New Deal Coalition Retained III: A New World

Here it comes...

2000 Election
The battle lines for the race were drawn as soon as the conventions were over. Ted Bundy was popular in suburban areas for his drug policies as well as the Gulf Coast where CarFTA had almost immediately led to new economic opportunities. In addition, Meredith’s presence on the ticket assured African-Americans would get high turnouts for the president. Ignoring recent migrants from the continent (who made up their own separate voter base), Bundy maintained Stalinist margins for this ruby red constituency, thanks in part to his War on Drugs and isolationist anti-Freyism. Dennis Moore’s core base, on the other hand, were mostly rural voters, (especially farmers) in the Midwest and Mountain West.

The Democrats would choose Mario Cuomo to balance out Moore’s relative social liberalism with whole life and pro-family values. Cuomo would also prove popular with white ethnics in the working class. Ron Paul had a small but firm base of libertarians, as well as pro-gun and anti-drug war activists, and Nancy Keenan assured the votes of independent, especially unmarried and working, women.

With a post-convention bump and the chaos that was the Democratic nomination, Bundy went into the general election season expecting an easy race. That was not the case, as the polls would soon show. The “2.5” party system assured drama. Moore was riding Bundy’s tail nationally but was very popular with farmers in Middle America and had the advantage in the electoral college. Bundy’s first strategy was to go back to his roots as Governor of Washington, focusing many of his commercials on apple orchards and vineyards. This soon proved to be the wrong strategy, as it would only serve to anger corn and wheat farmers, as well as ranching interests. The rest of the American population was apathetic. The Bundy campaign decided to make a quick about-face in strategy, with the president going on a speaking tour of urban and suburban areas in the West and Northeast. (Thanks to effective media management most people would ignore the shamelessly obvious pivot). While speaking to these audiences, he heavily implied farmers, especially corn or grain farmers, were far too reliant on support from the government, but when directly confronted with the issue, he still claimed to be the better candidate for farmers due to Moore’s support for Iacocca’s long-standing tariffs. He also focused on tying independent industrial success in these areas with his policies, famously quipping at a meeting of a Chrysler for Bundy group: “I might lose 60% of the working stiffs, but I want to win every plant foreman, secretary, office joe, and non-unionized worker”.

It quickly became clear the biggest battlegrounds would be in the cities. Urban liberals, who usually voted for the Progressive Party, largely felt abandoned by the Progressive ticket consisting of two candidates from rural America. Ron Paul, however, proved to be a tactical campaigner who emphasized his social views above all else. He sent Keenan, who governed as a moderate but campaigned as a left-wing pro-choice activist, to shore up support amongst urbanites while he focused on more rural areas. Despite this, many liberals would choose to defect to the increasingly left-leaning (at least on the national level) Democrats thanks to Paul’s economic policies. This was not to say that the Progressives were doing poorly. Compared to the previous election, when dark horse candidate Fred Tuttle headed the ticket, Ron Paul was a well-known figure nationally, as was his running-mate, Nancy Keenan. Urban Progressive politicians, even Bernie Sanders, would bite their tongues and endorse him.

Still, Bundy had his own support in urban regions, largely among young working men, professionals, and African Americans. He would use surrogates such as mayors and athletes, such as Len Bias (a personal friend of Bundy, making a comeback after putting down allegations of cocaine use), and Stephan Clark Rockefeller (who reportedly “made up” with Bundy while both visited disaster relief sites in New York City post-hurricane Marco), to play off the contrast between opposition. He simultaneously caricatured them as “country bumpkins” and “landed gentry”, (so not to lose his populist soul, and to ride off of his brash and confrontational campaigning style). His campaign platform included an emphasis on continuing “the rebuilding of America” after the Second Blitz. In contrast with his more bombastic side, he used a more subdued and positive tone when referring to this reconstruction which drew attention from previously unmoved voters. America, at least economically, was doing better than under any peacetime administration than Reagan, and Bundy made sure to capitalize on that.

One state that was closely watched by the media as America’s newest, Puerto Rico. All three parties saw opportunities. The Democrats had a solid base with Catholics, and Progressives appealed to those angry the territory wasn’t given a referendum on independence before statehood. The GOP, however, struggled to find a ground. Some Puerto Ricans have assured Bundy voters, believing he was the one who gave them statehood, but most recognized the change is status was the result of a tripartisan effort. After consulting with campaign surrogate Antonin Scalia (who was notably not Hispanic, but knew how to appeal to their electorate), Bundy would find his niche with Puerto Rico, both on the island and the mainland.

Since it lacked representation in congress, Puerto Rico and its citizens were subject to fewer taxes than other US citizens. Most wanted to repeal these tax breaks, but Bundy vetoed a budget with the proposal. Only 24 hours before congress would go on recess, a compromised budget would be signed by the President. A slight tax increase in several areas (including Puerto Rico) and cutting a few government aid services, with the money earmarked towards paying the national debt. One notable change was changing federal grants so that states would, with exceptions, get grants relative to their population. One state, which would draw an unusual amount of media attention, would be most hurt by this change. Alaska

While more Puerto Ricans began to see themselves as Americans, Alaskans were beginning to feel more independent. While other states were watching volleyball or football, Alaskans preferred hockey and dog racing. An increase in Russian immigrants and Native Alaskan activism in the postwar years led to increased enthusiasm for the unique history of the state. Alaskans felt increasingly distant front of national politics and culture. The Alaskan Independence Party would surge due to these feelings, managing to send a Senator to Washington for the first time in 1996. AKIP had a much different platform than any of the major 3 nationwide parties. They were socially conservative, pro-gun but anti-drug, for balancing environmental concerns with oil wealth, and strong supporters of Alaska’s unique economic system (which saw surplus money going directly into the hands of the states citizens). Ironically, direct independence was not in the AKIP platform, which instead endorsed a referendum on the issue. Many AKIP voters (43 percent according to polling) said they would vote “no'' in such a referendum. AKIP appealed not only to nationalists but to people who just wanted an Alaskan voice in congress to speak up for them.

AKIP generally stayed out of national politics, but in a rare move chose to officially endorse Paul. While Paul did not acknowledge the endorsement, he made several gaffes about secession, helping him in Alaska but losing him any African American support he might have had.

Interviewer:” believe a state has the constitutional right to secession”

Paul:” Uhh...yeah. Yeah, if the people support such a move.”

Interviewer:” So the believe the south leaving the union was right.”

Paul:”...No, see, the people didn’t support that. Back then, umm...well, nobody had a voice in their government. What I’m talking about is a direct referendum on secession, which is not what the Confederacy was about. And for the record, no state in our glorious union would ever vote to leave.”

On a national level, the Paul campaign, needing to make up lost liberal votes, decided to take a major bet and focus on a new group: labor unions. Typically a solid part of the Democratic base, Paul chose to target radical union workers, who seemed amenable to his policies. Previously there had been a general consensus on union politics since Taft-Hartley: Unions and businesses would be allowed to coexist, with the government serving as a (hypothetically) neutral negotiator. Fierce disagreements occurred at the state level over Right-To-Work, but the framework itself had not changed. While this pleased most, the “extreme focus on compromise” post-1994 angered some and led to splinter groups breaking away from the major unions. Ron Paul won their endorsements by endorsing a complete repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act (which he saw as oppressing the right of free peoples’ to organize), and the abolition of the National Labor Relations Board in favor of state boards, (which Unions could easily stack with friendly members). This had the added bonuses of also winning over state’s rights activists who wanted “bread and butter” to be the domain of the local government. This forced Moore to focus more on Ron Paul than Bundy in the month of September which meant he couldn’t benefit from one of the president’s gaffes although Moore did receive returns. It also scared away urban non-Union members, especially young professionals, wary of Union unrest, from the Progs back to Bundy.

Just as in the previous election, some of Bundy’s largest challenges were his own gaffes. He had a reputation as a womanizer and had to dodge criticism of infidelity, which did not win him points among social conservative Christians who disliked his slick style and Hollywood wife. While many liked Bundy’s “tell-it-like-it-is” attitude, others felt alienated by his comments taking shots at certain groups. It also felt especially out of place in a time of economic success and social cohesion. He also had a reputation for being “handsy”, and while there were many horror stories from female campaign staffers about his tendency to make them feel on-edge, none of the allegations against him were more serious than the case of Juanita Broaddrick.

She claimed that Bundy mysteriously showed up at her Arkansas residence (despite living in Washington at the time), and knocked her unconscious. She claimed to have remembered him forcing himself on her, before being scared off by the sign of car lights shining into her window. There was little evidence at the time to back up her claim, though circumstantial evidence made Bundy’s alibi at the time weak. There were allegations that she was paid off by a disgruntled member of the Bundy campaign, and she was known for her hatred of Bundy and his prosecution of the drug war. She later recanted her claim, though many suspected that she was either paid off or intimidated out to do so. She also recorded saying under oath that no assault involving the soon-to-be president had even occurred. Her shifting story and the feeling among Bundy supporters that the media was after he meant that this scandal seemed a blip in the radar compared to his eventful presidency...It would, however, lead to a private investigation into Bundy’s past, as there were discrepancies in his past that were yet to be explained. Secret testimonies discovered it was unclear whether Broaddrick herself was telling the truth about her encounter with the president, though many leaned towards his innocence.

Others complained about the influence of Alex Jones on the campaign. A bombastic figure in the Bundy administration, the press secretary was one of president Bundy’s most fervent supporters, and many sources from inside his administration claimed that he was even an unofficial adviser on domestic issues. One of the most infamous examples of Jones’s bombast was a claim during a run-of-the-mill press conference that there was a “vast deep-state conspiracy against our president.” This led Jones to be mocked on the late-night circuit, though president Bundy would double down on this, decrying the media’s supposed bias against him.

Another source of concern was Bundy’s unconventional platform. His criticism of Social Security as “welfare for the rich” lost him support among pensioners in traditionally Republican areas. At the same time, the Bundy campaign attempted to expand his base in Democratic heartlands, especially tough-on-crime voters in states like Indiana and Ohio. (Jim Traficant being the archetypical example of a “Bundycrat”.) This led to fears from older Republicans from the Rumsfeld and Reagan eras that the Democrats and Progressives would use this as an opportunity to take votes from presumably safe voter groups, leading to a landslide defeat. The conventional wisdom in a 3-party system was that one needed to simply “rally the base and pray” to win the presidency and that elections would be decided by organizational and machine strength above all else. Since expanding support was more expensive per voter it was seen as a bad strategy at best. At worst, if the base felt that an incumbent didn’t meet their needs, campaign veterans believed they would easily defect to punish said incumbent.

On the other hand, with both Moore’s and Paul’s campaigns focusing on rural voters, urban voters seemed more likely to flip to Bundy’s side, offsetting any supposed losses made by appealing outside his party’s base. Only time would tell.

Excerpts from Election Night TV Coverage on CBS

8:20 pm, While polls have closed, Puerto Rico and Kentucky are too close to call, Indiana has slid into the Bundy Column. Many credits the GOP Senate Leadership for this early Indiana call, but John, lemme tell you, Puerto Rico not sliding automatically into the D column is a major surprise. These early poll numbers are very encouraging for Ted Bundy and Ron Paul, especially President Bundy. For Puerto Rico, voices on the ground are crediting Bundy’s campaign work to attract local ex-pro-statehood parties, his success with CarFTA, and his move to keep PR tax credits as delivering massively here in a state that should be an easy state for the Democrats. There’s no way to tell, Ladies and Gentlemen, this is Puerto Rico’s first time having its vote matter in the presidential elections. We have no reliable examples for us to base our predictions.

8:40 pm, We can now call the Coal Belt, Pennsylvania, and Kentucky, to the Moore Column, this is a big pickup for him. However, in the all-important Mid-Atlantic, we can also call Delaware and New Jersey for the President. These are major GOP targets, although Delaware is doing much better downballot for the Republicans than New Jersey. Maryland has gone the way it always does. No surprise there.

9:00 pm: Now we have the entire Northeastern Block ready to report. We can call Vermont, New Hampshire and Massachusetts for the President. Maine, New York, Connecticut, and Rhode Island are too close to call. This is bad news especially for Congressman Paul, who hoped to build on Tuttle’s 1996 success. More worrisome for Progressives is that Republicans have flipped two senate seats from the Progressives. Rhode Island usually would be in the Democratic Column by now, but we still cannot call it.

9:20 PM: The Dixie Column is up next. We can call Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina (wow!) for the President. Governor Dennis Moore has kept Tennessee, Arkansas, and Alabama, no surprises there. Moore has flipped Virginia and North Carolina, but Buchanan has held on. Moore has managed to win over some Democratic targets but Bundy has built off of his strengths with Black voters and peeled on Conservadems. Meanwhile, New York has flipped to the President. I repeat New York has flipped. It looks like Bundy is going to have a great night here folks...

9:40 pm: Connecticut has flipped to the President. All that remains is Rhode Island and Bundy will have surprised us all with a sweep of the Northeast. He has completely redrawn his map from 1996 but looks strong. West Virginia, for the first time since 1980, is too close to call. Ohio has gone Red, despite its Senate Delegation and Governors. Michigan has repeated for Bundy, despite the tight re-election for Bieber. Wisconsin has gone Red again, and Scott Walker has out of nowhere defeated both Dave Obey and Russ Feingold. This is a terrible night for the Progressive Party, and that’s despite relatively high vote totals. That being said, Minnesota and the Dakotas go the way of the Bull Moose. Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska have already swung massively for Moore, a worrying sign for down-ballot Republicans. Missouri has gone solidly D. Oklahoma, Texas, Illinois are too close to call.

10:20 pm And it looks like Bundy has just about sealed the Presidency here folks. He has just gotten pickups in Texas, Arizona, and Idaho. And in one big shocker for the night, West Virginia has gone Red. Nobody saw this coming folk, while Bundy was the definite favorite, we all thought his weakness in the Middle and Mountain West would prevent a landslide. However, it seems that the auto boom and coal boom have benefited the incumbent.

But depending on the West coast, we could have this here folks. Idaho is going for Republicans party again, no weirdness this year. It seems Bundy was banking on the Natural Law endorsement and increased Republican strength below the panhandle for this cycle. Even though he has lost Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, and Utah, New Mexico, Oklahoma, the President look to be just about re-elected as it would take a miracle here on the West Coast for the Democrats to pick up the Pacific.

10:30 Bundy looks to sweep the Northwest with easy wins in his home state of Washington and in Oregon coupled with a strong showing in Nevada. California is too close to call as the Progressives and Republicans duke it out.

10:40 Illinois has finally called Blue but it doesn’t matter at this point. California has broken solidly for the Republicans due to poor Progressive turnout for a less than ideal nominee for the state. Republicans have also perfected the sweep of the NorthEast by picking up the Democratic stronghold of Rhode Island. Then again, with the way this map is moving, I’m not sure what is a stronghold anymore besides maybe Alabama, Washington, and Minnesota.

Tonight, Bundy has not only been re-elected but swept the map although the popular vote count is closer than the college indicates.

11:00 pm: Alaska flips to the Progs while they continue to slide electorally thanks to a super low Major-Party vote total. Bundy has gained Hawaii. While Bundy has not reached even 45% of the popular vote, thanks to a strong PV campaign by Paul, he has reached enough voters to deliver a landslide electorally. And by winning nearly every state at least in 1 election, and raising his PV total by 3% as of the latest estimate, Bundy has a definite mandate for this second term. Maybe boldness is what people want? I dunno… Let’s say America is in for interesting times coming into the new millennium.

Last edited:
Well, that's disappointing. A second term for Bundy, and the Progressives taking massive blows.

Sill, nice sign to see someone publicly accuse Bundy of something. Here's hoping there's more of that.
I think this should be considered a realigning election that potentially inaugurates a Seventh Party System. It's not just the fact that the determining of which state is a certain political and ideological stronghold or not has been turned upside down in this election. I think the Republican Party is increasingly becoming the more right wing party overall compared to the Democrats (at least on the national level). It's true that communonationalism has always put Democrats economically to the left but Democrats were also more invested in social conservatism with figures like Pat Robertson and Rick Santorum. As a result, many elections pitted candidates that didn't necessarily come off as more liberal or conservative overall (ex: Reagan vs McKeithen, Rumsfeld vs Celeste, Iacocca vs Hatch) while in many down ballot races, the Republicans were sometimes outright a bit more liberal (plus you had Wallace vs McCloskey). But this election clearly pits a pro-free trade liberty conservative/law and order cultural conservative versus a more economically left, socially liberal candidate who, though balanced by a whole-life running mate, is clearly the more left-leaning choice compared to Bundy, and this repeated shift from 1996 has caused many states to go different directions.

I don't think the Progressives have changed much though.

That's just my take.
Last edited:
I think this should be considered a realigning election that potentially inaugurates a Seventh Party System. It's not just the fact that the determining of which state is a certain political and ideological stronghold or not has been turned upside down in this election. I think the Republican Party is increasingly becoming the more right wing party overall compared to the Democrats (at least on the national level). It's true that communonationalism has always put Democrats economically to the left but Democrats were also more invested in social conservatism with figures like Pat Robertson and Rick Santorum. As a result, many elections pitted candidates that didn't necessarily come off as more liberal or conservative overall (ex: Reagan vs McKeithen, Rumsfeld vs Celeste, Iacocca vs Hatch) while in many down ballot races, the Republicans were sometimes outright a bit more liberal (plus you had Wallace vs McCloskey). But this election clearly pits a pro-free trade liberty conservative/law and order cultural conservative versus a more economically left, socially liberal candidate who, though balanced by a whole-life running mate, is clearly the more left-leaning choice compared to Bundy, and this repeated shift from 1996 has caused many states to go different directions.

I don't think the Progressives have changed much though.

That's just my take.
The Democrats still cleaned up in Upper South states. So the realignment is not as solid as OTL.
Used a 1990s photo for actor Mark Harmon. He played Bundy in a TV movie in his young years, and there's enough of a resemblance to pass it off. Can't really do anything else for figures long dead
It was Mark Harmon's most well-known role--until the TV show NCIS came out, where he played Gibbs...
2000 Downballot - House
“The numbers don’t lie: Despite what many pundits said in the lead up to election day, the 2000 results prove that Bundy’s shakeup of traditional party coalitions will be long-lasting. It seems the president’s policies made sure the GOP did well downballot in the urban and suburban Northeast. Those same policies would prove disastrous for the party in the plains, however.
If there was a clear loser, it’s gotta be Ross Perot. Voters don’t really seem to like his domineering personality, and his obstruction has already caused several progressives in key swing districts to retire early. Even if a compromise is met, Perot always makes sure he gets his own. Of course, possibly, more importantly, it seems to have made the other two parties hate his guts. If there’s one thing it seems that both major parties agree on, it’s bringing down the Texan a notch or two. And they succeeded, Progressive power in the House has been slashed in half. What a night."
- Buckley News broadcast, Election Day 2000

House Minority Leader Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio) would later attack crossover Progressive voters for splitting the liberal vote and being the cause of recent Republican victories in congressional races. She would connect local candidates with Congressman Paul, and say that in the event of a Moore victory, he would be severely hampered by this. This attack would be complemented with ads attacking the Progressives as “Bundy Lackeys in disguise.” In hindsight, this ended up helping Paul and Bundy in the presidential race while helping Democratic House members in congressional races.

Republicans would also recoup Libertarian Progressive voters by attacking the party as a whole and the congressional uncertainty obstructionism brought to the country. It was seen as bad for economic growth and business confidence, and the source of a lack of business investment. Meanwhile, they would emphasize Bundy as the only major candidate that could reign in the Progressive Caucus excess.

Looking at the top of the ballot, one would think Bundy won by a landslide, but the popular vote was closer than comfortable for many Republican leaders. Bundy won many states on thin margins and pluralities due to split voters. The House would better reflect the “tighter than it seems” nature of the election. Modi and Kaptur’s totals would “race” through the night as Perot reportedly “drank himself silly” watching his caucus get sawed in half. Modi would get the better of Kaptur in the end, but not by much.

107th United States Congress leadership
Republican (majority)
Democratic (minority)
Progressive (opposition)
Senate President Pro Tempore
Bob Dole (KS)​
Senate Party Leader​
Richard "Dick" Lugar (IN)​
Albert "Al" Gore Jr. (TN)​
Richard "Dick" Lamm (CO)​
Senate Party Whip​
John Shadegg (AZ)​
Trent Lott (MS)​
Ruth Bader Ginsburg (NJ)​
Speaker of the House​
Narendra "Nick" Modi (TX 9th)​
House Party Leader​
George W. Bush (TX 18th)​
Marcy Kaptur (OH 9th)​
H. Ross Perot (TX 4th)​
House Party Whip​
David Dreier (CA 33th)​
Richard "Dick" Gephardt (MO 3rd)​
Patty Murray (WA 1st)​
2000 Downballot - Key Senate Races


The success of the movie Terminator managed to capture the attention of Americans everywhere, bringing up themes of the drawbacks of technology, and fears of the impacts of unimpeded scientific progress. Since the release of the movie, Arnold Schwarzenegger had become a household name almost overnight.
However, Schwarzenegger had an unknown side to him: He was a stalwart liberty conservative. When he became a naturalized citizen back in 1968, he saw the Goldwater campaign as a source of inspiration politically, especially since he felt the Progressives were too close to the communists he saw in Europe, and the Democrats did not have sufficient anti-communist credentials. He voted for Republican since, and his support for the party eventually caught the attention of many after making an appearance in the 1988 Republican National Convention. As Senator Ed Meese declared on his retirement, the California GOP saw an opportunity to revitalize the party after the defeat in the 1998 midterms. Back then, the party failed to win both a Senate seat and the governorship in a state that was generally considered a Republican bastion. They felt that Schwarzenegger would be the right man at the right time, popular enough to rally both orthodox liberty conservatives, moderates and disappointed communonationalists under one banner against the green wave that washed over the state just two years before. With the support of the party establishment, the retiring Meese, and even president Bundy, (although Schwarzenegger endorsed Dornan back in 1996, Bundy appreciated Schwarzenegger for his charisma and style, and personally encouraging him to run), Schwarzenegger easily won the nomination against several minor candidates.

On the Progressive side, rep. Ed Zschau (P-CA12), from the centrist wing of the party, won the party nomination with little resistance. Zschau, a former Republican, and one of the first Progressive house representatives from California was a colorful figure and was known for playing the ukulele on the campaign trail. For that, he was nicknamed "The singing congressman". Within progressive circles, party campaigners hoped that Zschau would be able to draw the support of Rockefeller Republicans (mostly from the Bay Area and LA), who were dissatisfied with the president's policies. Zschau was well ingrained in progressive leadership and had both personal friends Dick Lamm, and political ally Ross Perot, campaigning with him.

In contrast to the relatively straightforward primary campaign from both of the other major parties, the Democratic Party had a serious primary election between two fellow Representatives: Loretta Sanchez (D-CA46) and Bob Filner (D-CA49).
Sanchez, a freshwoman and a member of the growing Spanish-American Democratic Caucus, represented a heavily Spanish-American district in the suburban Orange County, a traditional Republican stronghold. Her activism work led her to become a leading voice for the Spanish-American population in the southwest and for minority voters under the Democratic umbrella in general. Although the democratic franchise in California severely decreased its value since the beginning of the Sixth Party System, the state Democratic Party leadership hoped that Sanchez could use the Democratic machine of SoCal, Hispanic farmers in the central valley and Latin American immigrants to achieve a plurality of voters. Pundits would identify her ethnicity as both her greatest strength and greatest weakness, as it made outreach to white working-class constituents significantly harder.

Against her stood Filner, whose district was comprised of southern San Diego and most of the state’s border with Mexico. Filner was much more experienced than Sanchez and even worked in Dan White’s gubernatorial campaigns, although over the years he shifted leftward socially. He was also considered more mainstream than Sanchez and was preferred by the party leadership, by then held by a narrow majority of Dan White populists over working-class Spanish-Americans.

Although Sanchez managed to narrowly defeat Filner in an upset victory and achieved the nomination, her chances to regain the support of the SoCal white populist voters were weak, which made the race an effective two-way race between the Republican Schwarzenegger and the Progressive Zschau. Many former Dan White voters would end up splitting their votes among the Republicans and Progressives. Sanchez was left lagging behind in the polls, with about 15%-22% of the vote, while both of the other major candidates were in the high-thirties.

While it was a close race, a combination of a coattail effect from Bundy and Schwarzenegger’s star status led to a Republican victory for the night. Mr. Schwarzenegger would go to Washington.


The state of Florida went through a slow realignment in the last 40 years. From the election of Claude Kirk to the governorship back in 1964, Florida became a swing state, with Kirk building a coalition of educated suburban and black voters. Kirk, who still held a powerful but unofficial role in the Florida GOP, hoped to take advantage of the ratification of the Caribbean Free Trade Association agreement, which kickstarted the state's trade-based economy and was the main factor in the success of Norman Schwarzkopf's senatorial campaign, helping to turn the state from purple to red.

This election cycle, however, would likely be different, as one of the main forces in state politics was the ever-increasing number of pensioners who chose the Sunshine State to spend their retirement. This population was heavily damaged by the president’s cuts to Social Security in favor of the AmCare and CaseyCare, and most pollsters projected that even Republican-leaning older voters would shift towards the Democratic Party to punish the Republicans. This was the most evident in the election of Governor Paul Ilyinsky. (Many of those who voted for Ilyinsky during his gubernatorial campaign in 1998 felt personally closer to a man of their age than they did to Bundy.) On the other hand, the Republican swing was clear in both metropolitan centers and suburbs, as people who made their money from trade and tourism profited heavily from the new CarFTA trade deal and from the “Gulf Trade Boom” that ensued. Another constituency that Republicans managed to swing in their favor were social conservatives from the panhandle. This vital constituency, who usually voted for the conservative wing of the Democratic Party, heavily supported Bundy’s war on drugs, which they saw as an opportunity to get both of the region’s growing drug problem and to rid themselves of the image that they were themselves, drug-dealing rednecks. They felt both would happen only if they cooperated with the president’s efforts. As most illegal drugs in Florida, in particular, came from South America via naval trade, the newly-stabilized Caribbean Sea situation saw a massive reduction in the rates of illegal smuggling cases. (The efforts of the West Indies Federation in assisting drug-busting efforts helped greatly in this regard.)

The current seat up for election was then held by Democrat Bob Martinez, who announced he would retire at the end of his term shortly before the primary season started (largely because of abysmal approval ratings among his own party after many thought that he was cottoning too much towards the president.) Andy Martin, a state senator known for his theatrical flair and bombastic remarks about his opponents, would eventually win the nomination. Martin, a former Republican Kissimmee city council member, switched parties shortly before the election as he saw another opportunity to win a major party senate nomination with relative ease. It soon became clear that Martin was in the race to boost his celebrity status, and not for the sake of the party, but by then it was too late and the Democrats would reluctantly put their full force behind him. Most Democratic campaigners, however, were more likely to run negative ads against Bush’s lack of experience or present themselves as the “anti-Bundy choice” rather than focus on the traits of their specific candidate.

The Florida Progressives, meanwhile, were a small party, usually polling in single digits. Their presence in the state was so small that frequently there were no Progressive nominees in important statewide races. However, in 2000, Tampa mayor Charlie Crist decided to throw his hat into the ring. Crist was definitely far to the social right for the party, even supporting moderate drug control measures, and was certainly on the right-wing economically, though he ran unopposed in the primary despite being considered too right-wing for much of the party. Many even predicted he would eliminate a potential Republican pickup. However, knowing his intraparty weaknesses, Crist spent far too much time before the election trying to conjure left-wing bona fides that simply didn’t exist.

As a result, any cut into more socially liberal Republican-leaners became impossible and some polls found Crist also took equally from the poorest elements of the Democratic Party. Regardless, Democrats felt safe about the seat, especially given the personal popularity of Governor Ilynsky and the state party’s strength. They would be blindsided by the Republican swing. Ilynsky threatened to “clean out” party operations if they lost another statewide race like this again.

Norman Schwarzkopf, despite being a Republican, would pose a contrast to the isolationism of Bundy. While not a hawk by any means, he was a strong supporter of economic integration and aid, especially since he was the namesake of the Schwarzkopf Plan and the rebuilding of Europe. Moreover, he kept the pressure on Bundy and the State Department to keep a lid on the trouble brewing in South America while also helping pass key legislation to ensure that the VA continued its mission effectively even as the US took a pacifist streak. The former general made for an unconventional politician but was an effective representative of his state. Despite that, the local Republican Party decided to draft a more conventional candidate to run for the now-vacant seat of Bob Martinez, the second Florida Seat. This man was Jeb Bush.

Jeb Bush was a scion of the Bush family, son of Defense Secretary George Bush, and brother of George Bush Jr., the hero of the Portugal Crisis and House Majority Leader at the time. While Bush himself held no elected political office, he was a well-known businessman political activist. He also served in the cabinets of several previous Republican administrations in the state, including a short stint as the Secretary of Commerce.

Many expected Bush to be a passive campaigner, running more off his family name and the lack of name recognition of both of his candidates than much of anything else. However, he surprised many Republican voters by his energetic campaign style. Detractors would call him “goofy”, he appealed well to the common man. This was especially in contrast with Charlie Crist’s lukewarm attempts to expand his base of voters, not to mention his stiff personality, although not to the same extent as Andy Martin. Most polls had Jeb Bush leading the race by a couple of percentage points early on, though his numbers widened as time went on as he took a more active and personalized campaign. The result surprised few.

Despite winning by a respectable margin, Bush only won a plurality of the vote thanks to an unexpected surge in Progressive support. And even though his party lost the race for the senate by an uncomfortably high margin (mostly thanks to running a relative nobody), governor Paul Ilyinsky gained more control over the state’s Democratic Party, cementing his place as a regional power-player and his existing reputation as an enemy of Ted Bundy. After losing the senate race, Andy Martin was later revealed to have written and circulated many pamphlets circulating conspiracy theories. One was called “On the Israeli conspiracy to invade the United States”, which claimed a plot to resurrect the USSR (a common fear among Americans despite the impossibility of stitching together more than 20 separate states without Western intervention), alleged that free trade policies were part of a plot to weaken domestic industries and flood markets with foreign goods, and a Zionist-atheistic plot to destroy Christian values. Thoroughly disgraced, he resigned from political office, though he would pop up again in local media from time to time, making wild accusations against politicians far and wide, from Ted Bundy to Ted Cruz. Meanwhile, Jeb Bush had now joined his brother as a high-profile politician.

Since the ‘60s, the Agnew political machine ruled Maryland with an iron fist. With the state's demographic center of the Baltimore-DC corridor being mostly comprised of blacks and suburban voters, it seemed that the Agnews would not be gone any time soon. Since the early ‘90s, anti-establishment sentiment began to gain unspoken support within state Republican circles. Republican outsiders felt that the Agnew family were treating the state, and particularly the Maryland GOP as a whole, as its own personal fiefdom. To which supporters of the Agnew machine had one main argument: you don't just replace a winning horse. Many Marylanders, were believed to think the same. When Susan Scott Agnew, a former frontrunner for the 1996 presidential election, announced unexpectedly that she was retiring early because of cancer-related complications, the seat was left wide open for the governor to appoint. And when famed writer Tom Clancy announced that he was interested in gaining political office, he quickly moved to the top of Governor Eleanor Agnew’s list.

Compared to other potential candidates for senator, Clancy was outside of the political sphere and could increase the visibility of the State Party in the national media which had begun to ignore the sleepy state. Running unopposed at the Republican convention a couple of months after his appointment, Clancy came towards the general election without much competition from either the Democratic or Republican parties. One of the main issues of the race was whether or not he supported the policies of the president. Unlike many other states, the elite of Maryland was mildly anti-Bundy, though not to the extent that it hurt their standing among the political electorate. However, for newer candidates, it was thought it would prove harder for them to get elected if they did not make clear their stance on the administration’s policies, especially those of isolationism, his economic policies, and importantly, the drug war.

Personally conflicted in his opinion of the president, Clancy would remain coy on the issue, navigating the issue and keeping both sides of the party satisfied. His opponents were relative nobodies, as most potential candidates of both parties did not bother to risk their political careers taking on an uncontroversial and well-liked candidate backed by the deep-pocketed Maryland Republican Party. Those that did win the Democratic and Progressive nominations, Robert W. Curran and Jimmy Tarlau, respectively, were relative nobodies on the political scene, neither with much name recognition. It did not come to much of a surprise when the results of the election came.

Winning the state by large margins, Clancy’s victory showed Maryland was still solidly Republican territory, especially during an election where geographic norms (seemed) to be breaking down.


While “Perotite” Progressives had a bad day overall, they did manage to save the skins of quite a few Democratic candidates by acting as a spoiler for the Republicans. This was the most prominent in states like Michigan, where Joe Schwartz ate into Posthumous’ support far more than he did Bieber’s. Bieber gained core Leftist support from Roundtree while maintaining Bundycrat support by playing himself as a “liberal watchdog” on Bundy: Compromising over Amtrak, but still being fiercely against Social Security changes. While this exaggerated the moderate side of this dyed-in-the-wool, Pro-Union, Pro-Intervention Communonationalist, combined with a good economy and good luck, it got him the victory he badly wanted.

Puerto Rico:

Conventional wisdom among Beltway insiders was that the Spanish American vote was solidly Democrat. Because of this, when Puerto Rico ascended to the Union, it was believed that it would be an easy two Senate seats for the Democrats. This was the main dealmaker of “The Deal” and why the Democrats supported Bundy’s reform of Social Security.

Of course, the results of the 2000 elections shocked many by bucking this otherwise consistent trend in national politics. As the ruling New Progressive Party officially started the process of becoming the Democratic party’s state affiliate, their opposition, the liberal Popular Democratic Party felt at home with their new national counterparts, the Progressive Party. The Grassroots structure of the Progressives, expressed by how the party was being comprised of smaller, independent, state-level parties such as the NY Liberal party, MN Farmer-Labor and the ND Non-Partisan League, etc., was fairly attractive to the autonomy-minded PDP. The National Progressive leadership, believing that having one of their own candidates winning the race would be a long shot, agreed that the PDP decide by themselves whether to become an affiliate. The PDP, comprised mostly by left-wing minaprogressives, (although with a communitarian streak, and less socially liberal than their mainland counterparts), nominated the mayor of San Juan, Sila Calderon. As mayor, she undertook one of the largest public works programs in the island’s history, sponsoring various urban redevelopment projects to revitalize Old San Juan and other deteriorated sections of the city. She also initiated a program to assist the empowerment of poor communities and improve economic development. She was fairly popular among the deeply-communitarian Puerto-Rican electorate, even among the “loyalist” PNP members.
Meanwhile, Republicans remained without an existing political ally in the new state, though two things going for them were the admission to the union and the continuation of the state’s tax breaks. The Republican Party had another unique challenge in this state: persuading the state’s black population to vote for them. While Black Americans were considered a solidly Republican demographic, those in Puerto Rico didn’t have the same loyalty to the Republican party, having different histories through the 1960s and having different experiences through the Wallace Administration. (This reason, among others, was one reason why recent African immigrants, with communonationalist leanings, tended to lean vote Democrat.) At 10% of the vote, they were an important constituency to gain, and they hoped to win this constituency through the same margins as through the rest of the country.

On the bright side, an influx of ex-PNP representatives and suburban voters, who couldn’t resonate with the Democratic party’s views regarding economics, helped to build the state’s nascent Republican party. The local candidate was one Antonio Luis Ferré, a popular publisher of local newspapers and an important power-player in local politics. Well-known among locals because of his namesake, the pro-statehood former governor Luis A. Ferré, he was considered a good choice for a candidate to make the Republican Party palatable for voters.

One unexpected result of the quick admission process was the meteoric rise of the PIP. As the island’s main separationist party, the Puerto Rican Independence Party received a surprising boost of support from ex-PDP members who sought a continuation of the commonwealth status but now supported independence as the commonwealth option was now out of the table. From a party with the support of 5% of the population, the party more than doubled their electoral share according to pollsters, now polling at 12%. Unlike other separatist parties in the United States, such as the Alaska Independence Party and (extremists parts of) the Natural Law Party, Puerto Rico's Independence Party was a left-wing Social Democratic party in the mid-20th century European sense of the word and would oppose Puerto Rican involvement in foreign wars in the case of independence. The party nominated former gubernatorial candidate and a long-time independence supporter Rubén Berríos. Berríos, who made a name for himself by protesting against the US navy usage of Culebra Island for military exercises back in 1971. Although the usage of the islands only ended in 1998, after the shift towards an isolationist US foreign policy and the island being rendered as useless for the military, he became widely known across the island state.

The incumbent senator standing for reelection was Jaime Fuster, who had a long history in local politics. As both an associate justice of the state’s Supreme Court and the resident commissioner of the island, he was originally a liberal member of the PDP, though he felt increasingly uncomfortable with the minaprogressivistic strain of liberalism that the mainland’s Progressives espoused, believing that the libertarian nature of the American school of minaprogressivism was inconsistent with “Puerto Rican community values”. He felt more aligned with the old-school Kennedy liberals of the Democratic Party, and later switched parties to the Democrats rather than the PNP shortly before the admittance of the state to the union. The state’s governor, Pedro Rossello, bargained with the national Democratic Party over the appointment of senators. They recommended that he nominate Fuster, who was popular in the state and among the diaspora, and another one of the other members of the PNP. Instead, Rossello decided to appoint himself to the position. The state’s senate and house, dominated by loyalist PNP members quickly approved the appointees. When the senate post was offered to him at first, Fuster rejected it, as he felt like he should focus on his judicial role; however, after persuasion by Rossello, prominent Kennedy liberals, and even from some of his former compatriots at the PDP, he agreed to represent the new state in the US senate. The election would be one of the most competitive of the night, as it was a four-way race. The Republican and Democratic candidates, Ferré and Fuster, respectively, were in the top two and were neck-and-neck in the polls in the lead-up to the race. While the Progressives hoped to be in the running for the race, the independentist vote acted as a spoiler for the Progressives, leaving them both at approximately 25% and 12% respectively.

The main reason for Fuster's failure was his relative social liberalism in spite of the state’s population upholding the stereotype of Hispanic-Americans as socially conservative and deeply religious people. Ferre managed to appeal to the socially conservative state’s population by riding the coattails of Bundy’s war on drugs, reminding them of the dangerous situation.

The result of the race surprised many, with a result once thought impossible happening. A Republican winning in a Spanish American seat, if at a narrow margin, was thought impossible. Seeing the failure of the independentist faction to move past 4th place, the PIP would coalition with the Progressive affiliate in the future, combining their bases to have a chance in statewide politics. Puerto Rico now had the conditions to become a swing state, split three-way between Progs, Republicans and Democrats.

West Virginia:

In arguably the greatest upset of the night, John Rease pulled off the “Millennium Stunner” over the ex-VP candidate and West Virginia icon Robert Byrd. Byrd had tried to woo Strom Thurmond numerous times to be his successor, but Strom preferred the younger, more southern, and more modern Al Gore. As a result of both this and national party fortunes, Byrd’s ability to pull pork to the state had decreased. West Virginia as a whole, meanwhile, had benefited from the war. It had not been an extensive target during the Second Blitz, even for the region, in part because Soviet Spies saw it as “too poor to waste bombs on”. Combined with its natural energy supply and union unrest up north, it became a popular target for new investment, particularly in automobile manufacturing. While investments were modest in national terms, they had a positive impact on the state. Real estate developer John Rease, in particular, made a killing off of this. In addition, American demand for domestic coal skyrocketed because of the uncertainty of the Great Southern War. The privatization of the TVA also made West Virginia coal more competitive in its southern neighbors. West Virginia seemed to slowly be clawing itself out of its long-held economic doldrums.

However, with its secluded backwoods and prime access to the major universities and youth centers of the East Coast, West Virginia was also hit by an influx of junkies and dealers. Bundy’s pivot towards more policies popular with traditional communonationalist voters won him approval. While Byrd had signed on to the various bipartisan policies, he did not relish them.

Byrd seemed bored on the campaign trail. Rumors abound that he was in the running to become the President of West Virginia University, which had just received a massive increase in funding in the last state budget but did not know yet how to spend it. Many believed he didn’t seem to “need” it.

Raese and Pritt, in contrast, both ran like candidates possessed by the devil, barnstorming the state in full force. Rease emphasized his social conservatism and “record delivering for West Virginians in the beautiful mountains around Morgantown not smoke-filled gentlemen’s clubs in Washington” for a Republican while Pritt hacked off the few backwoods social liberals and environmentalists who were frustrated with the lack of stewardship in the state and felt that it was too dependent on dirty coal.

The results, while surprising, did not shock those closely watching the race.

Though he lost by a slim margin, it became clear by the end of the night that Robert Byrd’s time serving as a senator for West Virginia had now ended. His defeat proved a blow for local Democrats.

One of the bright lights of the night for the Democrats was in Missouri, a state which had been trending Democratic, but still needed a push to go all the way. A quality candidate was found in the grandson of “the Isaiah of Communonationalism”, Harry Truman. Already seen as a viable candidate because of his family history, he became well known as a journalist for the New York Times. Now with a reputation as a renowned columnist, he returned to Missouri to manage and headline the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, using it as a platform to promote Midwestern communonationalism.

On the other side of the election stood the long-serving John Danforth, first elected in 1970 when the state was still trending Republican. During the Third World War and the 90s’ afterward, he briefly became the secretary of state during WWIII, sometime after Dick Cheney’s cardiac arrest. He later became the leader of the liberal Republicans in the senate when he resumed his senate seat. He was an influential and widely-known senator, but his margins of victory in his home state shrunk over time as the makeup of the state changed around him. In his last re-election campaign, he narrowly defeated state senator Jay Nixon by a margin of 4%.

For Danforth, his main issue was recruiting enthusiasm amongst Republicans while not alienating moderates nor Progressives. Daniel, moreover, hit Danforth on the one issue where he was most aligned with the President: foreign policy. While many Republicans, notably including moral crusaders like Pat Buchanan, found widespread support for their moral crusades against “Freyist influences on foreign policy”, (especially among blacks and white suburban women), such efforts did not endear Bundy to the state of Missouri, as many citizens were war veterans who saw isolationism as an insult to the sacrifices of those who died in the Third World War. This, along with negative campaigning connecting Danforth with Bundy, helped tip the Show-Me State over to the Democrats.

Senator Daniel channeled his ancestor in many ways while serving the state, working behind the scenes for the benefit of his state, including his famous support for a tax break for filmmakers, rivaling California’s incentives for producers and helping to grow the state’s burgeoning entertainment industry.

A common saying about Utah politics was that Utahns are devout Republicans as much as they are devout Mormons. The Utah Republican party was part of the stalwart Liberty Conservative wing of the party, and as it had a strong social conservative streak, Ted Bundy wasn’t loved in the party as much as presidents McCloskey, Reagan, and Rumsfeld were.

Bundy was seen as a sharp deviation from the direction they wanted to see the party advancing, and from the Republicans under Rumsfeld and Reagan. The president was simply much bolder and impulsive than Utah could ever get used to. His personality also rubbed many Utahns the wrong way, as he seemed too “unpresidential”. Bundy’s bombastic demeanor and his youthful energy proved divisive to many, with some supporting his attempts to bring “life into the presidency”, while others saw it as making a mockery of the office. For many, the First Lady, Jennifer Aniston Bundy, was one of the most obvious examples of the latter. She was mocked for her former career as an actress, despite the fact that she played a limited role in the administration, many attack ads put her figure, (usually pictures taken out of context showing her in seemingly risque situations), front and center, as a symbol of the Bundy administration.

The Progressives endorsed activist Rocky Anderson, a controversial choice, in part due to his vehement criticism of the president’s “War on Drugs” and his support for same-sex marriage, which combined with his other more leftist positions soured him to many rural Progressives. This would have been a great boon for the Natural Law Party, though they had agreed prior to the campaign that they would have a detente with the Republicans on a national level, which unofficially held true on the state level as well. No candidates were fielded that year. Theoretically, this would have meant that rural Progressives would flock to the Republican Party, though the increasingly anti-rural and pro-city campaigning of the Republicans on the presidential scale led many to either stay home on election day or try tactically voting for the Democratic candidate, seen as the lesser of three evils.
In the 1996 race, Utah Republicans were one of the most ardent supporters of Bob Dornan’s bid to the presidency and gritted their teeth while voting for Bundy. It was on the backs of voters like these that led the Natural Law Party to take second place in the state and caused the GOP to decrease to only a plurality of the vote. Whether the Natural Law Party’s endorsement of Ted Bundy in the national election would trickle down to this senate race remained to be seen. Orrin Hatch had not played a particularly large role in national politics under Bundy, who preferred working with David Leroy of Idaho and Paul Laxalt of Nevada when discussing “Mountain West” issues. Hatch, who had been the party’s nominee in 1992, was increasingly seen as ineffective.

Meanwhile, Scott Matheson Jr., former gubernatorial candidate, was fresh off of successful 2 terms as SLC mayor having built a new effective public transportation network, built up the school system to become one of the best in the nation, and attracted union jobs in the food processing industry (building upon Utah’s long-standing beekeeping tradition). Matheson also worked to help resettle the few admitted refugees from South America into SLC with tri-partisan applause and used this position to pillory Republicans for their “uncaring” foreign policy.

Orrin Hatch had little to speak for while Scott Matheson Jr. seemed fresh, had a record of accomplishment, and also presented himself as a young man who was proud of his Mormon values. Matheson mocked Hatch’s attempts to “go Hollywood” by famously trying to get through to Bundy through his wife’s friendship with the first lady, to little avail. Hatch was unable to recover and the Democrats scored an important upset.

Pat Buchanan found himself in another tough race only 4-years after dealing with accusations of supposed mistresses, British conspiracies, and anti-Catholic barbs from candidates like Lyndon LaRouche. However, this time he wouldn’t have the luxury of a Progressive third-party candidate. Fortunately, his opponent had one controversial position on his campaign platform which Buchanan hoped to use to drive a wedge between potential swing voters and the Democrats. Tim Kaine, a pro-life Representative in the House and current Democratic nominee, campaigned on adopting a fierce anti-death penalty stance (demanding a constitutional amendment banning it) and had a moderate anti-drug war position. Buchanan pilloried this as a sign that Tim Kaine “didn’t care about Virginian Lives” which he “didn’t want to protect from crime at home and wanted to throw away in useless adventures abroad”. Tim Kaine would come to regret campaigning on his position on abolishing the death penalty after the state was rocked by a case that captured the imagination. A Nazi turned drug-kingpin named Rocky Suhayda, escaping cops in hot pursuit, killed a black mother and child while fleeing arrest. When asked at the end of a lengthy, contentious and personal debate about whether Suhada should be killed for his actions, Kaine pivoted to blaming Bundy’s drug policies for forcing Suhayda to a life of crime. (He also name-dropped the “Appalachian Raid in Cincinnati”, the infamous 1997 drug sting which while wiping out many major cartels in the South, led to the deaths of nearly 40 people.) This, unfortunately, infuriated Bundycrats, (Bundy-leaning Democrats), and African Americans. Although Democrats would win the state on the presidential level, a key segment of voters decided to split their ticket, flipping the state in favor of the Republicans. In his victory speech, Pat Buchanan sounded out that his victory was a victory for the Silent Majority, who were sick of business as usual and of wars for the sake of Europe. Virginians evidently agreed.

2000 Downballot - Senate



2. George Wallace Jr. (D)
3. Richard Shelby (D)


2. Jack Cogill (AKIP)
3. Ray Metcalf (P)


1. Jon Kyl R Hold

3. John Shadegg (R)


2. Dale Bumpers (D)
3. Jim Guy Tucker (D)


1. Arnold Schwartzenegger R Hold

3. Jerry Brown (P)


2. Dick Lamm (P)
3. William Armstrong (R)


1. Theodore Olson R Hold

2. Frank Rich (P)


1. John Rowland R gain of
D Barbara Kennelly
3. Lowell P. Weicker Jr. (P)


1. Pete DuPont R Hold

2. Mike Castle (R)


1. John E. "Jeb" Bush R gain of
D Mel Martinez
2. Norman Schwarzkopf (R)


2. Zell Miller (D)
3. Larry MacDonald (D)


1. Linda Lingle R Hold
(William F. Quinn retires)
3. Patsy Mink (P)


2. David H. Leroy (R)
3. Larry Echo Hawk (D)


2. Al Salvi (R)
3. Dick Durbin (D)


1. Richard Lugar R Hold

2. Evan Bayh (D)


2. Terry Branstad (R)
3. Tom Harkin (P)


2. Bob Dole (R)
3. Sam Brownback (R)


2. Peppy Martin (R)
3. Steve Beshear (D)


2. Mitch Landrieu (D)
3. James Carville (D)


1. Peter Chiancette R Gain off
P Susan Collins
2. Olympia Snowe (P)


1. Tom Clancy R Hold
(Susan Scott Agnew retires)
3. John Glenn Beall Jr. (R)


1. John Kerry D Hold

2. Margaret Heckler (R)


1. Owen Bieber D Hold

2. Fred Upton (R)


1. Paul Wellstone P Hold

2. Dean Barkley (P)


1. Thad Cochran R Hold

2. Trent Lott (D)


1. Clifton Truman Daniel D gain of
R John Danforth
2. Mel Carnahan (D) (No plane crash like OTL)


1. Michael McFaul D gain of
R Conrad Burns
2. Judy Martz (R)


1. Bob Kerrey D Hold

2. Chuck Hagel (R)


1. John Ensign R Hold
(Paul Laxalt retires)
2. Jan Jones (D)

New Hampshire-

2. Steve Merrill (R)
3. Jack Smith (R)

New Jersey-

1. Ruth Bader Ginsburg P Hold

2. Christine Todd Whitman (R)

New Mexico-

1. Harrison Schmitt R Hold

2. Art Trujillo (D)

New York-

1. George Pataki R Hold

3. Bill Kristol (D)

North Carolina-

2. Jesse Helms (D)
3. Andy Griffiths (D)

North Dakota-

1. Byron Dorgan P/NPL Hold

3. Kent Conrad (P)


1. Jerry Springer D Hold

3. George Voinovich (R)


2. David Boren (D)
3. James Boren (P)


2. Denny Smith (R)
3. Jack Herer (R)


1. Harris Wofford D Hold
3. Hillary R. Heinz (R)

Puerto Rico-

1. Antonio Luiz Ferre R gain of
D Jaime Fuster
2. Pedro Rossello D/PNP

Rhode Island-

1. Lincoln Chafee R Hold
(appointed to replace deceased father John Chaffee in 1999)
2. Fernand St. Germain (D)

South Carolina-

2. Strom Thurmond (D)
3. Bob Conley (R)

South Dakota-

2. James Abdnor (R)
3. Larry Pressler (P)


1. Al Gore Jr. D Hold

2. Phil Bredesen (D)


1. Phil Gramm R Hold

2. Antonin Scalia (R)


1. Scott Matheson Jr. D gain of
R Orrin Hatch
2. Jon Huntsman Jr. (R)


1. John A. McMullen R gain of
P Jim Jeffords
3. Patrick Leahy (P)


1. Pat Buchanan R Hold

2. John Warner (R)


1. Slade Gorton R Hold
3. Linda Smith (R)

West Virginia-

1. John Rease R gain of
D Robert Byrd
2. Ken Hechler (D)


1. Scott Walker R gain of
P Dave Obey
3. Eric Hovde (R)


1. Jim Geringer R Hold

3. Teno Roncalio (D)