Will he get caught? I think he will and the Republicans will be so tainted by this they won't win again until 2020 with Mariska. (Bonus points if Alex Jones discovers the truth about Bundy and kills him becoming a hero once the evidence is found out)
New Deal Coalition Retained III: A New World
- Thread starter Redcoat
- Start date
- Status
"Look in the Fucking Box!! He's was a fucking killer! A fucking serial killer!Let go of me!"-Alex Jones being sudued by the secret service after shooting and killing Bundy on September 11th 2000
(This is how I hope it goes, this is not an actual update)
Germany at the Turn of the Century
Joschka Fischer was done with the Great Southern War. Fortunately, the war had not been a total war like the other worldwide conflicts of the past, and his administration was able to focus on domestic issues as well. Key reforms had been enacted since Fischer took power.
One side effect of the war, however, was that it led to a new wave of (mostly German identifying) migrants into the country, namely from Latin America. Argentina, where most of these applicants came from, had over 400,000 residents who identified as ethnic Germans. Many of these people would seek to return to their “homeland”, though this would be a controversial decision in Germany itself. Many of these migrants had been far removed from their German roots, especially since most of them were descended from the Volga German community, removed a second degree from Germany proper. However, as most German expatriates had already returned to the nation, and natalist policies were at the time not bridging the gap in workforce demand, the Fischer government would approve a plan to bring in nearly 70,000 Argentines into the nation to bridge the gap. These migrants would have to prove they were mostly of German ancestry, and had at least some knowledge of the language already. This would be followed up with an increase in incentives for native Germans to have kids, to reduce the need for further immigration. This mitigated the small bump in opposition settlement, although it was clear Fischer had spent political capital in letting in these refugees. However, like the Turkish guest workers of the 1970s, these immigrants assimilated quickly into German culture, lessening criticism of the policy in the long-term.
While he was a Freyist, Chancellor Fischer always remembered his Green roots, and his leadership of the Left-Wing of the Liberty Party. He especially wanted to lean back on left-Freyist ideals, (associated with Italy’s blend of Eurocommunism and Freyism). He included populist policies to his platform to win over social progressives, which he hoped would further establish a “permanent coalition” to govern Germany. In his eyes, the LP had united the right, and now it was time to bring over the Left.
Freyist thinking emphasized the theme of national redemption for past actions and revival of esteem. While more traditional German Freyists had supported the “national tradition” in education, more recent post-WWIII thinkers, called Neo-Freyists, who believed that national redemption should be extended to the individual level, seen as suspicious by most left-wingers, who argued over to what extent this should be done, and what this meant practically.
These thinkers focused first on improving the education system. They saw the traditional German Gymnasium system as unwise, preferring the American model of public education as more equitable. As a result, 3/4 of Gymnasiums would be shut down, and Gymnasium admittance became an optional process beginning at the age of 15. Most of the rest of the remaining gymnasiums would be shut down by 2004. In addition, homeschooling, long banned in Germany, would be legalized. These profound changes would only be possible thanks to the electoral dominance of the Liberty Party. However, there would be a fierce backlash, as many worried if this transformation of German life was too profound. This was especially true amongst those who felt that German education had been working for them, the more conservative elements of German society. Thankfully for Fischer, time was left for him to make his case before the next election.
To compromise and “embrace the German system” and keep his hold over small-c conservatives, Fischer would double down on the traditional social market use of worker representation on corporate boards of directors. His Chancellorship mandated 1⁄3 worker representation on corporations over 100 individuals, down from the previous 500. This would make entrepreneurship difficult but was supported heavily by the existing established firms in the German economy who had soured on his environmentalism. These companies disliked how smaller, more nimble firms did not have to “care for” their workers. Unions, not traditionally the strength of the LP, were very supportive as well. Fischer thought that perhaps he could build the Freyist base of the future from these groups. However, both management and labor would find reasons to dislike the bill. Management would lose many smaller, entrepreneurial, parts-suppliers while the rate of temporary employment would increase as they weren’t accounted for in corporate structure.
However, Fischer’s main goal was to bring environmentalism into the German discourse. Squashed by SDP success and the rise of Freyism, German environmentalism had laid dormant. But post-WWIII and GSW, concerns about both regular air pollution and carbon footprint re-emerged in Germany.
His environmental advisor, Renate Kunast, wrote another fundamentally transformative law:
The Environmental Policy Brief of 1999.
Firstly, Fischer would pass the world’s first Corporate Carbon Tax, Coal Pollution Tax (meant to also absorb air pollution costs) and Carbon VAT. German automakers were horrified by the move, but mollified with government subsidies for EV development. The move would be revenue neutral thanks to a 1% reduction in general VAT; which kept LP support high amongst grocers and retailers.
Fischer would also move to tax nuclear power, due to the “potential risk”. While the implemented tax would be far lower than the Carbon tax, it would discourage new construction.
A political slogan of the environmentalist movement, advocating for the de-industrialization of coal-fired plants, with “Jamaica” being a popular name given for the colors of the Freyist Party’s ideological big-tent. (Black for the core of the party and former members of the CDU, Green for the minaprogressive left, and Yellow for the East German right-wing, who while usually voting for the LP, formed a political bloc of their own.)
While environmentalism and “returning to the land” was associated more with minaprogressives in Germany, it served to mollify the more conservative elements of the LP coalition that distrusted Fischer, one of Germany’s most left-leaning Freyists, and a self-possessed reformed radical. Many right-Freyist thinkers worried about “over-industrialized Germany...full of loyal union-supporting SDP voters”, wanting to revive the Prussian “Rye” coalition to counteract this. This faction was led by Bavarian Minister-President Edmund Stoiber, who envisioned East Prussia as a farming-based post-industrial state that would be favorable to social and economic conservatism in the European sense. Stoiber would accidently sum up these policies over a hot mike. “You can't have socialism without labor unions, and you can’t have those without factories”. Fischer would lead the “de-industrialization” of Germany, which many saw as a natural consequence of existing Post-WW3 reconstruction planning.
The Prime Minister, who saw trade barriers as part of the reasons behind GSW, decided that Germany had to take the “moral high ground” again. He would unilaterally lower tariffs and trade barriers on automobiles, to no avail. This would lead to a flood of US vehicles on the market.
One of the more shocking events to come from this trend would come from this auto crisis. It would be announced in 1999 that GM was buying BMW and moving its manufacturing outside of Germany. Despite the fact that his free trade policies were a factor in the matter, the German Auto Crisis and “great economic transition” as a whole, was not entirely Fischer’s fault. With the end of war, demand would suddenly drop worldwide, proving hard for manufacturers to manage. This was not limited to Germany. At the same time, German automakers and steel producers went through a slew of poor leadership, worsening the situation. The Opel brand (owned by GM) was shut down completely due to poor management. Volkswagen, the pride of Germany, was bought out in pieces by Chrystler, GE, and Bain Capital. Steel and other inputs, due to the high costs of labor in Germany, was outsourced to the Entebbe Pact, the U.K., and the U.S.
Germans were increasingly seeing “Made in Zaire” or even “Made in America” in their stores over “Made in Germany”. The Mittlestand of post-WWII Germany was in decline.
A giant sucking sound can be heard across Germany- Rudolf Scharping
With all this going on, an election was due and the campaign was on.
With a post-GSW recession hitting Europe, Fischer would also drum up fears of rising post-communist parties in ex-East Germany and the of separatist “Polish Parties” amongst national minority groups. The platform adopted the position of reducing the number of party-list representatives in parliament and raising the minimum representation barrier to 8%.
Scharping argued this was a “betrayal of the German system” and “the first step to a one party system”. The greatest irony was that it actually helped shift support for the SDP, as anti-establishment voters feared it would be the only party that could “stand up to the LP” and minority voters saw the SDP as a welcoming vessel that would accommodate their interests.
“Only in Germany could the Social Democrats be the conservative party” -- Ted Bundy
FDP had to put a lackluster regional candidate, Walter Doring, to lead the party. He had an equally lackluster record on hot-button issues, and mediocre campaign skills, but was forced to, thanks to the retirement of Lambsdorff. While he had united the FDP around taking a tough line vs. both Freyism and Scharping’s focus on recent developments, this made some analysts and voter’s worried about the potential of an FDP government. They felt it would be too much of a diversion for their purposes, and would destroy any good will created since 1980. Scharping would make these fears take center stage when attacking the FDP as too radical a break from the progress made while the LP had changed Germany too much without any democratic mandate. Anti-Freyist critics abroad would mock Scharping’s moderation on issues like royalty as instituting a failed “Freyism with a human face”. This would hurt the reputation of the SPD in states like Bavaria, Saxony, and Thirungia, all of whom were strongholds of the LP, and had reinstated regional monarchs of their own.
Overall, the election turned out to be a shocking defeat for the Liberty Party, who while managing to gain support from some past Lafontaine voters, had lost a ton of its moderate supporters. While Fischer was worried about having to force a “Grand Coalition”, he had no idea of the dissatisfaction in the German voting population, in part due to Freyist policy that restricted both the campaign season and frequency of polling both to protect voter privacy, reduce the influence of money, and “encourage politicians to make needed but unpopular reforms”.
The defeat of the Liberty Party would show that Germany was still a multiparty system, not a flawed democracy as its critics opined. But it was still clear that the LP was a force to be reckoned with, and during the unbroken streak it ruled the country since Gehrard Frey’s first term, Germany, and the world as a consequence, was changed forever.
Admittedly, Scharping would be unable to stop the “Giant Sucking Sound” as the headwinds were simply too strong in both global consumer trends, German economic policy, and other factors. However, he would ensure that Germany did manage its transition successfully although traditional union-SDP voters would be frustrated with his inability to save the Mittelstand from becoming the “Roststand”.
Scharping, in a surprising move for a Social Democrat, would eliminate all VAT for food, medical, and dental care, medical equipment for the disabled, transport tickets, books (to encourage learning), and bicycles (to encourage healthy behavior) helping consumers. In return, he compromised by keeping the existing Carbon Tax and raising corporate tax rates by 2%. While this and other spending increases would destroy the “Carbon surplus” many welcomed this turn away from austerity.
Scharping was also focused on building on the growth of the pharmaceutical industry in Germany, thinking that it could perhaps replace automobiles as a primary export. As such, he engaged in a policy of subsidization and deregulation, provided firms treated their workers well. He also started a government-funded campaign to increase supply by building more hospitals and treatment centers. The key element of deregulation was the controversial move to legalize Direct To Consumer pharmaceutical advertisements, a policy unfounded in the rest of Europe. This led to rapid growth and incubation of consumer lifestyle-focused drugs, which had traditionally been an American specialty. The most successful drug of the bunch was Freizeit [ITL Viagra], which while mocked, kept a lot of German workers busy.
Many SDP left-wingers disliked these policies, but Scharping felt that the SDP had to win over FDP support in order to remain a permanent counterweight to the LP. To win over critics, Scharping would work with Porsche leaders to save the brand (after first buying company ownership and nationalizing the firm) through a series of key infrastructure investments and tax breaks.
Scharping would focus heavily on building upon the natural strengths of the ECTC. As part of this, Germany would embark on an infrastructure binge. Famously, this would be “headlined” by a Berlin to Moscow High-Speed rail line. It would also include numerous Solar Fields, Wind Farms, Hydroelectric Dams, Roads, Hospitals, and Schools. As part of this “ECTC-centered” plan, Scharping would also merge the German and FRR aircraft manufacturing industries into a new partially nationalized firm named “EuroLuft”. Its first major development would be making copies of the Concorde (bought from the UK) to be employed on flights to Africa, China, and India. This swift transportation would be important for the German finance industry.
This was also facilitated by a major change in 2001: the Warsaw Zone. With the exception of Tatarstan (due to ethnic disputes) all internal border crossings, customs checks, and customs duties within the ECTC would be eliminated. Capital and Labor would be free to move within the ECTC, although differing currencies would still be an issue. ID cards and proper bureaucracy would ensure that citizens living abroad would follow their home nations’ tax/regulatory policy. This massive change would be a boon for tourism within all countries, as one could easily plan road trips within this massive territory. In addition, many businesses found that expanding to new markets was far easier as well as the procurement of new materials. Uniting the ECTC culturally was the German film industry, which had weathered the destruction of WWIII to the heights it was projected to reach in its first burst of growth in the 70’s.
The site of the Treaty
Scharping’s main development in foreign policy before the 2003 elections was his successful work in pressuring the U.N. to include Germany and India as permanent members of the Security council. In 1996, per the Treaty of Geneva, the FRR had voluntarily resigned its permanent position on the council in favor of another rotating seat. Many had debated which nations would better fill said seat, with the debate often narrowing down to Germany, India, and Japan. Scharping shrewdly decided to work with the Indians in a “dual-bid” that crowded out the Japanese regardless of any Freyist ties.
Working with the Indian leadership, even after both nations had opposed each other albeit indirectly in the GSW, Scharping lobbied the general assembly in favor of this radical change. France and the U.K. were adamantly opposed to this notion, however, between the allies, these two nations had drawn and the favors owed to them, there was enough support in the general assembly to force the US, UK, and China to relinquish control lest they suffer from a massive loss of face. And thus Germany and India’s status as world powers was cemented.
While India and Germany would never be friends internationally, this temporary alliance of convenience worked well for both. Scharping, meanwhile, had completed the work his more explicitly Freyist rivals had done to cement Germany’s return to the world stage.
Joschka Fischer was done with the Great Southern War. Fortunately, the war had not been a total war like the other worldwide conflicts of the past, and his administration was able to focus on domestic issues as well. Key reforms had been enacted since Fischer took power.
One side effect of the war, however, was that it led to a new wave of (mostly German identifying) migrants into the country, namely from Latin America. Argentina, where most of these applicants came from, had over 400,000 residents who identified as ethnic Germans. Many of these people would seek to return to their “homeland”, though this would be a controversial decision in Germany itself. Many of these migrants had been far removed from their German roots, especially since most of them were descended from the Volga German community, removed a second degree from Germany proper. However, as most German expatriates had already returned to the nation, and natalist policies were at the time not bridging the gap in workforce demand, the Fischer government would approve a plan to bring in nearly 70,000 Argentines into the nation to bridge the gap. These migrants would have to prove they were mostly of German ancestry, and had at least some knowledge of the language already. This would be followed up with an increase in incentives for native Germans to have kids, to reduce the need for further immigration. This mitigated the small bump in opposition settlement, although it was clear Fischer had spent political capital in letting in these refugees. However, like the Turkish guest workers of the 1970s, these immigrants assimilated quickly into German culture, lessening criticism of the policy in the long-term.
While he was a Freyist, Chancellor Fischer always remembered his Green roots, and his leadership of the Left-Wing of the Liberty Party. He especially wanted to lean back on left-Freyist ideals, (associated with Italy’s blend of Eurocommunism and Freyism). He included populist policies to his platform to win over social progressives, which he hoped would further establish a “permanent coalition” to govern Germany. In his eyes, the LP had united the right, and now it was time to bring over the Left.
Freyist thinking emphasized the theme of national redemption for past actions and revival of esteem. While more traditional German Freyists had supported the “national tradition” in education, more recent post-WWIII thinkers, called Neo-Freyists, who believed that national redemption should be extended to the individual level, seen as suspicious by most left-wingers, who argued over to what extent this should be done, and what this meant practically.
These thinkers focused first on improving the education system. They saw the traditional German Gymnasium system as unwise, preferring the American model of public education as more equitable. As a result, 3/4 of Gymnasiums would be shut down, and Gymnasium admittance became an optional process beginning at the age of 15. Most of the rest of the remaining gymnasiums would be shut down by 2004. In addition, homeschooling, long banned in Germany, would be legalized. These profound changes would only be possible thanks to the electoral dominance of the Liberty Party. However, there would be a fierce backlash, as many worried if this transformation of German life was too profound. This was especially true amongst those who felt that German education had been working for them, the more conservative elements of German society. Thankfully for Fischer, time was left for him to make his case before the next election.
To compromise and “embrace the German system” and keep his hold over small-c conservatives, Fischer would double down on the traditional social market use of worker representation on corporate boards of directors. His Chancellorship mandated 1⁄3 worker representation on corporations over 100 individuals, down from the previous 500. This would make entrepreneurship difficult but was supported heavily by the existing established firms in the German economy who had soured on his environmentalism. These companies disliked how smaller, more nimble firms did not have to “care for” their workers. Unions, not traditionally the strength of the LP, were very supportive as well. Fischer thought that perhaps he could build the Freyist base of the future from these groups. However, both management and labor would find reasons to dislike the bill. Management would lose many smaller, entrepreneurial, parts-suppliers while the rate of temporary employment would increase as they weren’t accounted for in corporate structure.
However, Fischer’s main goal was to bring environmentalism into the German discourse. Squashed by SDP success and the rise of Freyism, German environmentalism had laid dormant. But post-WWIII and GSW, concerns about both regular air pollution and carbon footprint re-emerged in Germany.
His environmental advisor, Renate Kunast, wrote another fundamentally transformative law:
The Environmental Policy Brief of 1999.
Firstly, Fischer would pass the world’s first Corporate Carbon Tax, Coal Pollution Tax (meant to also absorb air pollution costs) and Carbon VAT. German automakers were horrified by the move, but mollified with government subsidies for EV development. The move would be revenue neutral thanks to a 1% reduction in general VAT; which kept LP support high amongst grocers and retailers.
Fischer would also move to tax nuclear power, due to the “potential risk”. While the implemented tax would be far lower than the Carbon tax, it would discourage new construction.
A political slogan of the environmentalist movement, advocating for the de-industrialization of coal-fired plants, with “Jamaica” being a popular name given for the colors of the Freyist Party’s ideological big-tent. (Black for the core of the party and former members of the CDU, Green for the minaprogressive left, and Yellow for the East German right-wing, who while usually voting for the LP, formed a political bloc of their own.)
While environmentalism and “returning to the land” was associated more with minaprogressives in Germany, it served to mollify the more conservative elements of the LP coalition that distrusted Fischer, one of Germany’s most left-leaning Freyists, and a self-possessed reformed radical. Many right-Freyist thinkers worried about “over-industrialized Germany...full of loyal union-supporting SDP voters”, wanting to revive the Prussian “Rye” coalition to counteract this. This faction was led by Bavarian Minister-President Edmund Stoiber, who envisioned East Prussia as a farming-based post-industrial state that would be favorable to social and economic conservatism in the European sense. Stoiber would accidently sum up these policies over a hot mike. “You can't have socialism without labor unions, and you can’t have those without factories”. Fischer would lead the “de-industrialization” of Germany, which many saw as a natural consequence of existing Post-WW3 reconstruction planning.
The Prime Minister, who saw trade barriers as part of the reasons behind GSW, decided that Germany had to take the “moral high ground” again. He would unilaterally lower tariffs and trade barriers on automobiles, to no avail. This would lead to a flood of US vehicles on the market.
One of the more shocking events to come from this trend would come from this auto crisis. It would be announced in 1999 that GM was buying BMW and moving its manufacturing outside of Germany. Despite the fact that his free trade policies were a factor in the matter, the German Auto Crisis and “great economic transition” as a whole, was not entirely Fischer’s fault. With the end of war, demand would suddenly drop worldwide, proving hard for manufacturers to manage. This was not limited to Germany. At the same time, German automakers and steel producers went through a slew of poor leadership, worsening the situation. The Opel brand (owned by GM) was shut down completely due to poor management. Volkswagen, the pride of Germany, was bought out in pieces by Chrystler, GE, and Bain Capital. Steel and other inputs, due to the high costs of labor in Germany, was outsourced to the Entebbe Pact, the U.K., and the U.S.
Germans were increasingly seeing “Made in Zaire” or even “Made in America” in their stores over “Made in Germany”. The Mittlestand of post-WWII Germany was in decline.
A giant sucking sound can be heard across Germany- Rudolf Scharping
With all this going on, an election was due and the campaign was on.
With a post-GSW recession hitting Europe, Fischer would also drum up fears of rising post-communist parties in ex-East Germany and the of separatist “Polish Parties” amongst national minority groups. The platform adopted the position of reducing the number of party-list representatives in parliament and raising the minimum representation barrier to 8%.
Scharping argued this was a “betrayal of the German system” and “the first step to a one party system”. The greatest irony was that it actually helped shift support for the SDP, as anti-establishment voters feared it would be the only party that could “stand up to the LP” and minority voters saw the SDP as a welcoming vessel that would accommodate their interests.
“Only in Germany could the Social Democrats be the conservative party” -- Ted Bundy
FDP had to put a lackluster regional candidate, Walter Doring, to lead the party. He had an equally lackluster record on hot-button issues, and mediocre campaign skills, but was forced to, thanks to the retirement of Lambsdorff. While he had united the FDP around taking a tough line vs. both Freyism and Scharping’s focus on recent developments, this made some analysts and voter’s worried about the potential of an FDP government. They felt it would be too much of a diversion for their purposes, and would destroy any good will created since 1980. Scharping would make these fears take center stage when attacking the FDP as too radical a break from the progress made while the LP had changed Germany too much without any democratic mandate. Anti-Freyist critics abroad would mock Scharping’s moderation on issues like royalty as instituting a failed “Freyism with a human face”. This would hurt the reputation of the SPD in states like Bavaria, Saxony, and Thirungia, all of whom were strongholds of the LP, and had reinstated regional monarchs of their own.
Overall, the election turned out to be a shocking defeat for the Liberty Party, who while managing to gain support from some past Lafontaine voters, had lost a ton of its moderate supporters. While Fischer was worried about having to force a “Grand Coalition”, he had no idea of the dissatisfaction in the German voting population, in part due to Freyist policy that restricted both the campaign season and frequency of polling both to protect voter privacy, reduce the influence of money, and “encourage politicians to make needed but unpopular reforms”.
The defeat of the Liberty Party would show that Germany was still a multiparty system, not a flawed democracy as its critics opined. But it was still clear that the LP was a force to be reckoned with, and during the unbroken streak it ruled the country since Gehrard Frey’s first term, Germany, and the world as a consequence, was changed forever.
Admittedly, Scharping would be unable to stop the “Giant Sucking Sound” as the headwinds were simply too strong in both global consumer trends, German economic policy, and other factors. However, he would ensure that Germany did manage its transition successfully although traditional union-SDP voters would be frustrated with his inability to save the Mittelstand from becoming the “Roststand”.
Scharping, in a surprising move for a Social Democrat, would eliminate all VAT for food, medical, and dental care, medical equipment for the disabled, transport tickets, books (to encourage learning), and bicycles (to encourage healthy behavior) helping consumers. In return, he compromised by keeping the existing Carbon Tax and raising corporate tax rates by 2%. While this and other spending increases would destroy the “Carbon surplus” many welcomed this turn away from austerity.
Scharping was also focused on building on the growth of the pharmaceutical industry in Germany, thinking that it could perhaps replace automobiles as a primary export. As such, he engaged in a policy of subsidization and deregulation, provided firms treated their workers well. He also started a government-funded campaign to increase supply by building more hospitals and treatment centers. The key element of deregulation was the controversial move to legalize Direct To Consumer pharmaceutical advertisements, a policy unfounded in the rest of Europe. This led to rapid growth and incubation of consumer lifestyle-focused drugs, which had traditionally been an American specialty. The most successful drug of the bunch was Freizeit [ITL Viagra], which while mocked, kept a lot of German workers busy.
Many SDP left-wingers disliked these policies, but Scharping felt that the SDP had to win over FDP support in order to remain a permanent counterweight to the LP. To win over critics, Scharping would work with Porsche leaders to save the brand (after first buying company ownership and nationalizing the firm) through a series of key infrastructure investments and tax breaks.
Scharping would focus heavily on building upon the natural strengths of the ECTC. As part of this, Germany would embark on an infrastructure binge. Famously, this would be “headlined” by a Berlin to Moscow High-Speed rail line. It would also include numerous Solar Fields, Wind Farms, Hydroelectric Dams, Roads, Hospitals, and Schools. As part of this “ECTC-centered” plan, Scharping would also merge the German and FRR aircraft manufacturing industries into a new partially nationalized firm named “EuroLuft”. Its first major development would be making copies of the Concorde (bought from the UK) to be employed on flights to Africa, China, and India. This swift transportation would be important for the German finance industry.
This was also facilitated by a major change in 2001: the Warsaw Zone. With the exception of Tatarstan (due to ethnic disputes) all internal border crossings, customs checks, and customs duties within the ECTC would be eliminated. Capital and Labor would be free to move within the ECTC, although differing currencies would still be an issue. ID cards and proper bureaucracy would ensure that citizens living abroad would follow their home nations’ tax/regulatory policy. This massive change would be a boon for tourism within all countries, as one could easily plan road trips within this massive territory. In addition, many businesses found that expanding to new markets was far easier as well as the procurement of new materials. Uniting the ECTC culturally was the German film industry, which had weathered the destruction of WWIII to the heights it was projected to reach in its first burst of growth in the 70’s.
The site of the Treaty
Scharping’s main development in foreign policy before the 2003 elections was his successful work in pressuring the U.N. to include Germany and India as permanent members of the Security council. In 1996, per the Treaty of Geneva, the FRR had voluntarily resigned its permanent position on the council in favor of another rotating seat. Many had debated which nations would better fill said seat, with the debate often narrowing down to Germany, India, and Japan. Scharping shrewdly decided to work with the Indians in a “dual-bid” that crowded out the Japanese regardless of any Freyist ties.
Working with the Indian leadership, even after both nations had opposed each other albeit indirectly in the GSW, Scharping lobbied the general assembly in favor of this radical change. France and the U.K. were adamantly opposed to this notion, however, between the allies, these two nations had drawn and the favors owed to them, there was enough support in the general assembly to force the US, UK, and China to relinquish control lest they suffer from a massive loss of face. And thus Germany and India’s status as world powers was cemented.
While India and Germany would never be friends internationally, this temporary alliance of convenience worked well for both. Scharping, meanwhile, had completed the work his more explicitly Freyist rivals had done to cement Germany’s return to the world stage.
We actually did three updates on this. At page one you can find a list of updates, the sports ones are very early on.
Although,I should post this. An updated list of Olympic host cities, up to 2006 which was decided in 2000
1956 Summer- Melbourne, Australia
1956 Winter- Cortina d'Ampezzo, Italy
1960 Summer- Rome, Italy
1960 Winter- Squaw Valley, United States
1964 Summer- Tokyo, Japan
1964 Winter- Tabriz, Iran
1968 Summer- Cape Town, South Africa
1968 Winter- Stuttgart, West Germany
1972 Summer- Lahore, Pakistan
1972 Winter- Cannes, France
1976 Summer- Leningrad, USSR
1976 Winter- Hobart, Australia
1980 Summer- London, UK
1980 Winter- Edmonton, Canada
1982 Winter- Santiago, Chile
1984 Summer- Houston, United States
1986 Winter- Oslo, Norway
1988 Summer- New Delhi, India
1990 Through 1992- Hiatus due to WW3
1994 Winter- Barkley/Drakensberg, South Africa
1996 Summer- Seattle, United States
1998 Winter- Astana, Timur Empire
2000 Summer- Stockholm, Sweden
2002 Winter -Krakow, Poland
2004 Summer-Berlin, Germany
2006 Winter-Sapporo, Japan
1956 Summer- Melbourne, Australia
1956 Winter- Cortina d'Ampezzo, Italy
1960 Summer- Rome, Italy
1960 Winter- Squaw Valley, United States
1964 Summer- Tokyo, Japan
1964 Winter- Tabriz, Iran
1968 Summer- Cape Town, South Africa
1968 Winter- Stuttgart, West Germany
1972 Summer- Lahore, Pakistan
1972 Winter- Cannes, France
1976 Summer- Leningrad, USSR
1976 Winter- Hobart, Australia
1980 Summer- London, UK
1980 Winter- Edmonton, Canada
1982 Winter- Santiago, Chile
1984 Summer- Houston, United States
1986 Winter- Oslo, Norway
1988 Summer- New Delhi, India
1990 Through 1992- Hiatus due to WW3
1994 Winter- Barkley/Drakensberg, South Africa
1996 Summer- Seattle, United States
1998 Winter- Astana, Timur Empire
2000 Summer- Stockholm, Sweden
2002 Winter -Krakow, Poland
2004 Summer-Berlin, Germany
2006 Winter-Sapporo, Japan
So we have the Hard-Freyist Liberty Party, the soft-Freyist SPD, and the soft-Republican FPD. Pretty good system.
UN Security Council:
US
UK
France
PRC
India
German Empire
Kaiser Wilhelm is smiling in his grave, lol
UN Security Council:
US
UK
France
PRC
India
German Empire
Kaiser Wilhelm is smiling in his grave, lol
Hello everyone, merry Christmas and happy holidays. I wanted to give a little update on where we are in the writing process for this timeline. Our goal is to wrap up 2000 before the new year, but I can promise you'll at least know the victor of the Presidential race by then.
As a small Christmas gift, if you are curious about the whereabouts of any historical figures, groups, or nations at 2000 ITTL, I'm happy to do a small "where are they now" Q&A session.
As a small Christmas gift, if you are curious about the whereabouts of any historical figures, groups, or nations at 2000 ITTL, I'm happy to do a small "where are they now" Q&A session.
What's Sylvester Stallone doing? The Rocky and Rambo film series were still released ITTL?
No Rocky or Rambo movies ITTL. Stallone struggles as an actor for a while longer than IOTL but gained prominence in a much more successful F.I.S.T. He is perhaps best known for his role as Frank Castle in The Punisher (1989), a film praised for its gritty realism and depiction of PTSD. Plans for a sequel were pushed back during the war, but one was finally produced in 1997. Stallone is currently working on the early stages of a third Punisher film.
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What’s the state of Japanese politics right now, and how are the Komeito and Japanese Communist Party faring?
If I find out Brett Favre died in the war, I'm just spamming till I get banned.
Alright, this is from 1995. We do eventually plan go to an update on postwar Japan, and I don't want to give spoilers.
Yukio Mishima of the Freyist Minseito Party is still PM 24 years and counting. He plans on retiring soon, but is still popular thanks to the War. He is opposed by the Socialist Party, a broad coalition of lefty types that absorbed the JCP when Japan went to war with the USSR. Also in parliament is the Liberal Democratic party, but they're very small. Mostly consists of classical liberals and people very opposed to Freysim.
Japan got a lot of new territory from WW3, and is settling them mostly with ethnic Japanese from Brazil and America.
Japan is friendly with the United States as well as the Freyist pact, but neither alliance is official and there is an ongoing debate as to whether Japan should look to the Pacific or Europe.
While football isn't the 1000 Ton Juggarnaut of OTL its still very popular, but less so outside of the south (which continues its football-loving ways) in part, but not exclusively, due to its domiannce post-war both in the collegiate and professional levels. Ice Hockey is basically non-existant. Brett Favre is in the league leading the only major successful Northern NFL team: the Green Bay Packers.
The sports updates (see page one with the threadmarks) explain it better. 40-50 yrs from the POD and culture starts looking pretty, but not completely, different from OTL.
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Mishima retired a few years after the Third Sino-Japanese War in 1998, replaced by Minseito reformer Ichirō Ozawa. His control over his party is a bit unsteady, Shintaro Ishihara waiting in the wings to succeed him if the Ozawa ministry collapses.
The Communist party is banned, while the Socialist party is the longtime main opposition party
With regards to hockey, the NHL can do some minor expansion into other Canadian markets like Saskatchewan and Atlantic Canada. Is hockey still popular in Sweden, Finland, and the Czech Republic?
Yes hockey is still popular in those overseas markets. The NHL has a team in Saskatchewan and is looking into Atlantic Canada. A divided Russia also leads to a larger group of competitive teams at an Olympic level.
A New Millennium
the 2000 new year's eve around the world
When the new millennium approached, the whole world took a night to celebrate the change of the century and millennium. With the Great Southern War coming to its end, each country celebrated the new year in their own way:
Celebrations at the National Mall. President Ted Bundy greeted the thousands of spectators in Washington, D.C. as the Washington Monument lit up at midnight.
A huge timer, counting down the time to the end of the current millennium and to the beginning of the next one, set on the recently refurbished Eiffel Tower in Paris. At midnight, over 20,000 fireworks were fired from the tower in a huge fireworks display. [Although the Eiffel tower was not directly hit during WWIII, the tip of the tower fell off during one of the Soviet bombing campaigns. It was reattached before the GSW as a way to boost national pride]
Firework show over the Sidney Opera house.
The Ball Drop at Times Square bringing in the new Millennium in 2000. Two million people attended the event, with another 100 million watching it on national TV.
In London, the Millennium dome was inaugurated with a tremendous firework show. The royal family, PM Mason, and many of the political and cultural leadership of the country attended the ceremony and the following celebrations. The building of the Dome was approved by the Mason ministry as one of the series of megaprojects that were approved because they were popular with the populace.
The Brandenburg gate was lit up with white lights for the special occasion, along with the avenue between the Brandenburg Gate to the Victory Column in the Tiergarten park. While critics said that the plan was too reminiscent of Nazi times, the criticism was dismissed by the mayor of the city, Lothar de Maizière. [Maizière was one of the top defectors from the defunct GDR army and joined the Freiheitspartei when the war ended. He ran for the Berlin Senate as the head of the FP and won the mayorship]
Bagpipe players celebrate the coming new year, playing a show for Idi Amin, conqueror of the French and British empires, protector of Uganda, and newly crowned Duke of the reconstituted Duchy of Burgundy.
[A/N: on a personal note, I'd like to thank all the readers, friends and fellow writers in this forum for your love and support during this amazing year. I and the rest of the NDCR writing team would like to wish you Happy New Year and Decade!]
the 2000 new year's eve around the world
When the new millennium approached, the whole world took a night to celebrate the change of the century and millennium. With the Great Southern War coming to its end, each country celebrated the new year in their own way:
Celebrations at the National Mall. President Ted Bundy greeted the thousands of spectators in Washington, D.C. as the Washington Monument lit up at midnight.
A huge timer, counting down the time to the end of the current millennium and to the beginning of the next one, set on the recently refurbished Eiffel Tower in Paris. At midnight, over 20,000 fireworks were fired from the tower in a huge fireworks display. [Although the Eiffel tower was not directly hit during WWIII, the tip of the tower fell off during one of the Soviet bombing campaigns. It was reattached before the GSW as a way to boost national pride]
Firework show over the Sidney Opera house.
The Ball Drop at Times Square bringing in the new Millennium in 2000. Two million people attended the event, with another 100 million watching it on national TV.
In London, the Millennium dome was inaugurated with a tremendous firework show. The royal family, PM Mason, and many of the political and cultural leadership of the country attended the ceremony and the following celebrations. The building of the Dome was approved by the Mason ministry as one of the series of megaprojects that were approved because they were popular with the populace.
The Brandenburg gate was lit up with white lights for the special occasion, along with the avenue between the Brandenburg Gate to the Victory Column in the Tiergarten park. While critics said that the plan was too reminiscent of Nazi times, the criticism was dismissed by the mayor of the city, Lothar de Maizière. [Maizière was one of the top defectors from the defunct GDR army and joined the Freiheitspartei when the war ended. He ran for the Berlin Senate as the head of the FP and won the mayorship]
Bagpipe players celebrate the coming new year, playing a show for Idi Amin, conqueror of the French and British empires, protector of Uganda, and newly crowned Duke of the reconstituted Duchy of Burgundy.
[A/N: on a personal note, I'd like to thank all the readers, friends and fellow writers in this forum for your love and support during this amazing year. I and the rest of the NDCR writing team would like to wish you Happy New Year and Decade!]
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