be one of the nastiest races I’ve ever seen. And that’s saying something!”
-Roy Cohn on the Buckley News Network-
Initially, the leading candidate for 1996 on the Republican was Susan Scott Agnew, a senatorial member of the Agnew Dynasty that occupied the Governorship, the Maryland speakership, and 1 of the two members of the Senate delegation. She had recently filibustered Caseycare for 15 hours, nearly killing the bill. She had a wonderful TV presence, being a darling of the Republican base. However, it was leaked that she was considered “my dumbest child” by Daddy Spiro. While this scandal never hurt her long term Senate career, it killed her fundraising, made her a joke in the eyes of many, and prevented her form building any serious campaign infrastructure. It potentially hurt her chances in the election going further on.
Bob Dornan represented the “Reagan Liberty Conservative Wing”. While extremely Liberty Conservative in many respects, he fought against the rising post-war neo-isolationism, having famously helped whip support for Iacocca's U.N. biological weapons treaty. However, more interventionist Republicans preferred the more moderate tone of John Lewis, and Liberty Conservative firebrands had chosen Clarence Thomas. While Bob Dornan could bomb-throw with the best of them, he was sloppy, far from eloquent, insensitive, and light on policy.
John Lewis had been bloodied by the Football Scandal, alienating a great many Southern voters, though he gained a new demographic of supporters in white upper-middle class “Tennis Moms” in the process. Going into the race he found himself in the position where he had more support from white voters than black voters, losing much of the latter demographic to Clarence Thomas. Another candidate came in the form of a scion of the Rockefeller family. Worrying that more socially conservative forces would lead to Progressive gains, Stephen Clark Rockefeller decided to enter the race and use his family fortune to steamroll through the primaries through a massive advertising campaign. However, he was one of the most boring campaigners in history. In addition, he “over-moderated”, signaling his support for CaseyCare, and unwillingness to repeal any major Iacocca legislation or spending, for fear of increasing unemployment. When asked about inflation in an interview after the first primary, Rockefeller said that “America will have to accept high inflation as a reality of our post-war economy”. This gaffe was attacked non-stop by all candidates, and is cited as the worst in recent memory. Rockefeller’s lack of speaking skills and obvious tiredness meant he could never counteract those counter-narratives. Thankfully, his legislative skills were excellent, and in his state he would be fondly remembered for his work behind the scenes, “the governor you didn’t know was there”.
Rockefeller trying, and failing, to be more engaging
Clarence Thomas and John Lewis engaged in the most bitter infighting of all of the candidates as they vied for control over the African-American Portion of the party. Thomas was the voice of an emerging black middle, and upper-middle, class, that saw inflation, (which had ruined many of their savings) and government contracts (which they believed they never won on account of race) as what had killed their rapid improvement in economic fortunes in the initial post-war years. John Lewis represented the “sensible wing” of pragmatist centrists who allied with the wealthy and Northeastern parts of the party (even though their support mostly came from poorer members of the African American Community who were less anti-entitlement). Lewis would attack Thomas saying that “his positions reflect the fact that his rule would be terrible for our poor… as president he’d be worse for us than George Wallace...David Duke would love his welfare policies”. Thomas responded by calling Lewis an “Uncle Tom...always willing to sell out our progress to curry favor among the well-connected white aristocracy”. This fighting ruined both of these candidates’ chances to pull ahead. Though Thomas was eventually dragged behind due to apparent sexual assault allegations, which while unproven at the time, had forced his numbers further below Lewis’s. Both candidates did get a plank for D.C. Statehood into the official party platform (which the Progressives also adopted, though the Democrats had been choosing to ignore the issue in the general election, as it’d definitely lead to a loss for them electorally.)
Clarence Thomas firing up a crowd
Ted Bundy, on the other hand, built his candidacy for the general election. He would “triangulate”, to use a turn of phrase of his. He would be harsher on drugs, divorce, and the elite than the Democrats, which would give him appeal to culturally-focused Communonationalists, especially in the “shallow south” (Carolinas, Florida, Georgia as opposed to Alabama, Arkansas etc.). Bundy would be more “law and order” than the Democrats, (especially with the rise of the Whole-Life Liberals), could ever be. His record on drugs and union protests in Washington State backed this up. Bundy also added tirades against political connections and “New Deal Welfare for the rich” to this populism.
At a campaign dinner I was about to get a campaign check from a wealthy Miami widow, the type with more plastic than a lego brick, and she said, ‘You better not touch my social security or you won’t get my Hundred Thousand”, Now my fellow hard-working Americans, what does this woman need social security for? She is clearly not destitute, and spending money on her will cause your social security check to become meaningless in the face of inflation!
-Bundy 1/10/1996-Minnesota
Meanwhile, he was more dovish and pro-free trade than the progressives. After receiving an endorsement from Buchanan, the face of the anti-Freyist movement, Bundy said “it’s about time Frey and his Imperial friends shut their utopian yaps and we started focusing on our own backyard, the Caribbean and the Pacific.” While he wasn’t overtly anti-Freyist, just neo-isolationist, he appealed to that crowd as well. Bundy also appealed to Rockefeller Republican moderates, who often crossed party lines, by repeating at every campaign stop that “the Democrats are owned by anti-Trade Unions. They will never promote the trade America needs in the 21st century. In the last four years of Democratic Presidents not one trade deal has been signed. And Forget the Progressives, they can’t agree on anything except to praise chairman Perot”. Bundy sold himself as the Liberty Conservative candidate who could deliver in the general election whilst maintaining core Liberty Conservative tenants. Rockefeller and Lewis wouldn’t provide “the change America wants, the change that America needs” (from the Candidacy Announcement Speech) but Thomas and Dornan couldn’t win.
Ted Bundy in the fourth debate had one of his best lines of the campaign:
“as much as I dislike Caseycare, repealing it is not possible at this time, and I won’t waste time on it like Clarence Thomas. It doesn’t mean that I will, and I quote “accept inflation as a reality for our post-war economy” as the esteemed Governor Rockefeller has said. There are numerous non-essential government agencies, like Amtrak, that do nothing but hand checks to members of the elite to provide services for the rich, well-connected, and the, dare I even say this, old white men which run them. If we want to reduce the deficit, I suggest we enact the reforms suggested by Bob Dole and build a more efficient, and smaller, government by eliminating the non-essential and preserving what the people truly want and expect from government”.
This line added gravitas and a visionary element to a candidate derided as harsh, angry, and calculating. While Bundy had the demeanor of a populist demagogue, he was more intelligent then he let on.
Bundy did have one major issue, however, his wife Jennifer Bundy, née Aniston. Having married two years previously, such an age discrepancy made many uneasy. It had been a productive marriage, with a one year old boy and two year old girl, and a third (and final) girl on the way. Even after their marriage, Jennifer continued to grace the silver screen, especially after Bundy signed a special tax exemption for in-state TV studios. Rockefeller’s campaign manager, taking a page out of the book of Cohn and Bundy himself, dug up a previously recorded phone call, and allowed his minions to make made an attack ad out of it through an unaffiliated “Citizens for Rockefeller” ad. In a call to a friend played on the ad, Jennifer, then on her honeymoon said “I love powerful men...and he is a powerful man, he’s a...wow”. After beign released, Agnew said “it would be a tragedy for our highest office to be disgraced by a man obsessed with women’s looks not their minds, and with a first lady who only cares about her husband’s money.” Bob Dornan, upon hearing the news accused Mrs. Bundy of being a “gold-digger” and “a bimbo”.
Mrs. Bundy responded with humor. She appeared on a NYC comedy skit show singing “Bundy is a Girl’s Best Friend”, a twist on the Marilyn Monroe hit. Ted Bundy himself said “I find it funny that the governor would be lecturing us on desiring power and influence, has my good friend the governor forgotten he is, after all, a Rockefeller?” The pre-primary season was already rough, but that portion of the campaign season ended with the Minnesota Primary...
The Minnesota Primary proved to be a tight race, however, Bundy’s strategy of “Triangulation” worked well. Rockefeller and Agnew had decided to focus on later primaries. While Thomas, Lewis, and Dornan did better with the Liberty Conservative, Rockefeller Republican, and Reagan Republican bases, Bundy succeeded on the back of voters who crossed-over between parties and party factions. Many Communonationalsit Democrats, disappointed with the fare being served in the Democratic Party, decided to support Bundy. Other more libertarian Progressives, knowing that the Minnesota Primary was dominated by the solidly-left, pulled the lever for the dovish Bundy, who had been endorsed by Eugene McCarthy. Within the party, many Rockefeller Republicans, who felt that Lewis lacked the backbone to push free trade agreements through a hostile congress supported Bundy, as did Liberty Conservatives who felt Thomas and Dornan were unelectable.
The earlier “gold-digger” scandal was followed by a photo which revealed Bundy unexpectedly grabbing his wife’s “caboose” after his Minnesota Primary victory speech, which caused an upset among many. He was also caught calling Lynn Yeakel a “bitch” over an open mic, which Democrats eventually used as a moniker for the candidate. Many a T-shirt supporting Yeakel often proudly displayed the phrase “I voted for the bitch.” He did aggressively speak out against the rise in divorce and fathers leaving their families, which did somewhat stem the bleeding with female voters but leaving voters wondering what he'd do about the issue.
The next primary up, New Hampshire, had also been a nail biter. While Bundy did well among the manufacturing element, especially for a Republican, with his law and order rhetoric and anti-inflation tirades, (inflation had killed demand for New Hampshire textiles), he had trouble with the more socially liberal south. In a campaign speech he attacked Dartmouth College as “a den of drug-addled men and sinful sirens all subsisting on the bank accounts of their sugar-daddies” and even suggested banning fraternities and sororities in all government-supported institutions of higher learning. This lead to a general backlash, and even the townies supported, for the time being, the party culture of Dartmouth College (many pubs relied entirely on student money for their income, which trickled into the town’s economy as a whole). Oddly, it was Clarence Thomas who benefited the most from this comment, as many conservative New Hampshirites flocked to his candidacy. The candidate had declined to comment on the issue overall. The “bitch” and “caboose” issues hurt Bundy and made him vulnerable, and Rockefeller would win New Hampshire in an upset thanks to record campaign spending, his high numbers with white female voters and college students, and a divided liberty conservative vote.
Clarence Thomas proved his strength with a Virginia primary win on the back of the Buchanan-Wilder voters who failed to be convinced by the Buchanan endorsement. This was followed by a win by John Lewis, whose campaign had been reeling, in the Georgia Primary as expected. On the same day that Agnew’s came alive and won in Maryland and Delaware (though she could never find enough money from donors to keep an active candidacy). A successful primary debate on the subject of national security lead to a rise in support for Dornan, who won the California Primary the following week, on the back of a surprise Reagan endorsement. The Gipper himself did not stump for the candidate on the campaign trail, but the magic of such an endorsement from a man as idealized as Reagan gave him a spike in support. But he never could truly capitalize the magic as Bundy and Lewis wore him down quickly. Rockefeller, eyeing a contested convention, focused on running up the score in the northeast. Lewis did well in the moderate Midwest, Thomas dominated the conservative black southern primaries (garnering 70% support in the Mississippi Primary), whilst Bundy cleaned the plains and Northwest.
Republican emphasis on Winner-Take All Primaries (which composed 80% of all primaries) which had kept candidates in the race, had against all odds, led to a contested convention.
Delegate Standings
The Republican Convention at Freedom Hall, Philadelphia
Initially, it looked like Rockefeller was the candidate to beat at the convention, despite the fact that it was no longer the 1960s, the Rockefeller family still had a base of support and the capital to support his campaign. Bundy was unpopular with the Republican elite what with his many gaffes and populist policies which bled into the Democratic platform. Many delegates were itching to jump aboard the campaigns of Rockefeller or Dornan. The “Rockefeller wave” seemed more inevitable after Susan Scott Agnew, seeing the writing on the wall, dropped out of the race and pledged her delegates to Rockefeller. However, John Lewis refused to withdraw, and neither did Bob Dornan, the latter still hoping that he could end up a compromise candidate or at least act like a kingmaker in the convention to get a good consolation spot, while the former wanted a candidate who would best represent the key concerns of his base and the liberty conservative faction. Bundy knew though Lewis and Thomas had both decided to not endorse Dornan and let him have their delegates, so that ticket would never be able to go over the top, until nearly all of the delegates had become unbound. But Dornan could be ignored for Bundy’s purposes, lest any craziness ensue.
Bundy also knew that if he could get the Lewis and Thomas delegates behind him, he could win the election by uniting the moderates and liberty conservatives, along with the nomination. He met personally with both leaders, and presented a compromise: he would agree to have the first African American Vice President (a compromise choice between the two), Thomas would receive a key position within the administration or cabinet, and Lewis would become Whip of the Senate if/once Lewis chose to return to the Senate after running for President. After Rockefeller agreed to a joint-ticket with Dornan in private, the three stayed up all night in Philadelphia, looking over lists of potential African American VP’s to beat the combined front. The frontrunner was Douglas Wilder, Governor of Virginia, but he said he would not accept the position. Their final choice was an unconventional one however. He was tough on crime, popular among textualist conservatives, and would balance out the ticket. An outsider-Justice James Meredith-a person who appealed to both factions was chosen. He would be the first supreme court justice to be part of a party’s presidential ticket. The convention hall was surprised by the choice, but Bundy had the delegates. Dornan, a staunch civil rights supporter, announced he would withdraw soon after, and Rockefeller, seeing both Lewis and Thomas endorsing Bundy, realized his time was up. A surprised James Meredith was flown from D.C. to make an ad-lib speech to the convention, which elated the crowd. His famous quick wits which like Phyllis Schlafly made him a darling of the Republicans but hated by the Democrats, made an impression on the audience. Bundy gave a so-so follow-up, but importantly looked “Presidential”, and seemed to put his gaffes behind him. Behind the scenes, Thomas, Bundy, and Lewis patched up a platform, however, many note that Bundy was by far the dominant force in the room.
The choice of the justice James Meredith led to Democratic attacks of politicizing the judiciary but unified the Republican party and lead to a rise in African American voter registration. Bundy, had kept the party united, but he had a long ways to go if he wanted to make it to the White House
James Meredith talking with the press
List of Primaries with Winner:
Alabama-Thomas
Alaska-Bundy
Arkansas-Thomas
Arizona-Dornan
California-Dornan
Colorado-Bundy
Connecticut-Rockefeller
D.C.-Lewis
Delaware-Agnew
Florida-Lewis
Georgia-Lewis
Hawaii-Dornan
Idaho-Bundy
Illinois-Lewis
Indiana-Lewis
IA-Bundy
Kansas-Bundy
Kentucky-Thomas
Louisiana-Lewis
Maine-Bundy
Maryland-Agnew
Massachusetts-Rockefeller
Michigan-Lewis
Minnesota-Bundy
Mississippi-Thomas
Missouri-Bundy
Montana-Bundy
Nebraska-Bundy
Nevada-Bundy
New Hampshire-Rockefeller
New Jersey-Rockefeller
New Mexico-Dornan
New York-Rockefeller
North Carolina-Thomas
North Dakota-Bundy
Ohio-Lewis
Oklahoma-Thomas
Oregon-Bundy
Pennsylvania-Lewis
Rhode Island-Bundy
South Carolina-Thomas
South Dakota-Bundy
Tennessee-Thomas
Texas-Thomas
Utah-Dornan
Vermont-Rockefeller
Virginia-Thomas
Washington-Bundy
West Virginia-Lewis
Wisconsin-Bundy
Wyoming-Bundy
Puerto Rico-Lewis
Guam-Dornan
USVI-Bundy
Republicans Abroad-Dornan
“This has got to be one of the nastiest races I’ve ever seen. And that’s saying something!”
-Roy Cohn on the Buckley News Network-
Initially, the leading candidate for 1996 on the Republican was Susan Scott Agnew, a senatorial member of the Agnew Dynasty that occupied the Governorship, the Maryland speakership, and 1 of the two members of the Senate delegation. She had recently filibustered Caseycare for 15 hours, nearly killing the bill. She had a wonderful TV presence, being a darling of the Republican base. However, it was leaked that she was considered “my dumbest child” by Daddy Spiro. While this scandal never hurt her long term Senate career, it killed her fundraising, made her a joke in the eyes of many, and prevented her form building any serious campaign infrastructure. It potentially hurt her chances in the election going further on.
Bob Dornan represented the “Reagan Liberty Conservative Wing”. While extremely Liberty Conservative in many respects, he fought against the rising post-war neo-isolationism, having famously helped whip support for Iacocca's U.N. biological weapons treaty. However, more interventionist Republicans preferred the more moderate tone of John Lewis, and Liberty Conservative firebrands had chosen Clarence Thomas. While Bob Dornan could bomb-throw with the best of them, he was sloppy, far from eloquent, insensitive, and light on policy.
John Lewis had been bloodied by the Football Scandal, alienating a great many Southern voters, though he gained a new demographic of supporters in white upper-middle class “Tennis Moms” in the process. Going into the race he found himself in the position where he had more support from white voters than black voters, losing much of the latter demographic to Clarence Thomas. Another candidate came in the form of a scion of the Rockefeller family. Worrying that more socially conservative forces would lead to Progressive gains, Stephen Clark Rockefeller decided to enter the race and use his family fortune to steamroll through the primaries through a massive advertising campaign. However, he was one of the most boring campaigners in history. In addition, he “over-moderated”, signaling his support for CaseyCare, and unwillingness to repeal any major Iacocca legislation or spending, for fear of increasing unemployment. When asked about inflation in an interview after the first primary, Rockefeller said that “America will have to accept high inflation as a reality of our post-war economy”. This gaffe was attacked non-stop by all candidates, and is cited as the worst in recent memory. Rockefeller’s lack of speaking skills and obvious tiredness meant he could never counteract those counter-narratives. Thankfully, his legislative skills were excellent, and in his state he would be fondly remembered for his work behind the scenes, “the governor you didn’t know was there”.
Rockefeller trying, and failing, to be more engaging
Clarence Thomas and John Lewis engaged in the most bitter infighting of all of the candidates as they vied for control over the African-American Portion of the party. Thomas was the voice of an emerging black middle, and upper-middle, class, that saw inflation, (which had ruined many of their savings) and government contracts (which they believed they never won on account of race) as what had killed their rapid improvement in economic fortunes in the initial post-war years. John Lewis represented the “sensible wing” of pragmatist centrists who allied with the wealthy and Northeastern parts of the party (even though their support mostly came from poorer members of the African American Community who were less anti-entitlement). Lewis would attack Thomas saying that “his positions reflect the fact that his rule would be terrible for our poor… as president he’d be worse for us than George Wallace...David Duke would love his welfare policies”. Thomas responded by calling Lewis an “Uncle Tom...always willing to sell out our progress to curry favor among the well-connected white aristocracy”. This fighting ruined both of these candidates’ chances to pull ahead. Though Thomas was eventually dragged behind due to apparent sexual assault allegations, which while unproven at the time, had forced his numbers further below Lewis’s. Both candidates did get a plank for D.C. Statehood into the official party platform (which the Progressives also adopted, though the Democrats had been choosing to ignore the issue in the general election, as it’d definitely lead to a loss for them electorally.)
Clarence Thomas firing up a crowd
Ted Bundy, on the other hand, built his candidacy for the general election. He would “triangulate”, to use a turn of phrase of his. He would be harsher on drugs, divorce, and the elite than the Democrats, which would give him appeal to culturally-focused Communonationalists, especially in the “shallow south” (Carolinas, Florida, Georgia as opposed to Alabama, Arkansas etc.). Bundy would be more “law and order” than the Democrats, (especially with the rise of the Whole-Life Liberals), could ever be. His record on drugs and union protests in Washington State backed this up. Bundy also added tirades against political connections and “New Deal Welfare for the rich” to this populism.
At a campaign dinner I was about to get a campaign check from a wealthy Miami widow, the type with more plastic than a lego brick, and she said, ‘You better not touch my social security or you won’t get my Hundred Thousand”, Now my fellow hard-working Americans, what does this woman need social security for? She is clearly not destitute, and spending money on her will cause your social security check to become meaningless in the face of inflation!
-Bundy 1/10/1996-Minnesota
Meanwhile, he was more dovish and pro-free trade than the progressives. After receiving an endorsement from Buchanan, the face of the anti-Freyist movement, Bundy said “it’s about time Frey and his Imperial friends shut their utopian yaps and we started focusing on our own backyard, the Caribbean and the Pacific.” While he wasn’t overtly anti-Freyist, just neo-isolationist, he appealed to that crowd as well. Bundy also appealed to Rockefeller Republican moderates, who often crossed party lines, by repeating at every campaign stop that “the Democrats are owned by anti-Trade Unions. They will never promote the trade America needs in the 21st century. In the last four years of Democratic Presidents not one trade deal has been signed. And Forget the Progressives, they can’t agree on anything except to praise chairman Perot”. Bundy sold himself as the Liberty Conservative candidate who could deliver in the general election whilst maintaining core Liberty Conservative tenants. Rockefeller and Lewis wouldn’t provide “the change America wants, the change that America needs” (from the Candidacy Announcement Speech) but Thomas and Dornan couldn’t win.
Ted Bundy in the fourth debate had one of his best lines of the campaign:
“as much as I dislike Caseycare, repealing it is not possible at this time, and I won’t waste time on it like Clarence Thomas. It doesn’t mean that I will, and I quote “accept inflation as a reality for our post-war economy” as the esteemed Governor Rockefeller has said. There are numerous non-essential government agencies, like Amtrak, that do nothing but hand checks to members of the elite to provide services for the rich, well-connected, and the, dare I even say this, old white men which run them. If we want to reduce the deficit, I suggest we enact the reforms suggested by Bob Dole and build a more efficient, and smaller, government by eliminating the non-essential and preserving what the people truly want and expect from government”.
This line added gravitas and a visionary element to a candidate derided as harsh, angry, and calculating. While Bundy had the demeanor of a populist demagogue, he was more intelligent then he let on.
Bundy did have one major issue, however, his wife Jennifer Bundy, née Aniston. Having married two years previously, such an age discrepancy made many uneasy. It had been a productive marriage, with a one year old boy and two year old girl, and a third (and final) girl on the way. Even after their marriage, Jennifer continued to grace the silver screen, especially after Bundy signed a special tax exemption for in-state TV studios. Rockefeller’s campaign manager, taking a page out of the book of Cohn and Bundy himself, dug up a previously recorded phone call, and allowed his minions to make made an attack ad out of it through an unaffiliated “Citizens for Rockefeller” ad. In a call to a friend played on the ad, Jennifer, then on her honeymoon said “I love powerful men...and he is a powerful man, he’s a...wow”. After beign released, Agnew said “it would be a tragedy for our highest office to be disgraced by a man obsessed with women’s looks not their minds, and with a first lady who only cares about her husband’s money.” Bob Dornan, upon hearing the news accused Mrs. Bundy of being a “gold-digger” and “a bimbo”.
Mrs. Bundy responded with humor. She appeared on a NYC comedy skit show singing “Bundy is a Girl’s Best Friend”, a twist on the Marilyn Monroe hit. Ted Bundy himself said “I find it funny that the governor would be lecturing us on desiring power and influence, has my good friend the governor forgotten he is, after all, a Rockefeller?” The pre-primary season was already rough, but that portion of the campaign season ended with the Minnesota Primary...
The Minnesota Primary proved to be a tight race, however, Bundy’s strategy of “Triangulation” worked well. Rockefeller and Agnew had decided to focus on later primaries. While Thomas, Lewis, and Dornan did better with the Liberty Conservative, Rockefeller Republican, and Reagan Republican bases, Bundy succeeded on the back of voters who crossed-over between parties and party factions. Many Communonationalsit Democrats, disappointed with the fare being served in the Democratic Party, decided to support Bundy. Other more libertarian Progressives, knowing that the Minnesota Primary was dominated by the solidly-left, pulled the lever for the dovish Bundy, who had been endorsed by Eugene McCarthy. Within the party, many Rockefeller Republicans, who felt that Lewis lacked the backbone to push free trade agreements through a hostile congress supported Bundy, as did Liberty Conservatives who felt Thomas and Dornan were unelectable.
The earlier “gold-digger” scandal was followed by a photo which revealed Bundy unexpectedly grabbing his wife’s “caboose” after his Minnesota Primary victory speech, which caused an upset among many. He was also caught calling Lynn Yeakel a “bitch” over an open mic, which Democrats eventually used as a moniker for the candidate. Many a T-shirt supporting Yeakel often proudly displayed the phrase “I voted for the bitch.” He did aggressively speak out against the rise in divorce and fathers leaving their families, which did somewhat stem the bleeding with female voters but leaving voters wondering what he'd do about the issue.
The next primary up, New Hampshire, had also been a nail biter. While Bundy did well among the manufacturing element, especially for a Republican, with his law and order rhetoric and anti-inflation tirades, (inflation had killed demand for New Hampshire textiles), he had trouble with the more socially liberal south. In a campaign speech he attacked Dartmouth College as “a den of drug-addled men and sinful sirens all subsisting on the bank accounts of their sugar-daddies” and even suggested banning fraternities and sororities in all government-supported institutions of higher learning. This lead to a general backlash, and even the townies supported, for the time being, the party culture of Dartmouth College (many pubs relied entirely on student money for their income, which trickled into the town’s economy as a whole). Oddly, it was Clarence Thomas who benefited the most from this comment, as many conservative New Hampshirites flocked to his candidacy. The candidate had declined to comment on the issue overall. The “bitch” and “caboose” issues hurt Bundy and made him vulnerable, and Rockefeller would win New Hampshire in an upset thanks to record campaign spending, his high numbers with white female voters and college students, and a divided liberty conservative vote.
Clarence Thomas proved his strength with a Virginia primary win on the back of the Buchanan-Wilder voters who failed to be convinced by the Buchanan endorsement. This was followed by a win by John Lewis, whose campaign had been reeling, in the Georgia Primary as expected. On the same day that Agnew’s came alive and won in Maryland and Delaware (though she could never find enough money from donors to keep an active candidacy). A successful primary debate on the subject of national security lead to a rise in support for Dornan, who won the California Primary the following week, on the back of a surprise Reagan endorsement. The Gipper himself did not stump for the candidate on the campaign trail, but the magic of such an endorsement from a man as idealized as Reagan gave him a spike in support. But he never could truly capitalize the magic as Bundy and Lewis wore him down quickly. Rockefeller, eyeing a contested convention, focused on running up the score in the northeast. Lewis did well in the moderate Midwest, Thomas dominated the conservative black southern primaries (garnering 70% support in the Mississippi Primary), whilst Bundy cleaned the plains and Northwest.
Republican emphasis on Winner-Take All Primaries (which composed 80% of all primaries) which had kept candidates in the race, had against all odds, led to a contested convention.
Delegate Standings
- Ted Bundy: 967
- John Lewis: 697
- Clarence Thomas: 689
- Steven Clark Rockefeller: 488
- Bob Dornan: 198
- Susan Scott Agnew: 50
The Republican Convention at Freedom Hall, Philadelphia
Initially, it looked like Rockefeller was the candidate to beat at the convention, despite the fact that it was no longer the 1960s, the Rockefeller family still had a base of support and the capital to support his campaign. Bundy was unpopular with the Republican elite what with his many gaffes and populist policies which bled into the Democratic platform. Many delegates were itching to jump aboard the campaigns of Rockefeller or Dornan. The “Rockefeller wave” seemed more inevitable after Susan Scott Agnew, seeing the writing on the wall, dropped out of the race and pledged her delegates to Rockefeller. However, John Lewis refused to withdraw, and neither did Bob Dornan, the latter still hoping that he could end up a compromise candidate or at least act like a kingmaker in the convention to get a good consolation spot, while the former wanted a candidate who would best represent the key concerns of his base and the liberty conservative faction. Bundy knew though Lewis and Thomas had both decided to not endorse Dornan and let him have their delegates, so that ticket would never be able to go over the top, until nearly all of the delegates had become unbound. But Dornan could be ignored for Bundy’s purposes, lest any craziness ensue.
Bundy also knew that if he could get the Lewis and Thomas delegates behind him, he could win the election by uniting the moderates and liberty conservatives, along with the nomination. He met personally with both leaders, and presented a compromise: he would agree to have the first African American Vice President (a compromise choice between the two), Thomas would receive a key position within the administration or cabinet, and Lewis would become Whip of the Senate if/once Lewis chose to return to the Senate after running for President. After Rockefeller agreed to a joint-ticket with Dornan in private, the three stayed up all night in Philadelphia, looking over lists of potential African American VP’s to beat the combined front. The frontrunner was Douglas Wilder, Governor of Virginia, but he said he would not accept the position. Their final choice was an unconventional one however. He was tough on crime, popular among textualist conservatives, and would balance out the ticket. An outsider-Justice James Meredith-a person who appealed to both factions was chosen. He would be the first supreme court justice to be part of a party’s presidential ticket. The convention hall was surprised by the choice, but Bundy had the delegates. Dornan, a staunch civil rights supporter, announced he would withdraw soon after, and Rockefeller, seeing both Lewis and Thomas endorsing Bundy, realized his time was up. A surprised James Meredith was flown from D.C. to make an ad-lib speech to the convention, which elated the crowd. His famous quick wits which like Phyllis Schlafly made him a darling of the Republicans but hated by the Democrats, made an impression on the audience. Bundy gave a so-so follow-up, but importantly looked “Presidential”, and seemed to put his gaffes behind him. Behind the scenes, Thomas, Bundy, and Lewis patched up a platform, however, many note that Bundy was by far the dominant force in the room.
The choice of the justice James Meredith led to Democratic attacks of politicizing the judiciary but unified the Republican party and lead to a rise in African American voter registration. Bundy, had kept the party united, but he had a long ways to go if he wanted to make it to the White House
James Meredith talking with the press
List of Primaries with Winner:
Alabama-Thomas
Alaska-Bundy
Arkansas-Thomas
Arizona-Dornan
California-Dornan
Colorado-Bundy
Connecticut-Rockefeller
D.C.-Lewis
Delaware-Agnew
Florida-Lewis
Georgia-Lewis
Hawaii-Dornan
Idaho-Bundy
Illinois-Lewis
Indiana-Lewis
IA-Bundy
Kansas-Bundy
Kentucky-Thomas
Louisiana-Lewis
Maine-Bundy
Maryland-Agnew
Massachusetts-Rockefeller
Michigan-Lewis
Minnesota-Bundy
Mississippi-Thomas
Missouri-Bundy
Montana-Bundy
Nebraska-Bundy
Nevada-Bundy
New Hampshire-Rockefeller
New Jersey-Rockefeller
New Mexico-Dornan
New York-Rockefeller
North Carolina-Thomas
North Dakota-Bundy
Ohio-Lewis
Oklahoma-Thomas
Oregon-Bundy
Pennsylvania-Lewis
Rhode Island-Bundy
South Carolina-Thomas
South Dakota-Bundy
Tennessee-Thomas
Texas-Thomas
Utah-Dornan
Vermont-Rockefeller
Virginia-Thomas
Washington-Bundy
West Virginia-Lewis
Wisconsin-Bundy
Wyoming-Bundy
Puerto Rico-Lewis
Guam-Dornan
USVI-Bundy
Republicans Abroad-Dornan
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Admiral Halsey
Banned
Amtrak serving the elites? Maybe on the Northeast Corridor but other then that really?
Here's a quote from a CATO institute study in 1997 (I'd add a liberal source for balance too, but couldn't find one
)"Amtrak’s typical riders are not low-income Americans. The poor are less likely to travel by Amtrak than by most other travel options. Only 13 percent of Amtrak passengers have incomes below $20,000. The average Amtrak rider has a higher household income than the average taxpayer. "
As someone who has ridden Amtrack many times outside the Northeast Corridor, it can be very expensive, especially for the value you get (I still have some great personal memories on it).
Also, this serving the elites is a double-edged meaning. It also refers to the bureaucrats in DC who run Amtrack (and other agencies) thanks to giving out political favors.
Lastly, it serves the contractors who receive consistent, and increasing, flows of money from the Federal Government for equipment, parts, etc.
Admiral Halsey
Banned
Huh didn't actually know that about Amtrak. I mean thinking about it I guess it makes sense especially for the longer journeys.
Hmm, now I'm wondering when (and if) Bundy's previous murders will come into light, and its effect on the nation given his relatively high status in this TL.
(Also, sorry for the delays with the spy collab, college has started, so I'm trying to find time to fit it in between homework).
(Also, sorry for the delays with the spy collab, college has started, so I'm trying to find time to fit it in between homework).
I feel like it would be anticlimactic if Bundy's murders stayed a secret. It has to come out as an October surprise or while he's President, for maximum drama
Admiral Halsey
Banned
That also depends on if he still murdered people TTL. Seems like he focused almost all of that into politics instead of killing people. Plus it's kinda a trope where Bundy gets into politics that his murders get exposed and i'd love to see that get inverted for once.
It is canon that he killed people ITTL. He pinned his murders on another killer (don't recall the name) when he was a prosecuter.
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