New Deal Coalition Retained III: A New World

So is this actual confirmation he did still murder TTL? Because if so damnit I'm tired of this damn cliche with a president Bundy.
It was pretty much all but outright stated back when he first appeared in the TL that he still performed his Washington murders, but pinned them all on Kenneth Bianchi.

What cliche?
 
It was pretty much all but outright stated back when he first appeared in the TL that he still performed his Washington murders, but pinned them all on Kenneth Bianchi.

What cliche?
That if Bundy became a politician that he'd still commit murder. When in actuallity from what I've read about his psyche and such that it's much more likely he likely uses his position to utterly destroy the lives of anyone who look at him the wrong way.
 
That if Bundy became a politician that he'd still commit murder. When in actuallity from what I've read about his psyche and such that it's much more likely he likely uses his position to utterly destroy the lives of anyone who look at him the wrong way.
There's no evidence he kept killing beyond those original murders ITTL. From what I recall from the previous threads, he uses Bianchi's prosecution for those murders to launch his career, and hasn't killed since.
 
There's no evidence he kept killing beyond those original murders ITTL. From what I recall from the previous threads, he uses Bianchi's prosecution for those murders to launch his career, and hasn't killed since.
The implication is that he was more prolific in his earlier years... then graduated to something more sinister as he rose to political power
 
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Now that South Africa is at war again. Why not ancouraging the patriotism among its citizens.
Adding the Portuguese and ANC to the flag of the Union. All the groups of the country united against their enemies.
 
Opening Moves: Part I

First Battle of the Zambezi

For several days after the start of the war, Concordat forces (nearly all either South African or Rhodesian) cringed at the cramped existence in the extensive network of trenches and pillboxes that dotted the south bank of the Zambezi river. All expected the coming hellfire that had been building and building ever since the end to World War III and nominal allies became hated enemies. Quiet punctuated by the occasional artillery duel or aerial dogfight ruled until September 23, 1997. At 3:00 AM in the morning darkness, a sheet of flame erupted from the north bank as 1.8 million Entebbe Pact troops threw themselves at the Rhodesian border. The largest military operation since Operation Sledgehammer. A mass of 1.8 million men, all pointed towards the Rhodesian capital.

While the Great Southern War spread to Southern Africa over the territorial claims of the Lozi Kingdom in Southwest Africa, the worst kept secret of Entebbe Pact that the main fighting of the front would instead be in Rhodesia. The Mozambique-South African border was vulnerable to flank attacks, while SWA was just one giant desert. As a result, the Zambezi Front under Ugandan Field Marshal Mustafa Adrisi was the best-equipped military force in all of the Entebbe Pact. It was a multinational force, and as such had a three pronged strategy: 1) Battle across the river and establish a beachhead, 2) an armored blitz from the Mozambique border to capture Salisbury, the Rhodesian capital, and 3) exploit their weakness to roll up the remainder of the Concordat in an armored vice. Army Group Rhodesia’s commander General Siphiwe Nyanda (a former ANC guerrilla turned WWIII hero) understood this as well. In coordination with RDF supreme commander Peter Walls, the Concordat had fortified the north of the country to the hilt, intending to make Adrisi pay for every mile gained in a river of blood.

The opening battles of what would become the overarching First Battle of the Zambezi would be as bloody as expected. Artillery and gas were flung around with wild abandon, Entebbe Pact amphibious assault forces and bridging units being mauled, only managing to establish half the planned footholds on the southern bank. The SADF and RDF established air superiority early on due to pilot quality, though the Entebbe Pact reaped a murderous toll on Concordat planes. Sheer weight of numbers and munitions battered their way through, and Nyanda ordered general withdrawals to different defensive lines to preserve unit cohesion.


Ugandan troops following the Battle of Kariba.

The biggest fight would be the armored thrust by Kenyan General Mahamoud Mohamed from the Mozambique border to Salisbury. Six hundred thousand armored troops faced four hundred thousand Concordat defenders under South African Andreas Liebenberg, massive tank battles not seen since WWIII ravaging the savannah at Bakasa, Suswe, and an earth shattering one at Mount Darwin (a total of 900 tanks involved, rivaling the WWII Battle of Prokhorovka). Amin ordered the push be made at all costs, and the territory between the border and the Rhodesian capitol was carpeted in charred craters and broken corpses. But on October 17, 1997, the first Entebbe Pact tanks reached Salisbury.

The capital of Rhodesia had grown to over 2.3 million people by 1997 due to an influx of immigration and the post-war economic boom, becoming a cosmopolitan, multiracial city known for its beautiful parks and vibrant nightlife. When Mohamed’s forces arrived into artillery range of Salisbury, all of that ended in a fusillade of gas and shrapnel. The Rhodesian government refused to leave the city for morale purposes, but hundreds of thousands did. General Liebenberg turned it into an urban fortress, forcing the Entebbe Pact to pay for each block gained in blood and flesh. Only a quarter of the city was captured when November dawned, fierce Concordat counterattacks putting each successive assault into a quagmire. However, the Entebbe Pact caught a huge break. Exploiting a weak point to the west, a mechanized force under former aide to Idi Amin Paul Kagame, now promoted to Lt. General, broke through the Concordat line and surrounded a large South African force - it was a massive coup, and exposed Salisbury to attack from the west. Adrisi knew it, and so did Nyanda.


With a heavy heart on November 6, Nyanda and Wells ordered a withdrawal from the capitol, hundreds of thousands of refugees streaming south along with the armored columns. A jubilant Entebbe Pact, represented by Kenyan President Barack Obama Jr., raised the black fist flag of Free Africa atop the dome of the Ian Smith Parliament House in Salisbury, pockmarked with shell holes and partially caved in. Exiled opposition leader Joshua Nkomo (considered a terrorist and war criminal by the Concordat) declared the State of Zimbabwe in “Harare,” the name of a black majority neighborhood in Outer Salisbury, while Prime Minister John Bredenkamp’s national unity government in Bulawayo vowed to retake the capital and drive the invaders out of Rhodesia. Nkomo attempted to raise his people up in rebellion against the “white imperialists”, but an orgy of rape and looting by the Entebbe Pact regulars and his own irregular forces made that difficult.

The fall of Salisbury was a military triumph for the Entebbe Pact. They had defeated a “White” military force and retaken one of the three most blatant outcrops of European Imperialism (the others being Pretoria and Luanda). Heads in New Delhi and Beijing were nodding their heads in a newfound respect for the once tinpot dictatorships. However, the invading armies were massively savaged in their victory. Some of their best units were quite understrength, and attempts to advance further south in the third prong of the strategy were middling. Operation Mau Mau was called off by Adrisi on November 14 after attempts to breach the Umtali-Gatooma-Hwange Line ended in failure.

The First Battle of the Zambezi had secured all of Northern Rhodesia and protected southern Mozambique from invasion, but large casualties and dogged Concordat resistance prevented it from being the war winning blow hoped for in the African capitals. With the New French Foreign Legion soon arriving in Cape Town, the war in Southern Africa wouldn’t be ending soon.

Battle of the East Caprivi Strip

Since the situation between the concordat and the Entebbe pact started to heighten up, the East Caprivi strip was one of the highly-volatile regions in Africa. It was obvious that this would be the place where the barrel of gunpowder that pre-war Africa was will be blown up. Lt. Col. Vusumuzi Masondo, now appointed to the commander of the Angolan front by the president Matanzima, eager to defend the hard-to-protect region, surrounded by rivers and only 20 miles wide, decided retreat from Katima Mulilo, the biggest city in the region and the location of many terror attacks ordered by the Entebbe pact high command and create a defendable strip around the northern bank of the Chobe river which separates Bechuanaland and the strip.

The attack, planned and initiated by the Congolese Lt. General James Kabarebe went as planned in the start, as Angolan, Congolese and Lozi forces crossed the border, took Katima Mulilo and faced the South African defence line around the Chobe river. The battle raged for five days as the South Africans were losing ground constantly and being pushed closer to the river every day. In the sixth day of fighting, Vusumuzi called off the defence and ordered a strategic retreat from the strip through the Caprivi national park to a better defensive position around the city of Rundo, a regional hub of the Angolan border region.
After their successful takeover of Caprivi strip, Kabarebe was ready to advance westward in order to encounter the Concordat forces at Rundo. Vusumuzi and the divisions he commanded, exhausted from the intensive warfare in the Caprivi strip, were unready to face and defeat the Entebbe pact forces. After consultation with the general staff at Pretoria, Vusumuzi ordered his corps to retreat to the city of Tsumeb and fortify it in order to get ready to the attack.

First Libyan advancements, Battle of Sfax

Libya, meanwhile, realized that the best way to prevent a French amphibious invasion was to threaten Algeria, thus forcing the French to come to the aid of their Concordat allies. Libya knew that it had to buy time for the defeat of South Africa and Syria, and possibly Chinese/Indian, assistance. Libya felt that the vast southern desert would protect them from any advance from the south (in addition to the Sudanese CAE invasion of Chad), allowing them free reign against the Concordat nations in North Africa. Thus, Colonel General Abu-Bakr Yunis Jabr marshalled the Army of the Jamahiriya and the Sudanese Army of the North and invaded Tunisia at the commencement of the war.

Gaddafi had a bold grand strategy greenlit by Amin: they would attempt to seize Tunis, cutting it off from the west and trapping the Tunisian Army there to be wiped out. Following that, they would invade Algeria and use the rubble of the Algiers to trap the French in a sort of Stalingrad to wind them down in a battle of attrition until reinforcements could arrive from the south. The invasion started decisively enough, smashing through the border defenses quite easily. The western prong under Gen. Abdul Fatah Younis advanced deep into the desert before swinging north towards the Algerian city of Constantine. The eastern prong under General Massoud Abdelhafid hugged the coast in their drive on Tunis itself. However, they would first have to get through the coastal city of Sfax.

The Concordat, while caught somewhat unprepared due to the rapid escalation of the conflict (not all French reserves had been deployed yet), was not weak. The Tunisian military under Supreme Commander Zine Ben Ali was well-equipped with French and Spanish weaponry - further bolstered by the French Tunisian Military Command under Lt. General Elrick Irastorza. While the Entebbe Pact outnumbered them, it wasn’t overwhelming. However, Ben Ali had made a grievous error. In hoping that the Libyans would lengthen their supply lines and overextend themselves, he had vetoed requests from Irastorza to set up the main defensive line at Gabes further to the south - where the frontline would be sandwiched in the ten miles between the sea and the Chott el Djerid - rather than Sfax. Thus, when Libyan heliborne troops captured Gabes early on in the war, the Libyans got far more advantages. Barely a week into the war, they had reached the first defensive lines south of Sfax when three armored divisions overwhelmed a Tunisian infantry division at Bir Ali Ben Khalifa.


Fighting was fierce, the Tunisians and French fighting from immense defensive fortifications and sending in intense air power. The Libyans and Sudanese had the advantage though, due to Ben Ali’s gamble. Supply stockpiles kept in mobile units (discount Soviet era vehicles sold by money-hungry former Russian states had been adapted by Gaddafi into desert supply vehicles solely for rapid blitzkrieg) and the rapid capture of the Gades to Tripoli road and railheads kept the supply situation manageable, while the French Air Force was mitigated by decentralized SAM units (learning lessons from how the Allies defeated Soviet air defenses in WWIII). The sands and scrub plains of Tunisia were littered with blood and burnt-out tanks, but by nightfall Sfax was in Libyan hands and the Concordat was in full retreat to Tunis itself.

Libya’s strategy going off according to plan, the newly formed Concordat high command sacked Ben Ali and appointed Irastorza as commander of all forces in Tunisia. It was now up to him and the forces gathering in Algeria to keep the Entebbe Pact’s initiative at bay.
 
With a heavy heart on November 6, Nyanda and Wells ordered a withdrawal from the capitol, hundreds of thousands of refugees streaming south along with the armored columns. A jubilant Entebbe Pact, represented by Kenyan President Barack Obama Jr., raised the black fist flag of Free Africa atop the dome of the Ian Smith Parliament House in Salisbury, pockmarked with shell holes and partially caved in. Exiled opposition leader Joshua Nkomo (considered a terrorist and war criminal by the Concordat) declared the State of Zimbabwe in “Harare,” the name of a black majority neighborhood in Outer Salisbury, while Prime Minister John Bredenkamp’s national unity government in Bulawayo vowed to retake the capital and drive the invaders out of Rhodesia. Nkomo attempted to raise his people up in rebellion against the “white imperialists”, but an orgy of rape and looting by the Entebbe Pact regulars and his own irregular forces made that difficult.​
This is so sad can we keep 'em north of the Zambezi?
 
Bundy’s Reaction: Foreign Policy from Mid-1997- election day 1998


Throughout this period, America cut back on defense drastically. The Americas and the Pacific were seen as America’s own backyard, so to call Bundy completely isolationist was false, but America was really hunkering down and focusing on domestic policies.


Neutrality Policy


Shortly after the war has started, Bundy passed the Buchanan-Lamm act which allowed American firms to sell to both sides of the war provided they sign liability papers absolving the US government from any protection of their goods and acknowledging the dangers associated with trading with powers at war. While most companies started trade with the Concordat, trade with both sides deepened the pockets of many companies. This infamously included the Pinkerton security company. After negotiations through the Swiss with both factions, it was agreed that the US government would not interfere with private negotiations between combatant nations and private firms and that ships flying the American flag were to be considered non-combatants for all intents and purposes. The same would apply to British allies, namely: Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, and Ghana, along with other minor Commonwealth nations outside of the war. (Sierra Leone and the West Indies Federation were not wholly neutral in the conflict, both siding with the Concordat, though neither country ended up involving themselves in the conflict). Most aid would be done on a “cash and carry” basis, though with the added element that companies, union representatives, and individual agents would absolve themselves of US Government protection or responsibility. Thus if any US citizens died, it would be understood that they knew the risks. This would receive less opposition than proposed Neutrality Acts, which Bundy felt would keep the US from escalating its involvement.


Meanwhile, Rockefeller Republicans and wealthy whites preferred the US side with the Concordat and even wanted to renew the old NATO alliance. The Concordat was the lesser of two evils in the conflict, they said, reminding the American people that all members of the Concordat were liberal democracies, while in the Entebbe Pact only Kenya could say this about their political system. That being said, Americans were not hungry to join the war, especially so soon after World War III. In fact in Europe itself, popular protests against the war ground many cities in France to a halt and Bundy hatched what was called the “Pontius Pilate Policy” by Democrats, as a compromise. While most of the combatant nations made their own heavy arms for security reasons, they lapped up American commercial products for less glamorous supplies. These opportunities would give US firms long-lasting customer relationships and marketing knowledge in many areas. Hershey, for example, was the official “dessert provider” for Somalian MRE’s. It expanded beyond chocolate and into more tropically appropriate offerings like Sambusas, and Sabayads, which would become popular in other non-warring markets. Other more exotic options like Goulash and Appams served to boost the morale of many soldiers in the Entebbe Pact with little delights. Uganda also bought GM trucks, and GM engineers gained experience how to design a car for the tough and varied conditions of fighting in Africa. The one company that benefited the most from the war though, was pro-Concordat: Enron.


Jeff Skilling, founder of Enron, 6-month temporary NBA commish, and Commerce Secretary, used his position to secure oil contracts to supply the Concordat during the Great Southern War. Pre-war, he had used his connections in the administration, and according to some, a lot of corruption. Enron made a mind financing oil and natural gas development in the balkanized Russian nations, using corrupt practices to overcome many of the smaller, corrupt governments. As a result of both factors, Enron skyrocketed to one of the top 10 energy companies in the world, seeing its stock skyrocket. Since Skilling’s continuing connections to Enron could never be proven by Entebbe Pact intelligence, nothing came of it, and Bundy, and the USA, were off the hook, for now at least.


In one of the crueler twists of history, the Hershey Corps now ubiquitous Sambusas came originally from MRE's.


Military Budget

Bundy’s main priority in the military budget was to “narrow” American foreign policy and focus on the Americas and Indo-Pacific, where American threats were the greatest. He also wanted to “cut off” the Military Industrial Complex, a “Boogeyman” that Progressives, especially Barbara Jordan, had encouraged Perot to attack as the source of various maladies (with varying degrees of truth). Bundy knew that to win reelection, he’d have to prove that he was not beholden to such a force. He would fight this big business as if it was nothing. He reminded many Americans of the days of Eisenhower and his warnings against the military-industrial complex, and told them it needed to be cut down to size.


A Minaprogressive political cartoon from the time that increasingly resonated with Bundyites


He sold almost the entire force of B-1 bombers to the Japanese, who were more than willing to take the relatively obsolete forces. Bundy also destroyed 200 warheads in the nuclear arsenal-primarily aircraft based weapons. The Army Reserves were capped at 170,000. The National Guard would be capped at 270,000, but special forces would be increased by 20,000. Bundy wanted to ensure that intelligence of a future threat would be as good as possible and that if foreign leaders needed to “accidently crash into a brick wall”, as some eloquently put it, they’d do so. The number of carriers and associated air groups in the navy was reduced to seven. All commands in Europe and Africa, outside of the newly created “British Command”, meant to be a forward base incase the US would have to return to Europe in wartime, were retired. The only bases in Europe or Africa without major withdrawals was in East Anglia, which became a nearly exclusive US military base. Roy Mason had insisted on a US presence in England, and while Bundy was reluctant, he obliged in order to get more drastic cuts in the middle east from wavering Pro-UK Senators including Senator Jerry Springer. PM Mason also had developed a good relationship with Bundy, and his approval ratings spiked from this key victory. domestic congressional commission was created, with the goal of eliminating usefulness army bases on the 6-5-5 basis: 6 army bases, 5 navy bases, and 5 air force bases. The only current overseas operation was in Siberia, and due to recent stability, two thousand troops were put on reserve from the region. The total number of active military troops was reduced to 800k.



Moreover US foreign aid was cut by 20% (primarily the aid that went to Africa, Western Europe, and MENA), with 60% of these funds diverted to a small increase in domestic GMI welfare payments, 15% going into an increase in subsidies/loans for the IDFC, and 25% going to pay the deficit. Many noted that by this point, most of the rebuilding funds had been paid towards already. Most US Aid was directed towards Venezuela, Colombia, the Philippines, and various ex-Soviet States. Bundy knew the power of foreign aid, and wanted to control it under his “imperial visage”, as critics would put it. Many were furious that the humanitarian vision of Kennedy, Eisenhower, and Rumsfeld would be swept away but their complaints were drowned out in a GMI increase and inflation-attacking tax cut.


In addition, a senatorial commission on defense waste was instituted. Its first recommendation was an audit of the Pentagon. This hadn’t been done since before WWIII, and as chairman Mike Castle said “it's about damn time”. It would save taxpayers billions of dollars although many communities would grow angry at losing their pork projects.


Many defense-industry focused communities, especially in California, would cite 1997 as “the year the music died”. While Rumsfeld and Iacocca had already cut military spending from WWIII, it had remained relatively high until now. Many communities centered around the defense industry would slowly, but ever increasingly, feel the pinch of America’s withdrawal in their pocketbook. Cheap housing and a good business climate would mitigate the effect in those areas not solely dependent on defense, but a storm was brewing.


Bundy was ruthless in his pursuit of fighting inflation and more importantly, beating the Progressive Party in winning over western pacifist voters. Being a Washingtonian, Bundy took winning the Northwest and Mountain West for the Republican Party as a personal quest. Moreover, more communonationalist voters, though not communinationalist experts, were OK with a less adventurous America.


Many wondered, with war on the horizon, whether Bundy’s moves were wise. Internationalist critics would call Bundy “Reckless”, arguing that a strong defense would deter war, but Bundy would harken back to the last three world wars and “reject the failed policy of pre-war buildup as a path to peace” Bundy stated flatly: “on no circumstances will I let the Military Industrial Complex drag the good people of these United States into war for purposes that do not relate to the most vital parts of our nation's security”. Moreover, Bundy said that unilateral disarmament would be a statement of good faith for the cause of peace. This antagonized the more Rumsfeld-Esque elements of the party, a fact Bundy acknowledged with the last major foreign pre-Midterm foreign policy move.


Recognition of the Armenian Genocide


Sometime in the Middle of the Great Southern War, Bundy officially recognized the Armenian Genocide after Owen Bieber put a bill on the floor to do so, forcing Bundy’s hand, in order to win Armenian-American support in Michigan. Bundy announced his support for the bill, which passed easily. Bundy gave a speech acknowledging this commemoration in the Rose Garden with the Armenian President, an official guest of honor, and the president of the Armenian-American foundation. The speech was a resounding success. It made Bundy look less “mean” in the eyes of the public and fostered US-Armenian relations as Armenia unilaterally removed import quotas and tariffs on US imports (the few there were).





Protesters gathered in DC on the date of recognition to raise awareness and thank Bundy


This moved infuriated Turkey, who considered withdrawing their diplomatic delegation to D.C., but decided against it. Turkey would increase existing tariffs on US goods and reduce the number of allocated travel visas for US tourists. Many worried that this move would hurt US-Timurid relations, but in many ways, Romney cited the opposite. By acknowledging that the US would not tolerate the darker side of Pan-Turanism in the past, Bundy forced the regime in the Timurid Empire to suppress these impulses, especially amongst academics, and moved the regime to a more moderate path internationally. This would necessitate restrictions on academic freedom, which lead to much questioning in academic circles of Timurid policy.


Critics would argue that his move was purely political. It did give Bundy near complete support in the small Armenian-American population and raise his standing amongst Greek-Americans (who were increasingly reticent of the new regime in Turkey), though it would hurt his support amongst Turkish-Americans and contribute to Republicans increasingly sour results amongst South Asian Muslims (due in part to Speaker Modi’s rise).


Bundy, however, saw it as a testament “to the fundamentally moral dimension of my foreign policy” (this quote would be parodied on many talk shows). He said that American moral and economic might would better serve peace than military might. It also shed the view that America was becoming completely detached from world affairs, which he knew would hurt Republicans in more urban and cosmopolitan districts, though it helped in the minaprogressive mountain west and midwest.


Overall, Bundy’s “great retreat”, or as his academic admirers prefer, “great repositioning”, helped the US navigate through some very muddy waters.
 
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